Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: Today marks my first State of the Union address to you, a constitutional duty as old as our Republic itself. President Washington began this tradition in 1790 after reminding the Nation that the destiny of self-government and the 'preservation of the sacred fire of liberty' is 'finally staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.' For our friends in the press, who place a high premium on accuracy, let me say: I did not actually hear George Washington say that. [Laughter] But it is a matter of historic record. [Laughter] But from this podium, Winston Churchill asked the free world to stand together against the onslaught of aggression. Franklin Delano Roosevelt spoke of a day of infamy and summoned a nation to arms. Douglas MacArthur made an unforgettable farewell to a country he loved and served so well. Dwight Eisenhower reminded us that peace was purchased only at the price of strength. And John F. Kennedy spoke of the burden and glory that is freedom. When I visited this Chamber last year as a newcomer to Washington, critical of past policies which I believed had failed, I proposed a new spirit of partnership between this Congress and this administration and between Washington and our State and local governments. In forging this new partnership for America, we could achieve the oldest hopes of our Republicóprosperity for our nation, peace for the world, and the blessings of individual liberty for our children and, someday, for all of humanity. It's my duty to report to you tonight on the progress that we have made in our relations with other nations, on the foundation we've carefully laid for our economic recovery, and finally, on a bold and spirited initiative that I believe can change the face of American government and make it again the servant of the people. Seldom have the stakes been higher for America. What we do and say here will make all the difference to autoworkers in Detroit, lumberjacks in the Northwest, steelworkers in Steubenville who are in the unemployment lines; to black teenagers in Newark and Chicago; to hard-pressed farmers and small businessmen; and to millions of everyday Americans who harbor the simple wish of a safe and financially secure future for their children. To understand the state of the Union, we must look not only at where we are and where we're going but where we've been. The situation at this time last year was truly ominous. The last decade has seen a series of recessions. There was a recession in 1970, in 1974, and again in the spring of 1980. Each time, unemployment increased and inflation soon turned up again. We coined the word 'stagflation' to describe this. Government's response to these recessions was to pump up the money supply and increase spending. In the last 6 months of 1980, as an example, the money supply increased at the fastest rate in postwar historyó13 percent. Inflation remained in double digits, and government spending increased at an annual rate of 17 percent. Interest rates reached a staggering 21.5 percent. There were 8 million unemployed. Late in 1981 we sank into the present recession, largely because continued high interest rates hurt the auto industry and construction. And there was a drop in productivity, and the already high unemployment increased. This time, however, things are different. We have an economic program in place, completely different from the artificial quick fixes of the past. It calls for a reduction of the rate of increase in government spending, and already that rate has been cut nearly in half. But reduced spending the first and smallest phase of a 3-year tax rate reduction designed to stimulate the economy and create jobs. Already interest rates are down to 15 3/4 percent, but they must still go lower. Inflation is down from 12.4 percent to 8.9, and for the month of December it was running at an annualized rate of 5.2 percent. If we had not acted as we did, things would be far worse for all Americans than they are today. Inflation, taxes, and interest rates would all be higher. A year ago, Americans' faith in their governmental process was steadily declining. Six out of 10 Americans were saying they were pessimistic about their future. A new kind of defeatism was heard. Some said our domestic problems were uncontrollable, that we had to learn to live with this seemingly endless cycle of high inflation and high unemployment. There were also pessimistic predictions about the relationship between our administration and this Congress. It was said we could never work together. Well, those predictions were wrong. The record is clear, and I believe that history will remember this as an era of American renewal, remember this administration as an administration of change, and remember this Congress as a Congress of destiny. Together, we not only cut the increase in government spending nearly in half, we brought about the largest tax reductions and the most sweeping changes in our tax structure since the beginning of this century. And because we indexed future taxes to the rate of inflation, we took away government's built-in profit on inflation and its hidden incentive to grow larger at the expense of American workers.- Together, after 50 years of taking power away from the hands of the people in their States and local communities, we have started returning power and resources to them. Together, we have cut the growth of new Federal regulations nearly in half. In 1981 there were 23,000 fewer pages in the Federal Register, which lists new regulations, than there were in 1980. By deregulating oil we've come closer to achieving energy independence and helped bring down the cost of gasoline and heating fuel. Together, we have created an effective Federal strike force to combat waste and fraud in government. In just 6 months it has saved the taxpayers more than $2 billion, and it's only getting started. Together we've begun to mobilize the private sector, not to duplicate wasteful and discredited government programs, but to bring thousands of Americans into a volunteer effort to help solve many of America's social problems. Together we've begun to restore that margin of military safety that ensures peace. Our country's uniform is being worn once again with pride. Together we have made a New Beginning, but we have only begun. No one pretends that the way ahead will be easy. In my Inaugural Address last year, I warned that the 'ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away . . . because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we've had it in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.' ' The economy will face difficult moments in the months ahead. But the program for economic recovery that is in place will pull the economy out of its slump and put us on the road to prosperity and stable growth by the latter half of this year. And that is why I can report to you tonight that in the near future the state of the Union and the economy will be betterómuch betteróif we summon the strength to continue on the course that we've charted. And so, the question: If the fundamentals are in place, what now? Well, two things. First, we must understand what's happening at the moment to the economy. Our current problems are not the product of the recovery program that's only just now getting underway, as some would have you believe; they are the inheritance of decades of tax and tax and spend and spend. Second, because our economic problems are deeply rooted and will not respond to quick political fixes, we must stick to our carefully integrated plan for recovery. That plan is based on four commonsense fundamentals: continued reduction of the growth in Federal spending; preserving the individual and business tax reductions that will stimulate saving and investment; removing unnecessary Federal regulations to spark productivity; and maintaining a healthy dollar and a stable monetary policy, the latter a responsibility of the Federal Reserve System. The only alternative being offered to this economic program is a return to the policies that gave us a trillion-dollar debt, runaway inflation, runaway interest rates and unemployment. The doubters would have us turn back the clock with tax increases that would offset the personal tax rate reductions already passed by this Congress. Raise present taxes to cut future deficits, they tell us. Well, I don't believe we should buy that argument. There are too many imponderables for anyone to predict deficits or surpluses several years ahead with any degree of accuracy. The budget in place, when I took office, had been projected as balanced. It turned out to have one of the biggest deficits in history. Another example of the imponderables that can make deficit projections highly questionableóa change of only one percentage point in unemployment can alter a deficit up or down by some $25 billion. As it now stands, our forecast, which we're required by law to make, will show major deficits starting at less than a hundred billion dollars and declining, but still too high. More important, we're making progress with the three keys to reducing deficits: economic growth, lower interest rates, and spending control. The policies we have in place will reduce the deficit steadily, surely, and in time, completely. Higher taxes would not mean lower deficits. If they did, how would we explain that tax revenues more than doubled just since 1976; yet in that same 6-year period we ran the largest series of deficits in our history. In 1980 tax revenues increased by $54 billion, and in 1980 we had one of our all-time biggest deficits. Raising taxes won't balance the budget; it will encourage more government spending and less private investment. Raising taxes will slow economic growth, reduce production, and destroy future jobs, making it more difficult for those without jobs to find them and more likely that those who now have jobs could lose them. So, I will not ask you to try to balance the budget on the backs of the American taxpayers. I will seek no tax increases this year, and I have no intention of retreating from our basic program of tax relief. I promise to bring the American peopleóto bring their tax rates down and to keep them down, to provide them incentives to rebuild our economy, to save, to invest in America's future. I will stand by my word. Tonight I'm urging the American people: Seize these new opportunities to produce, to save, to invest, and together we'll make this economy a mighty engine of freedom, hope, and prosperity again. Now, the budget deficit this year will exceed our earlier expectations. The recession did that. It lowered revenues and increased costs. To some extent, we're also victims of our own success. We've brought inflation down faster than we thought we could, and in doing this, we've deprived government of those hidden revenues that occur when inflation pushes people into higher income tax brackets. And the continued high interest rates last year cost the government about $5 billion more than anticipated. We must cut out more nonessential government spending and rout out more waste, and we will continue our efforts to reduce the number of employees in the Federal work force by 75,000. The budget plan I submit to you on February 8th will realize major savings by dismantling the Departments of Energy and Education and by eliminating ineffective subsidies for business. We'll continue to redirect our resources to our two highest budget prioritiesóa strong national defense to keep America free and at peace and a reliable safety net of social programs for those who have contributed and those who are in need. Contrary to some of the wild charges you may have heard, this administration has not and will not turn its back on America's elderly or America's poor. Under the new budget, funding for social insurance programs will be more than double the amount spent only 6 years ago. But it would be foolish to pretend that these or any programs cannot be made more efficient and economical. The entitlement programs that make up our safety net for the truly needy have worthy goals and many deserving recipients. We will protect them. But there's only one way to see to it that these programs really help those whom they were designed to help. And that is to bring their spiraling costs under control. Today we face the absurd situation of a Federal budget with three-quarters of its expenditures routinely referred to as 'uncontrollable.' And a large part of this goes to entitlement programs. Committee after committee of this Congress has heard witness after witness describe many of these programs as poorly administered and rife with waste and fraud. Virtually every American who shops in a local supermarket is aware of the daily abuses that take place in the food stamp program, which has grown by 16,000 percent in the last 15 years. Another example is Medicare and Medicaidóprograms with worthy goals but whose costs have increased from 11.2 billion to almost 60 billion, more than 5 times as much, in just 10 years. Waste and fraud are serious problems. Back in 1980 Federal investigators testified before one of your committees that 'corruption has permeated virtually every area of the Medicare and Medicaid health care industry.' One official said many of the people who are cheating the system were 'very confident that nothing was going to happen to them.' Well, something is going to happen. Not only the taxpayers are defrauded; the people with real dependency on these programs are deprived of what they need, because available resources are going not to the needy, but to the greedy. The time has come to control the uncontrollable. In August we made a start. I signed a bill to reduce the growth of these programs by $44 billion over the next 3 years while at the same time preserving essential services for the truly needy. Shortly you will receive from me a message on further reforms we intend to installósome new, but others long recommended by your own congressional committees. I ask you to help make these savings for the American taxpayer. The savings we propose in entitlement programs will total some $63 billion over 4 Years and will, without affecting social t security, go a long way toward bringing Federal spending under control. But don't be fooled by those who proclaim that spending cuts will deprive the elderly, the needy, and the helpless. The. Federal Government will still subsidize 95 million meals every day. That's one out of seven of all the meals served in America. Head Start, senior nutrition programs, and child welfare programs will not be cut from the levels we proposed last year. More than one-half billion dollars has been proposed for minority business assistance. And research at the National Institute of Health will be increased by over $100 million. While meeting all these needs, we intend to plug unwarranted tax loopholes and strengthen the law which requires all large corporations to pay a minimum tax. I am confident the economic program we've put into operation will protect the needy while it triggers a recovery that will benefit all Americans. It will stimulate the economy, result in increased savings and provide capital for expansion, mortgages for homebuilding, and jobs for the unemployed. Now that the essentials of that program are in place, our next major undertaking must be a programójust as bold, just as innovativeóto make government again accountable to the people, to make our system of federalism work again. Our citizens feel they've lost control of even the most basic decisions made about the essential services of government, such as schools, welfare, roads, and even garbage collection. And they're right. A maze of interlocking jurisdictions and levels of government confronts average citizens in trying to solve even the simplest of problems. They don't know where to turn for answers, who to hold accountable, who to praise, who to blame, who to vote for or against. The main reason for this is the overpowering growth of Federal grants-in-aid programs during the past few decades. In 1960 the Federal Government had 132 categorical grant programs, costing $7 billion. When I took office, there were approximately 500, costing nearly a hundred billion dollarsó13 programs for energy, 36 for pollution control, 66 for social services, 90 for education. And here in the Congress, it takes at least 166 committees just to try to keep track of them. You know and I know that neither the President nor the Congress can properly oversee this jungle of grants-in-aid; indeed, the growth of these grants has led to the distortion in the vital functions of government. As one Democratic Governor put it recently: The National Government should be worrying about 'arms control, not potholes.' The growth in these Federal programs hasóin the words of one intergovernmental commissionómade the Federal Government 'more pervasive, more intrusive, more unmanageable, more ineffective and costly, and above all, more [un] accountable.' Let's solve this problem with a single, bold stroke: the return of some $47 billion in Federal programs to State and local government, together with the means to finance them and a transition period of nearly 10 years to avoid unnecessary disruption. I will shortly send this Congress a message describing this program. I want to emphasize, however, that its full details will have been worked out only after close consultation with congressional, State, and local officials. Starting in fiscal 1984, the Federal Government will assume full responsibility for the cost of the rapidly growing Medicaid program to go along with its existing responsibility for Medicare. As part of a financially equal swap, the States will simultaneously take full responsibility for Aid to Families with Dependent Children and food stamps. This will make welfare less costly and more responsive to genuine need, because it'll be designed and administered closer to the grass roots and the people it serves. In 1984 the Federal Government will apply the full proceeds from certain excise taxes to a grass roots trust fund that will belong in fair shares to the 50 States. The total amount flowing into this fund will be $28 billion a year. Over the next 4 years the States can use this money in either of two ways. If they want to continue receiving Federal grants in such areas as transportation, education, and social services, they can use their trust fund money to pay for the grants. Or to the extent they choose to forgo the Federal grant programs, they can use their trust fund money on their own for those or other purposes. There will be a mandatory pass-through of part of these funds to local governments. By 1988 the States will be in complete control of over 40 Federal grant programs. The trust fund will start to phase out, eventually to disappear, and the excise taxes will be turned over to the States. They can then preserve, lower, or raise taxes on their own and fund and manage these programs as they see fit. In a single stroke we will be accomplishing a realignment that will end cumbersome administration and spiraling costs at the Federal level while we ensure these programs will be more responsive to both the people they're meant to help and the people who pay for them. Hand in hand with this program to strengthen the discretion and flexibility of State and local governments, we're proposing legislation for an experimental effort to improve and develop our depressed urban areas in the 1980's and '90's. This legislation will permit States and localities to apply to the Federal Government for designation as urban enterprise zones. A broad range of special economic incentives in the zones will help attract new business, new jobs, new opportunity to America's inner cities and rural towns. Some will say our mission is to save free enterprise. Well, I say we must free enterprise so that together we can save America. Some will also say our States and local communities are not up to the challenge of a new and creative partnership. Well, that might have been true 20 years ago before reforms like reapportionment and the Voting Rights Act, the 10-year extension of which I strongly support. It's no longer true today. This administration has faith in State and local governments and the constitutional balance envisioned by the Founding Fathers. We also believe in the integrity, decency, and sound, good sense of grass roots Americans. Our faith in the American people is reflected in another major endeavor. Our private sector initiatives task force is seeking out successful community models of school, church, business, union, foundation, and civic programs that help community needs. Such groups are almost invariably far more efficient than government in running social programs. We're not asking them to replace discarded and often discredited government programs dollar for dollar, service for service. We just want to help them perform the good works they choose and help others to profit by their example. Three hundred and eighty-five thousand corporations and private organizations are already working on social programs ranging from drug rehabilitation to job training, and thousands more Americans have written us asking how they can help. The volunteer spirit is still alive and well in America. Our nation's long journey towards civil rights for all our citizensóonce a source of discord, now a source of prideómust continue with no backsliding or slowing down. We must and shall see that those basic laws that guarantee equal rights are preserved and, when necessary, strengthened. Our concern for equal rights for women is firm and unshakable. We launched a new Task Force on Legal Equity for Women and a Fifty States Project that will examine State laws for discriminatory language. And for the first time in our history, a woman sits on the highest court in the land. So, too, the problem of crimeóone as real and deadly serious as any in America today. It demands that we seek transformation of our legal system, which overly protects the rights of criminals while it leaves society and the innocent victims of crime without justice. We look forward to the enactment of a responsible clean air act to increase jobs while continuing to improve the quality of our air. We're encouraged by the bipartisan initiative of the House and are hopeful of further progress as the Senate continues its deliberations. So far, I've concentrated largely, now, on domestic matters. To view the state of the Union in perspective, we must not ignore the rest of the world. There isn't time tonight for a lengthy treatment of socialóor foreign policy, I should say, a subject I intend to address in detail in the near future. A few words, however, are in order on the progress we've made over the past year, reestablishing respect for our nation around the globe and some of the challenges and goals that we will approach in the year ahead. At Ottawa and Cancun, I met with leaders of the major industrial powers and developing nations. Now, some of those I met with were a little surprised that I didn't apologize for America's wealth. Instead, I spoke of the strength of the free marketplace system and how that system could help them realize their aspirations for economic development and political freedom. I believe lasting friendships were made, and the foundation was laid for future cooperation. In the vital region of the Caribbean Basin, we're developing a program of aid, trade, and investment incentives to promote self-sustaining growth and a better, more secure life for our neighbors to the south. Toward those who would export terrorism and subversion in the Caribbean and elsewhere, especially Cuba and Libya, we will act with firmness. Our foreign policy is a policy of strength, fairness, and balance. By restoring America's military credibility, by pursuing peace at the negotiating table wherever both sides are willing to sit down in good faith, and by regaining the respect of America's allies and adversaries alike, we have strengthened our country's position as a force for peace and progress in the world. When action is called for, we're taking it. Our sanctions against the military dictatorship that has attempted to crush human rights in Polandóand against the Soviet regime behind that military dictatorship-clearly demonstrated to the world that America will not conduct 'business as usual' with the forces of oppression. If the events in Poland continue to deteriorate, further measures will follow. Now, let me also note that private American groups have taken the lead in making January 30th a day of solidarity with the people of Poland. So, too, the European Parliament has called for March 21st to be an international day of support for Afghanistan. Well, I urge all peace-loving peoples to join together on those days, to raise their voices, to speak and pray for freedom. Meanwhile, we're working for reduction of arms and military activities, as I announced in my address to the Nation last November 18th. We have proposed to the Soviet Union a far-reaching agenda for mutual reduction of military forces and have already initiated negotiations with them in Geneva on intermediate-range nuclear forces. In those talks it is essential that we negotiate from a position of strength. There must be a real incentive for the Soviets to take these talks seriously. This requires that we rebuild our defenses. In the last decade, while we sought the moderation of Soviet power through a process of restraint and accommodation, the Soviets engaged in an unrelenting buildup of their military forces. The protection of our national security has required that we undertake a substantial program to enhance our military forces. We have not neglected to strengthen our traditional alliances in Europe and Asia, or to develop key relationships with our partners in the Middle East and other countries. Building a more peaceful world requires a sound strategy and the national resolve to back it up. When radical forces threaten our friends, when economic misfortune creates conditions of instability, when strategically vital parts of the world fall under the shadow of Soviet power, our response can make the difference between peaceful change or disorder and violence. That's why we've laid such stress not only on our own defense but on our vital foreign assistance program. Your recent passage of the Foreign Assistance Act sent a signal to the world that America will not shrink from making the investments necessary for both peace and security. Our foreign policy must be rooted in realism, not naivete or self-delusion. A recognition of what the Soviet empire is about is the starting point. Winston Churchill, in negotiating with the Soviets, observed that they respect only strength and resolve in their dealings with other nations. That's why we've moved to reconstruct our national defenses. We intend to keep the peace. We will also keep our freedom. We have made pledges of a new frankness in our public statements and worldwide broadcasts. In the face of a climate of falsehood and misinformation, we've promised the world a season of truthóthe truth of our great civilized ideas: individual liberty, representative government, the rule of law under God. We've never needed walls or minefields or barbed wire to keep our people in. Nor do we declare martial law to keep our people from voting for the kind of government they want. Yes, we have our problems; yes, we're in a time of recession. And it's true, there's no quick fix, as I said, to instantly end the tragic pain of unemployment. But we will end it. The process has already begun, and we'll see its effect as the year goes on. We speak with pride and admiration of that little band of Americans who overcame insuperable odds to set this nation on course 200 years ago. But our glory didn't end with them. Americans ever since have emulated their deeds. We don't have to turn to our history books for heroes. They're all around us. One who sits among you here tonight epitomized that heroism at the end of the longest imprisonment ever inflicted on men of our Armed Forces. Who will ever forget that night when we waited for television to bring us the scene of that first plane landing at Clark Field in the Philippines, bringing our POW's home? The plane door opened and Jeremiah Denton came slowly down the ramp. He caught sight of our flag, saluted it, said, 'God bless America,' and then thanked us for bringing him home. Just 2 weeks ago, in the midst of a terrible tragedy on the Potomac, we saw again the spirit of American heroism at its finestóthe heroism of dedicated rescue workers saving crash victims from icy waters. And we saw the heroism of one of our young government employees, Lenny Skutnik, who, when he saw a woman lose her grip on the helicopter line, dived into the water and dragged her to safety. And then there are countless, quiet, everyday heroes of American life--parents who sacrifice long and hard so their children will know a better life than they've known; church and civic volunteers who help to feed, clothe, nurse, and teach the needy; millions who've made our nation and our nation's destiny so very special-unsung heroes who may not have realized their own dreams themselves but then who reinvest those dreams in their children. Don't let anyone tell you that America's best days are behind her, that the American spirit has been vanquished. We've seen it triumph too often in our lives to stop believing in it now. A hundred and twenty years ago, the greatest of all our Presidents delivered his second State of the Union message in this Chamber. 'We cannot escape history,' Abraham Lincoln warned. 'We of this Congress and this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves.' The 'trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest [last] generation.' Well, that President and that Congress did not fail the American people. Together they weathered the storm and preserved the Union. Let it be said of us that we, too, did not fail; that we, too, worked together to bring America through difficult times. Let us so conduct ourselves that two centuries from now, another Congress and another President, meeting in this Chamber as we are meeting, will speak of us with pride, saying that we met the test and preserved for them in their day the sacred flame of libertyóthis last, best hope of man on Earth. God bless you, and thank you. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: This solemn occasion marks the 196th time that a President of the United States has reported on the State of the Union since George Washington first did so in 1790. That's a lot of reports, but there's no shortage of new things to say about the State of the Union. The very key to our success has been our ability, foremost among nations, to preserve our lasting values by making change work for us rather than against us. I would like to talk with you this evening about what we can do togetherónot as Republicans and Democrats, but as Americans-to make tomorrow's America happy and prosperous at home, strong and respected abroad, and at peace in the world. As we gather here tonight, the state of our Union is strong, but our economy is troubled. For too many of our fellow citizens-farmers, steel and auto workers, lumbermen, black teenagers, working mothers-this is a painful period. We must all do everything in our power to bring their ordeal to an end. It has fallen to us, in our time, to undo damage that was a long time in the making, and to begin the hard but necessary task of building a better future for ourselves and our children. We have a long way to go, but thanks to the courage, patience, and strength of our people, America is on the mend. But let me give you just one important reason why I believe thisóit involves many members of this body. Just 10 days ago, after months of debate and deadlock, the bipartisan Commission on Social Security accomplished the seemingly impossible. Social security, as some of us had warned for so long, faced disaster. I, myself, have been talking about this problem for almost 30 years. As 1983 began, the system stood on the brink of bankruptcy, a double victim of our economic ills. First, a decade of rampant inflation drained its reserves as we tried to protect beneficiaries from the spiraling cost of living. Then the recession and the sudden end of inflation withered the expanding wage base and increasing revenues the system needs to support the 36 million Americans who depend on it. When the Speaker of the House, the Senate majority leader, and I performed the bipartisanóor formed the bipartisan Commission on Social Security, pundits and experts predicted that party divisions and conflicting interests would prevent the Commission from agreeing on a plan to save social security. Well, sometimes, even here in Washington, the cynics are wrong. Through compromise and cooperation, the members of the Commission overcame their differences and achieved a fair, workable plan. They proved that, when it comes to the national welfare, Americans can still pull together for the common good. Tonight, I'm especially pleased to join with the Speaker and the Senate majority leader in urging the Congress to enact this plan by Easter. There are elements in it, of course, that none of us prefers, but taken together it performs a package that all of us can support. It asks for some sacrifice by allóthe self-employed, beneficiaries, workers, government employees, and the better-off among the retiredóbut it imposes an undue burden on none. And, in supporting it, we keep an important pledge to the American people: The integrity of the social security system will be preserved, and no one's payments will be reduced. The Commission's plan will do the job; indeed, it must do the job. We owe it to today's older Americans and today's younger workers. So, before we go any further, I ask you to join with me in saluting the members of the Commission who are here tonight and Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker and Speaker Tip O'Neill for a job well done. I hope and pray the bipartisan spirit that guided you in this endeavor will inspire all of us as we face the challenges of the year ahead. Nearly half a century ago, in this Chamber, another American President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in his second State of the Union message, urged America to look to the future, to meet the challenge of change and the need for leadership that looks forward, not backward. 'Throughout the world,' he said, 'change is the order of the day. In every nation economic problems long in the making have brought crises to [of] many kinds for which the masters of old practice and theory were unprepared.' He also reminded us that 'the future lies with those wise political leaders who realize that the great public is interested more in Government than in politics.' So, let us, in these next 2 yearsómen and women of both parties, every political shadeóconcentrate on the long-range, bipartisan responsibilities of government, not the short-range or short-term temptations of partisan politics. The problems we inherited were far worse than most inside and out of government had expected; the recession was deeper than most inside and out of government had predicted. Curing those problems has taken more time and a higher toll than any of us wanted. Unemployment is far too high. Projected Federal spendingóif government refuses to tighten its own belt-will also be far too high and could weaken and shorten the economic recovery now underway. This recovery will bring with it a revival of economic confidence and spending for consumer items and capital goodsóthe stimulus we need to restart our stalled economic engines. The American people have already stepped up their rate of saving, assuring that the funds needed to modernize our factories and improve our technology will once again flow to business and industry. The inflationary expectations that led to a 21 1/2-percent interest prime rate and soaring mortgage rates 2 years ago are now reduced by almost half. Leaders have started to realize that double-digit inflation is no longer a way of life. I misspoke there. I should have said 'lenders.' So, interest rates have tumbled, paving the way for recovery in vital industries like housing and autos. The early evidence of that recovery has started coming in. Housing starts for the fourth quarter of 1982 were up 45 percent from a year ago, and housing permits, a sure indicator of future growth, were up a whopping 60 percent. We're witnessing an upsurge of productivity and impressive evidence that American industry will once again become competitive in markets at home and abroad, ensuring more jobs and better incomes for the Nation's work force. But our confidence must also be tempered by realism and patience. Quick fixes and artificial stimulants repeatedly applied over decades are what brought us the inflationary disorders that we've now paid such a heavy price to cure. The permanent recovery in employment, production, and investment we seek won't come in a sharp, short spurt. It'll build carefully and steadily in the months and years ahead. In the meantime, the challenge of government is to identify the things that we can do now to ease the massive economic transition for the American people. The Federal budget is both a symptom and a cause of our economic problems. Unless we reduce the dangerous growth rate in government spending, we could face the prospect of sluggish economic growth into the indefinite future. Failure to cope with this problem now could mean as much as a trillion dollars more in national debt in the next 4 years alone. That would average $4,300 in additional debt for every man, woman, child, and baby in our nation. To assure a sustained recovery, we must continue getting runaway spending under control to bring those deficits down. If we don't, the recovery will be too short, unemployment will remain too high, and we will leave an unconscionable burden of national debt for our children. That we must not do. Let's be clear about where the deficit problem comes from. Contrary to the drumbeat we've been hearing for the last few months, the deficits we face are not rooted in defense spending. Taken as a percentage of the gross national product, our defense spending happens to be only about four-fifths of what it was in 1970. Nor is the deficit, as some would have it, rooted in tax cuts. Even with our tax cuts, taxes as a fraction of gross national product remain about the same as they were in 1970. The fact is, our deficits come from the uncontrolled growth of the budget for domestic spending. During the 1970's, the share of our national income devoted to this domestic spending increased by more than 60 percent, from 10 cents out of every dollar produced by the American people to 16 cents. In spite of all our economies and efficiencies, and without adding any new programs, basic, necessary domestic spending provided for in this year's budget will grow to almost a trillion dollars over the next 5 years. The deficit problem is a clear and present danger to the basic health of our Republic. We need a plan to overcome this dangeróa plan based on these principles. It must be bipartisan. Conquering the deficits and putting the Government's house in order will require the best effort of all of us. It must be fair. Just as all will share in the benefits that will come from recovery, all would share fairly in the burden of transition. It must be prudent. The strength of our national defense must be restored so that we can pursue prosperity and peace and freedom while maintaining our commitment to the truly needy. And finally, it must be realistic. We can't rely on hope alone. With these guiding principles in mind, let me outline a four-part plan to increase economic growth and reduce deficits. First, in my budget message, I will recommend a Federal spending freeze. I know this is strong medicine, but so far, we have only cut the rate of increase in Federal spending. The Government has continued to spend more money each year, though not as much more as it did in the past. Taken as a whole, the budget I'm proposing for the fiscal year will increase no more than the rate of inflation. In other words, the Federal Government will hold the line on real spending. Now, that's far less than many American families have had to do in these difficult times. I will request that the proposed 6-month freeze in cost-of-living adjustments recommended by the bipartisan Social Security Commission be applied to other government-related retirement programs. I will, also, propose a 1-year freeze on a broad range of domestic spending programs, and for Federal civilian and military pay and pension programs. And let me say right here, I'm sorry, with regard to the military, in asking that of them, because for so many years they have been so far behind and so low in reward for what the men and women in uniform are doing. But I'm sure they will understand that this must be across the board and fair. Second, I will ask the Congress to adopt specific measures to control the growth of the so-called uncontrollable spending programs. These are the automatic spending programs, such as food stamps, that cannot be simply frozen and that have grown by over 400 percent since 1970. They are the largest single cause of the built-in or structural deficit problem. Our standard here will be fairness, ensuring that the taxpayers' hard-earned dollars go only to the truly needy; that none of them are turned away, but that fraud and waste are stamped out. And I'm sorry to say, there's a lot of it out there. In the food stamp program alone, last year, we identified almost [$]1.1 billion in overpayments. The taxpayers aren't the only victims of this kind of abuse. The truly needy suffer as funds intended for them are taken not by the needy, but by the greedy. For everyone's sake, we must put an end to such waste and corruption. Third, I will adjust our program to restore America's defenses by proposing $55 billion in defense savings over the next 5 years. These are savings recommended to me by the Secretary of Defense, who has assured me they can be safely achieved and will not diminish our ability to negotiate arms reductions or endanger America's security. We will not gamble with our national survival. And fourth, because we must ensure reduction and eventual elimination of deficits over the next several years, I will propose a standby tax, limited to no more than 1 percent of the gross national product, to start in fiscal 1986. It would last no more than 3 years, and it would start only if the Congress has first approved our spending freeze and budget control program. And there are several other conditions also that must be met, all of them in order for this program to be triggered. Now, you could say that this is an insurance policy for the future, a remedy that will be at hand if needed but only resorted to if absolutely necessary. In the meantime, we'll continue to study ways to simplify the tax code and make it more fair for all Americans. This is a goal that every American who's ever struggled with a tax form can understand. At the same time, however, I will oppose any efforts to undo the basic tax reforms that we've already enacted, including the 10-percent tax break coming to taxpayers this July and the tax indexing which will protect all Americans from inflationary bracket creep in the years ahead. Now, I realize that this four-part plan is easier to describe than it will be to enact. But the looming deficits that hang over us and over America's future must be reduced. The path I've outlined is fair, balanced, and realistic. If enacted, it will ensure a steady decline in deficits, aiming toward a balanced budget by the end of the decade. It's the only path that will lead to a strong, sustained recovery. Let us follow that path together. No domestic challenge is more crucial than providing stable, permanent jobs for all Americans who want to work. The recovery program will provide jobs for most, but others will need special help and training for new skills. Shortly, I will submit to the Congress the Employment Act of 1983, designed to get at the special problems of the long-term unemployed, as well as young people trying to enter the job market. I'll propose extending unemployment benefits, including special incentives to employers who hire the long-term unemployed, providing programs for displaced workers, and helping federally funded and State-administered unemployment insurance programs provide workers with training and relocation assistance. Finally, our proposal will include new incentives for summer youth employment to help young people get a start in the job market. We must offer both short-term help and long-term hope for our unemployed. I hope we can work together on this. I hope we can work together as we did last year in enacting the landmark Job Training Partnership Act. Regulatory reform legislation, a responsible clean air act, and passage of enterprise zone legislation will also create new incentives for jobs and opportunity. One of out of every five jobs in our country depends on trade. So, I will propose a broader strategy in the field of international tradeóone that increases the openness of our trading system and is fairer to America's farmers and workers in the world marketplace. We must have adequate export financing to sell American products overseas. I will ask for new negotiating authority to remove barriers and to get more of our products into foreign markets. We must strengthen the organization of our trade agencies and make changes in our domestic laws and international trade policy to promote free trade and the increased flow of American goods, services, and investments. Our trade position can also be improved by making our port system more efficient. Better, more active harbors translate into stable jobs in our coalfields, railroads, trucking industry, and ports. After 2 years of debate, it's time for us to get together and enact a port modernization bill. Education, training, and retraining are fundamental to our success as are research and development and productivity. Labor, management, and government at all levels can and must participate in improving these tools of growth. Tax policy, regulatory practices, and government programs all need constant reevaluation in terms of our competitiveness. Every American has a role and a stake in international trade. We Americans are still the technological leaders in most fields. We must keep that edge, and to do so we need to begin renewing the basicsóstarting with our educational system. While we grew complacent, others have acted. Japan, with a population only about half the size of ours, graduates from its universities more engineers than we do. If a child doesn't receive adequate math and science teaching by the age of 16, he or she has lost the chance to be a scientist or an engineer. We must join together-parents, teachers, grass roots groups, organized labor, and the business community-to revitalize American education by setting a standard of excellence. In 1983 we seek four major education goals: a quality education initiative to encourage a substantial upgrading of math and science instruction through block grants to the States; establishment of education savings accounts that will give middle and lower-income families an incentive to save for their children's college education and, at the same time, encourage a real increase in savings for economic growth; passage of tuition tax credits for parents who want to send their children to private or religiously affiliated schools; a constitutional amendment to permit voluntary school prayer. God should never have been expelled from America's classrooms in the first place. Our commitment to fairness means that we must assure legal and economic equity for women, and eliminate, once and for all, all traces of unjust discrimination against women from the United States Code. We will not tolerate wage discrimination based on sex, and we intend to strengthen enforcement of child support laws to ensure that single parents, most of whom are women, do not suffer unfair financial hardship. We will also take action to remedy inequities in pensions. These initiatives will be joined by others to continue our efforts to promote equity for women. Also in the area of fairness and equity, we will ask for extension of the Civil Rights Commission, which is due to expire this year. The Commission is an important part of the ongoing struggle for justice in America, and we strongly support its reauthorization. Effective enforcement of our nation's fair housing laws is also essential to ensuring equal opportunity. In the year ahead, we'll work to strengthen enforcement of fair housing laws for all Americans. The time has also come for major reform of our criminal justice statutes and acceleration of the drive against organized crime and drug trafficking. It's high time that we make our cities safe again. This administration hereby declares an all-out war on big-time organized crime and the drug racketeers who are poisoning our young people. We will also implement recommendations of our Task Force on Victims of Crime, which will report to me this week. American agriculture, the envy of the world, has become the victim of its own successes. With one farmer now producing enough food to feed himself and 77 other people, America is confronted with record surplus crops and commodity prices below the cost of production. We must strive, through innovations like the payment-in-kind crop swap approach and an aggressive export policy, to restore health and vitality to rural America. Meanwhile, I have instructed the Department of Agriculture to work individually with farmers with debt problems to help them through these tough times. Over the past year, our Task Force on Private Sector Initiatives has successfully forged a working partnership involving leaders of business, labor, education, and government to address the training needs of American workers. Thanks to the Task Force, private sector initiatives are now underway in all 50 States of the Union, and thousands of working people have been helped in making the shift from dead-end jobs and low-demand skills to the growth areas of high technology and the service economy. Additionally, a major effort will be focused on encouraging the expansion of private community child care. The new advisory council on private sector initiatives will carry on and extend this vital work of encouraging private initiative in 1983. In the coming year, we will also act to improve the quality of life for Americans by curbing the skyrocketing cost of health care that is becoming an unbearable financial burden for so many. And we will submit legislation to provide catastrophic illness insurance coverage for older Americans. I will also shortly submit a comprehensive federalism proposal that will continue our efforts to restore to States and local governments their roles as dynamic laboratories of change in a creative society. During the next several weeks, I will send to the Congress a series of detailed proposals on these and other topics and look forward to working with you on the development of these initiatives. So far, now, I've concentrated mainly on the problems posed by the future. But in almost every home and workplace in America, we're already witnessing reason for great hopeóthe first flowering of the manmade miracles of high technology, a field pioneered and still led by our country. To many of us now, computers, silicon chips, data processing, cybernetics, and all the other innovations of the dawning high technology age are as mystifying as the workings of the combustion engine must have been when that first Model T rattled down Main Street, U.S.A. But as surely as America's pioneer spirit made us the industrial giant of the 20th century, the same pioneer spirit today is opening up on another vast front of opportunity, the frontier of high technology. In conquering the frontier we cannot write off our traditional industries, but we must develop the skills and industries that will make us a pioneer of tomorrow. This administration is committed to keeping America the technological leader of the world now and into the 21st century. But let us turn briefly to the international arena. America's leadership in the world came to us because of our own strength and because of the values which guide us as a society: free elections, a free press, freedom of religious choice, free trade unions, and above all, freedom for the individual and rejection of the arbitrary power of the state. These values are the bedrock of our strength. They unite us in a stewardship of peace and freedom with our allies and friends in NATO, in Asia, in Latin America, and elsewhere. They are also the values which in the recent past some among us had begun to doubt and view with a cynical eye. Fortunately, we and our allies have rediscovered the strength of our common democratic values, and we're applying them as a cornerstone of a comprehensive strategy for peace with freedom. In London last year, I announced the commitment of the United States to developing the infrastructure of democracy throughout the world. We intend to pursue this democratic initiative vigorously. The future belongs not to governments and ideologies which oppress their peoples, but to democratic systems of self-government which encourage individual initiative and guarantee personal freedom. But our strategy for peace with freedom must also be based on strengthóeconomic strength and military strength. A strong American economy is essential to the well-being and security of our friends and allies. The restoration of a strong, healthy American economy has been and remains one of the central pillars of our foreign policy. The progress I've been able to report to you tonight will, I know, be as warmly welcomed by the rest of the world as it is by the American people. We must also recognize that our own economic well-being is inextricably linked to the world economy. We export over 20 percent of our industrial production, and 40 percent of our farmland produces for export. We will continue to work closely with the industrialized democracies of Europe and Japan and with the International Monetary Fund to ensure it has adequate resources to help bring the world economy back to strong, noninflationary growth. As the leader of the West and as a country that has become great and rich because of economic freedom, America must be an unrelenting advocate of free trade. As some nations are tempted to turn to protectionism, our strategy cannot be to follow them, but to lead the way toward freer trade. To this end, in May of this year America will host an economic summit meeting in Williamsburg, Virginia. As we begin our third year, we have put in place a defense program that redeems the neglect of the past decade. We have developed a realistic military strategy to deter threats to peace and to protect freedom if deterrence fails. Our Armed Forces are finally properly paid; after years of neglect are well trained and becoming better equipped and supplied. And the American uniform is once again worn with pride. Most of the major systems needed for modernizing our defenses are already underway, and we will be addressing one key system, the MX missile, in consultation with the Congress in a few months. America's foreign policy is once again based on bipartisanship, on realism, strength, full partnership, in consultation with our allies, and constructive negotiation with potential adversaries. From the Middle East to southern Africa to Geneva, American diplomats are taking the initiative to make peace and lower arms levels. We should be proud of our role as peacemakers. In the Middle East last year, the United States played the major role in ending the tragic fighting in Lebanon and negotiated the withdrawal of the PLO from Beirut. Last September, I outlined principles to carry on the peace process begun so promisingly at Camp David. All the people of the Middle East should know that in the year ahead we will not flag in our efforts to build on that foundation to bring them the blessings of peace. In Central America and the Caribbean Basin, we are likewise engaged in a partnership for peace, prosperity, and democracy. Final passage of the remaining portions of our Caribbean Basin Initiative, which passed the House last year, is one of this administration's top legislative priorities for 1983. The security and economic assistance policies of this administration in Latin America and elsewhere are based on realism and represent a critical investment in the future of the human race. This undertaking is a joint responsibility of the executive and legislative branches, and I'm counting on the cooperation and statesmanship of the Congress to help us meet this essential foreign policy goal. At the heart of our strategy for peace is our relationship with the Soviet Union. The past year saw a change in Soviet leadership. We're prepared for a positive change in Soviet-American relations. But the Soviet Union must show by deeds as well as words a sincere commitment to respect the rights and sovereignty of the family of nations. Responsible members of the world community do not threaten or invade their neighbors. And they restrain their allies from aggression. For our part, we're vigorously pursuing arms reduction negotiations with the Soviet Union. Supported by our allies, we've put forward draft agreements proposing significant weapon reductions to equal and verifiable lower levels. We insist on an equal balance of forces. And given the overwhelming evidence of Soviet violations of international treaties concerning chemical and biological weapons, we also insist that any agreement we sign can and will be verifiable. In the case of intermediate-range nuclear forces, we have proposed the complete elimination of the entire class of land-based missiles. We're also prepared to carefully explore serious Soviet proposals. At the same time, let me emphasize that allied steadfastness remains a key to achieving arms reductions. With firmness and dedication, we'll continue to negotiate. Deep down, the Soviets must know it's in their interest as well as ours to prevent a wasteful arms race. And once they recognize our unshakable resolve to maintain adequate deterrence, they will have every reason to join us in the search for greater security and major arms reductions. When that moment comesóand I'm confident that it willówe will have taken an important step toward a more peaceful future for all the world's people. A very wise man, Bernard Baruch, once said that America has never forgotten the nobler things that brought her into being and that light her path. Our country is a special place, because we Americans have always been sustained, through good times and bad, by a noble visionóa vision not only of what the world around us is today but what we as a free people can make it be tomorrow. We're realists; we solve our problems instead of ignoring them, no matter how loud the chorus of despair around us. But we're also idealists, for it was an ideal that brought our ancestors to these shores from every corner of the world. Right now we need both realism and idealism. Millions of our neighbors are without work. It is up to us to see they aren't without hope. This is a task for all of us. And may I say, Americans have rallied to this cause, proving once again that we are the most generous people on Earth. We who are in government must take the lead in restoring the economy. [Applause] And here all that time, I thought you were reading the paper. [Laughter] The single thingóthe single thing that can start the wheels of industry turning again is further reduction of interest rates. Just another 1 or 2 points can mean tens of thousands of jobs. Right now, with inflation as low as it is, 3.9 percent, there is room for interest rates to come down. Only fear prevents their reduction. A lender, as we know, must charge an interest rate that recovers the depreciated value of the dollars loaned. And that depreciation is, of course, the amount of inflation. Today, interest rates are based on fearófear that government will resort to measures, as it has in the past, that will send inflation zooming again. We who serve here in this Capital must erase that fear by making it absolutely clear that we will not stop fighting inflation; that, together, we will do only those things that will lead to lasting economic growth. Yes, the problems confronting us are large and forbidding. And, certainly, no one can or should minimize the plight of millions of our friends and neighbors who are living in the bleak emptiness of unemployment. But we must and can give them good reason to be hopeful. Back over the years, citizens like ourselves have gathered within these walls when our nation was threatened; sometimes when its very existence was at stake. Always with courage and common sense, they met the crises of their time and lived to see a stronger, better, and more prosperous country. The present situation is no worse and, in fact, is not as bad as some of those they faced. Time and again, they proved that there is nothing we Americans cannot achieve as free men and women. Yes, we still have problemsóplenty of them. But it's just plain wrongóunjust to our country and unjust to our peopleóto let those problems stand in the way of the most important truth of all: America is on the mend. We owe it to the unfortunate to be aware of their plight and to help them in every way we can. No one can quarrel with that. We must and do have compassion for all the victims of this economic crisis. But the big story about America today is the way that millions of confident, caring people-those extraordinary 'ordinary' Americans who never make the headlines and will never be interviewedóare laying the foundation, not just for recovery from our present problems but for a better tomorrow for all our people. From coast to coast, on the job and in classrooms and laboratories, at new construction sites and in churches and community groups, neighbors are helping neighbors. And they've already begun the building, the research, the work, and the giving that will make our country great again. I believe this, because I believe in them-in the strength of their hearts and minds, in the commitment that each one of them brings to their daily lives, be they high or humble. The challenge for us in government is to be worthy of themóto make government a help, not a hindrance to our people in the challenging but promising days ahead. If we do that, if we care what our children and our children's children will say of us, if we want them one day to be thankful for what we did here in these temples of freedom, we will work together to make America better for our having been here-not just in this year or this decade but in the next century and beyond. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: Once again, in keeping with time-honored tradition, I have come to report to you on the state of the Union, and I'm pleased to report that America is much improved, and there's good reason to believe that improvement will continue through the days to come. You and I have had some honest and open differences in the year past. But they didn't keep us from joining hands in bipartisan cooperation to stop a long decline that had drained this nation's spirit and eroded its health. There is renewed energy and optimism throughout the land. America is back, standing tall, looking to the eighties with courage, confidence, and hope. The problems we're overcoming are not the heritage of one person, party, or even one generation. It's just the tendency of government to grow, for practices and programs to become the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this Earth. [Laughter] And there's always that well-intentioned chorus of voices saying, 'With a little more power and a little more money, we could do so much for the people.' For a time we forgot the American dream isn't one of making government bigger; it's keeping faith with the mighty spirit of free people under God. As we came to the decade of the eighties, we faced the worst crisis in our postwar history. In the seventies were years of rising problems and falling confidence. There was a feeling government had grown beyond the consent of the governed. Families felt helpless in the face of mounting inflation and the indignity of taxes that reduced reward for hard work, thrift, and risktaking. All this was overlaid by an evergrowing web of rules and regulations. On the international scene, we had an uncomfortable feeling that we'd lost the respect of friend and foe. Some questioned whether we had the will to defend peace and freedom. But America is too great for small dreams. There was a hunger in the land for a spiritual revival; if you will, a crusade for renewal. The American people said: Let us look to the future with confidence, both at home and abroad. Let us give freedom a chance. Americans were ready to make a new beginning, and together we have done it. We're confronting our problems one by one. Hope is alive tonight for millions of young families and senior citizens set free from unfair tax increases and crushing inflation. Inflation has been beaten down from 12.4 to 3.2 percent, and that's a great victory for all the people. The prime rate has been cut almost in half, and we must work together to bring it down even more. Together, we passed the first across-the-board tax reduction for everyone since the Kennedy tax cuts. Next year, tax rates will be indexed so inflation can't push people into higher brackets when they get cost-of-living pay raises. Government must never again use inflation to profit at the people's expense. Today a working family earning $25,000 has $1,100 more in purchasing power than if tax and inflation rates were still at the 1980 levels. Real after-tax income increased 5 percent last year. And economic deregulation of key industries like transportation has offered more chancesóor choices, I should say, to consumers and new changesóor chances for entrepreneurs and protecting safety. Tonight, we can report and be proud of one of the best recoveries in decades. Send away the handwringers and the doubting Thomases. Hope is reborn for couples dreaming of owning homes and for risktakers with vision to create tomorrow's opportunities. The spirit of enterprise is sparked by the sunrise industries of high-tech and by small business people with big ideasópeople like Barbara Proctor, who rose from a ghetto to build a multimillion-dollar advertising agency in Chicago; Carlos Perez, a Cuban refugee, who turned $27 and a dream into a successful importing business in Coral Gables, Florida. People like these are heroes for the eighties. They helped 4 million Americans find jobs in 1983. More people are drawing paychecks tonight than ever before. And Congress helpsóor progress helps everyone-well, Congress does tooó [laughter] ó-everyone. In 1983 women filled 73 percent of all the new jobs in managerial, professional, and technical fields. But we know that many of our fellow countrymen are still out of work, wondering what will come of their hopes and dreams. Can we love America and not reach out to tell them: You are not forgotten; we will not rest until each of you can reach as high as your God-given talents will take you. The heart of America is strong; it's good and true. The cynics were wrong; America never was a sick society. We're seeing rededication to bedrock values of faith, family, work, neighborhood, peace, and freedomóvalues that help bring us together as one people, from the youngest child to the most senior citizen. The Congress deserves America's thanks for helping us restore pride and credibility to our military. And I hope that you're as proud as I am of the young men and women in uniform who have volunteered to man the ramparts in defense of freedom and whose dedication, valor, and skill increases so much our chance of living in a world at peace. People everywhere hunger for peace and a better life. The tide of the future is a freedom tide, and our struggle for democracy cannot and will not be denied. This nation champions peace that enshrines liberty, democratic rights, and dignity for every individual. America's new strength, confidence, and purpose are carrying hope and opportunity far from our shores. A world economic recovery is underway. It began here. We've journeyed far, but we have much farther to go. Franklin Roosevelt told us 50 years ago this month: 'Civilization can not go back; civilization must not stand still. We have undertaken new methods. It is our task to perfect, to improve, to alter when necessary, but in all cases to go forward.' It's time to move forward again, time for America to take freedom's next step. Let us unite tonight behind four great goals to keep America free, secure, and at peace in the eighties together. We can ensure steady economic growth. We can develop America's next frontier. We can strengthen our traditional values. And we can build a meaningful peace to protect our loved ones and this shining star of faith that has guided millions from tyranny to the safe harbor of freedom, progress, and hope. Doing these things will open wider the gates of opportunity, provide greater security for all, with no barriers of bigotry or discrimination. The key to a dynamic decade is vigorous economic growth, our first great goal. We might well begin with common sense in Federal budgeting: government spending no more than government takes in. We must bring Federal deficits down. But how we do that makes all the difference. We can begin by limiting the size and scope of government. Under the leadership of Vice President Bush, we have reduced the growth of Federal regulations by more than 25 percent and cut well over 300 million hours of government-required paperwork each year. This will save the public more than $150 billion over the next 10 years. The Grace commission has given us some 2,500 recommendations for reducing wasteful spending, and they're being examined throughout the administration. Federal spending growth has been cut from 17.4 percent in 1980 to less than half of that today, and we have already achieved over $300 billion in budget savings for the period of 1982 to '86. But that's only a little more than half of what we sought. Government is still spending too large a percentage of the total economy. Now, some insist that any further budget savings must be obtained by reducing the portion spent on defense. This ignores the fact that national defense is solely the responsibility of the Federal Government; indeed, it is its prime responsibility. And yet defense spending is less than a third of the total budget. During the years of President Kennedy and of the years before that, defense was almost half the total budget. And then came several years in which our military capability was allowed to deteriorate to a very dangerous degree. We are just now restoring, through the essential modernization of our conventional and strategic forces, our capability to meet our present and future security needs. We dare not shirk our responsibility to keep America free, secure, and at peace. The last decade saw domestic spending surge literally out of control. But the basis for such spending had been laid in previous years. A pattern of overspending has been in place for half a century. As the national debt grew, we were told not to worry, that we owed it to ourselves. Now we know that deficits are a cause for worry. But there's a difference of opinion as to whether taxes should be increased, spending cut, or some of both. Fear is expressed that government borrowing to fund the deficit could inhibit the economic recovery by taking capital needed for business and industrial expansion. Well, I think that debate is missing an important point. Whether government borrows or increases taxes, it will be taking the same amount of money from the private sector, and, either way, that's too much. Simple fairness dictates that government must not raise taxes on families struggling to pay their bills. The root of the problem is that government's share is more than we can afford if we're to have a sound economy. We must bring down the deficits to ensure continued economic growth. In the budget that I will submit on February 1st, I will recommend measures that will reduce the deficit over the next 5 years. Many of these will be unfinished business from last year's budget. Some could be enacted quickly if we could join in a serious effort to address this problem. I spoke today with Speaker of the House O'Neill, Senate Majority Leader Baker, Senate Minority Leader Byrd, and House Minority Leader Michel. I asked them if they would designate congressional representatives to meet with representatives of the administration to try to reach prompt agreement on a bipartisan deficit reduction plan. I know it would take a long, hard struggle to agree on a full-scale plan. So, what I have proposed is that we first see if we can agree on a down payment. Now, I believe there is basis for such an agreement, one that could reduce the deficits by about a hundred billion dollars over the next 3 years. We could focus on some of the less contentious spending cuts that are still pending before the Congress. These could be combined with measures to close certain tax loopholes, measures that the Treasury Department has previously said to be worthy of support. In addition, we could examine the possibility of achieving further outlay savings based on the work of the Grace commission. If the congressional leadership is willing, my representatives will be prepared to meet with theirs at the earliest possible time. I would hope the leadership might agree on an expedited timetable in which to develop and enact that down payment. But a down payment alone is not enough to break us out of the deficit problem. It could help us start on the right path. Yet, we must do more. So, I propose that we begin exploring how together we can make structural reforms to curb the built-in growth of spending. I also propose improvements in the budgeting process. Some 43 of our 50 States grant their Governors the right to veto individual items in appropriation bills without having to veto the entire bill. California is one of those 43 States. As Governor, I found this line-item veto was a powerful tool against wasteful or extravagant spending. It works in 43 States. Let's put it to work in Washington for all the people. It would be most effective if done by constitutional amendment. The majority of Americans approve of such an amendment, just as they and I approve of an amendment mandating a balanced Federal budget. Many States also have this protection in their constitutions. To talk of meeting the present situation by increasing taxes is a Band-Aid solution which does nothing to cure an illness that's been coming on for half a centuryóto say nothing of the fact that it poses a real threat to economic recovery. Let's remember that a substantial amount of income tax is presently owed and not paid by people in the underground economy. It would be immoral to make those who are paying taxes pay more to compensate for those who aren't paying their share. There's a better way. Let us go forward with an historic reform for fairness, simplicity, and incentives for growth. I am asking Secretary Don Regan for a plan for action to simplify the entire tax code, so all taxpayers, big and small, are treated more fairly. And I believe such a plan could result in that underground economy being brought into the sunlight of honest tax compliance. And it could make the tax base broader, so personal tax rates could come down, not go up. I've asked that specific recommendations, consistent with those objectives, be presented to me by December 1984. Our second great goal is to build on America's pioneer spiritó [laughter] óI said something funny? [Laughter] I said America's next frontieróand that's to develop that frontier. A sparkling economy spurs initiatives, sunrise industries, and makes older ones more competitive. Nowhere is this more important than our next frontier: space. Nowhere do we so effectively demonstrate our technological leadership and ability to make life better on Earth. The Space Age is barely a quarter of a century old. But already we've pushed civilization forward with our advances in science and technology. Opportunities and jobs will multiply as we cross new thresholds of knowledge and reach deeper into the unknown. Our progress in spaceótaking giant steps for all mankindóis a tribute to American teamwork and excellence. Our finest minds in government, industry, and academia have all pulled together. And we can be proud to say: We are first; we are the best; and we are so because we're free. America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach for greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and working in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain. Tonight, I am directing NASA to develop a permanently manned space station and to do it within a decade. A space station will permit quantum leaps in our research in science, communications, in metals, and in lifesaving medicines which could be manufactured only in space. We want our friends to help us meet these challenges and share in their benefits. NASA will invite other countries to participate so we can strengthen peace, build prosperity, and expand freedom for all who share our goals. Just as the oceans opened up a new world for clipper ships and Yankee traders, space holds enormous potential for commerce today. The market for space transportation could surpass our capacity to develop it. Companies interested in putting payloads into space must have ready access to private sector launch services. The Department of Transportation will help an expendable launch services industry to get off the ground. We'll soon implement a number of executive initiatives, develop proposals to ease regulatory constraints, and, with NASA's help, promote private sector investment in space. And as we develop the frontier of space, let us remember our responsibility to preserve our older resources here on Earth. Preservation of our environment is not a liberal or conservative challenge, it's common sense. Though this is a time of budget constraints, I have requested for EPA one of the largest percentage budget increases of any agency. We will begin the long, necessary effort to clean up a productive recreational area and a special national resourceóthe Chesapeake Bay. To reduce the threat posed by abandoned hazardous waste dumps, EPA will spend $410 million. And I will request a supplemental increase of 50 million. And because the Superfund law expires in 1985, I've asked Bill Ruckelshaus to develop a proposal for its extension so there'll be additional time to complete this important task. On the question of acid rain, which concerns people in many areas of the United States and Canada, I'm proposing a research program that doubles our current funding. And we'll take additional action to restore our lakes and develop new technology to reduce pollution that causes acid rain. We have greatly improved the conditions of our natural resources. We'll ask the Congress for $157 million beginning in 1985 to acquire new park and conservation lands. The Department of the Interior will encourage careful, selective exploration and production on our vital resources in an Exclusive Economic Zone within the 200-mile limit off our coastsóbut with strict adherence to environmental laws and with fuller State and public participation. But our most precious resources, our greatest hope for the future, are the minds and hearts of our people, especially our children. We can help them build tomorrow by strengthening our community of shared values. This must be our third great goal. For us, faith, work, family, neighborhood, freedom, and peace are not just words; they're expressions of what America means, definitions of what makes us a good and loving people. Families stand at the center of our society. And every family has a personal stake in promoting excellence in education. Excellence does not begin in Washington. A 600-percent increase in Federal spending on education between 1960 and 1980 was accompanied by a steady decline in Scholastic Aptitude Test scores. Excellence must begin in our homes and neighborhood schools, where it's the responsibility of every parent and teacher and the right of every child. Our children come first, and that's why I established a bipartisan National Commission on Excellence in Education, to help us chart a commonsense course for better education. And already, communities are implementing the Commission's recommendations. Schools are reporting progress in math and reading skills. But we must do more to restore discipline to schools; and we must encourage the teaching of new basics, reward teachers of merit, enforce tougher standards, and put our parents back in charge. I will continue to press for tuition tax credits to expand opportunities for families and to soften the double payment for those paying public school taxes and private school tuition. Our proposal would target assistance to low- and middle-income families. Just as more incentives are needed within our schools, greater competition is needed among our schools. Without standards and competition, there can be no champions, no records broken, no excellence in education or any other walk of life. And while I'm on this subject, each day your Members observe a 200-year-old tradition meant to signify America is one nation under God. I must ask: If you can begin your day with a member of the clergy standing right here leading you in prayer, then why can't freedom to acknowledge God be enjoyed again by children in every schoolroom across this land? America was founded by people who believed that God was their rock of safety. He is ours. I recognize we must be cautious in claiming that God is on our side, but I think it's all right to keep asking if we're on His side. During our first 3 years, we have joined bipartisan efforts to restore protection of the law to unborn children. Now, I know this issue is very controversial. But unless and until it can be proven that an unborn child is not a living human being, can we justify assuming without proof that it isn't? No one has yet offered such proof; indeed, all the evidence is to the contrary. We should rise above bitterness and reproach, and if Americans could come together in a spirit of understanding and helping, then we could find positive solutions to the tragedy of abortion. Economic recovery, better education, rededication to values, all show the spirit of renewal gaining the upper hand. And all will improve family life in the eighties. But families need more. They need assurance that they and their loved ones can walk the streets of America without being afraid. Parents need to know their children will not be victims of child pornography and abduction. This year we will intensify our drive against these and other horrible crimes like sexual abuse and family violence. Already our efforts to crack down on career criminals, organized crime, drugpushers, and to enforce tougher sentences and paroles are having effect. In 1982 the crime rate dropped by 4.3 percent, the biggest decline since 1972. Protecting victims is just as important as safeguarding the rights of defendants. Opportunities for all Americans will increase if we move forward in fair housing and work to ensure women's rights, provide for equitable treatment in pension benefits and Individual Retirement Accounts, facilitate child care, and enforce delinquent parent support payments. It's not just the home but the workplace and community that sustain our values and shape our future. So, I ask your help in assisting more communities to break the bondage of dependency. Help us to free enterprise by permitting debate and voting 'yes' on our proposal for enterprise zones in America. This has been before you for 2 years. Its passage can help high-unemployment areas by creating jobs and restoring neighborhoods. A society bursting with opportunities, reaching for its future with confidence, sustained by faith, fair play, and a conviction that good and courageous people will flourish when they're freeóthese are the secrets of a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world. A lasting and meaningful peace is our fourth great goal. It is our highest aspiration. And our record is clear: Americans resort to force only when we must. We have never been aggressors. We have always struggled to defend freedom and democracy. We have no territorial ambitions. We occupy no countries. We build no walls to lock people in. Americans build the future. And our vision of a better life for farmers, merchants, and working people, from the Americas to Asia, begins with a simple premise: The future is best decided by ballots, not bullets. Governments which rest upon the consent of the governed do not wage war on their neighbors. Only when people are given a personal stake in deciding their own destiny, benefiting from their own risks, do they create societies that are prosperous, progressive, and free. Tonight, it is democracies that offer hope by feeding the hungry, prolonging life, and eliminating drudgery. When it comes to keeping America strong, free, and at peace, there should be no Republicans or Democrats, just patriotic Americans. We can decide the tough issues not by who is right, but by what is right. Together, we can continue to advance our agenda for peace. We can establish a more stable basis for peaceful relations with the Soviet Union; strengthen allied relations across the board; achieve real and equitable reductions in the levels of nuclear arms; reinforce our peacemaking efforts in the Middle East, Central America, and southern Africa; or assist developing countries, particularly our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere; and assist in the development of democratic institutions throughout the world. The wisdom of our bipartisan cooperation was seen in the work of the Scowcroft commission, which strengthened our ability to deter war and protect peace. In that same spirit, I urge you to move forward with the Henry Jackson plan to implement the recommendations of the Bipartisan Commission on Central America. Your joint resolution on the multinational peacekeeping force in Lebanon is also serving the cause of peace. We are making progress in Lebanon. For nearly 10 years, the Lebanese have lived from tragedy to tragedy with no hope for their future. Now the multinational peacekeeping force and our marines are helping them break their cycle of despair. There is hope for a free, independent, and sovereign Lebanon. We must have the courage to give peace a chance. And we must not be driven from our objectives for peace in Lebanon by state-sponsored terrorism. We have seen this ugly specter in Beirut, Kuwait, and Rangoon. It demands international attention. I will forward shortly legislative proposals to help combat terrorism. And I will be seeking support from our allies for concerted action. Our NATO alliance is strong. 1983 was a banner year for political courage. And we have strengthened our partnerships and our friendships in the Far East. We're committed to dialog, deterrence, and promoting prosperity. We'll work with our trading partners for a new round of negotiations in support of freer world trade, greater competition, and more open markets. A rebirth of bipartisan cooperation, of economic growth, and military deterrence, and a growing spirit of unity among our people at home and our allies abroad underline a fundamental and far-reaching change: The United States is safer, stronger, and more secure in 1984 than before. We can now move with confidence to seize the opportunities for peace, and we will. Tonight, I want to speak to the people of the Soviet Union, to tell them it's true that our governments have had serious differences, but our sons and daughters have never fought each other in war. And if we Americans have our way, they never will. People of the Soviet Union, there is only one sane policy, for your country and mine, to preserve our civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. The only value in our two nations possessing nuclear weapons is to make sure they will never be used. But then would it not be better to do away with them entirely? People of the Soviet, President Dwight Eisenhower, who fought by your side in World War II, said the essential struggle 'is not merely man against man or nation against nation. It is man against war.' Americans are people of peace. If your government wants peace, there will be peace. We can come together in faith and friendship to build a safer and far better world for our children and our children's children. And the whole world will rejoice. That is my message to you. Some days when life seems hard and we reach out for values to sustain us or a friend to help us, we find a person who reminds us what it means to be Americans. Sergeant Stephen Trujillo, a medic in the 2d Ranger Battalion, 75th Infantry, was in the first helicopter to land at the compound held by Cuban forces in Grenada. He saw three other helicopters crash. Despite the imminent explosion of the burning aircraft, he never hesitated. He ran across 25 yards of open terrain through enemy fire to rescue wounded soldiers. He directed two other medics, administered first aid, and returned again and again to the crash site to carry his wounded friends to safety. Sergeant Trujillo, you and your fellow service men and women not only saved innocent lives; you set a nation free. You inspire us as a force for freedom, not for despotism; and, yes, for peace, not conquest. God bless you. And then there are unsung heroes: single parents, couples, church and civic volunteers. Their hearts carry without complaint the pains of family and community problems. They soothe our sorrow, heal our wounds, calm our fears, and share our joy. A person like Father Ritter is always there. His Covenant House programs in New York and Houston provide shelter and help to thousands of frightened and abused children each year. The same is true of Dr. Charles Carson. Paralyzed in a plane crash, he still believed nothing is impossible. Today in Minnesota, he works 80 hours a week without pay, helping pioneer the field of computer-controlled walking. He has given hope to 500,000 paralyzed Americans that some day they may walk again. How can we not believe in the greatness of America? How can we not do what is right and needed to preserve this last best hope of man on Earth? After all our struggles to restore America, to revive confidence in our country, hope for our future, after all our hard-won victories earned through the patience and courage of every citizen, we cannot, must not, and will not turn back. We will finish our job. How could we do less? We're Americans. Carl Sandburg said, 'I see America not in the setting sun of a black night of despair ï . . I see America in the crimson light of a rising sun fresh from the burning, creative hand of God... I see great days ahead for men and women of will and vision.' I've never felt more strongly that America's best days and democracy's best days lie ahead. We're a powerful force for good. With faith and courage, we can perform great deeds and take freedom's next step. And we will. We will carry on the tradition of a good and worthy people who have brought light where there was darkness, warmth where there was cold, medicine where there was disease, food where there was hunger, and peace where there was only bloodshed. Let us be sure that those who come after will say of us in our time, that in our time we did everything that could be done. We finished the race; we kept them free; we kept the faith. Thank you very much. God bless you, and God bless America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: I come before you to report on the state of our Union, and I'm pleased to report that after 4 years of united effort, the American people have brought forth a nation renewed, stronger, freer, and more secure than before. Four years ago we began to change, forever I hope, our assumptions about government and its place in our lives. Out of that change has come great and robust growth-in our confidence, our economy, and our role in the world. Tonight America is stronger because of the values that we hold dear. We believe faith and freedom must be our guiding stars, for they show us truth, they make us brave, give us hope, and leave us wiser than we were. Our progress began not in Washington, DC, but in the hearts of our families, communities, workplaces, and voluntary groups which, together, are unleashing the invincible spirit of one great nation under God. Four years ago we said we would invigorate our economy by giving people greater freedom and incentives to take risks and letting them keep more of what they earned. We did what we promised, and a great industrial giant is reborn. Tonight we can take pride in 25 straight months of economic growth, the strongest in 34 years; a 3-year inflation average of 3.9 percent, the lowest in 17 years; and 7.3 million new jobs in 2 years, with more of our citizens working than ever before. New freedom in our lives has planted the rich seeds for future success: For an America of wisdom that honors the family, knowing that if [as] the family goes, so goes our civilization; For an America of vision that sees tomorrow's dreams in the learning and hard work we do today; For an America of courage whose service men and women, even as we meet, proudly stand watch on the frontiers of freedom; For an America of compassion that opens its heart to those who cry out for help. We have begun well. But it's only a beginning. We're not here to congratulate ourselves on what we have done but to challenge ourselves to finish what has not yet been done. We're here to speak for millions in our inner cities who long for real jobs, safe neighborhoods, and schools that truly teach. We're here to speak for the American farmer, the entrepreneur, and every worker in industries fighting to modernize and compete. And, yes, we're here to stand, and proudly so, for all who struggle to break free from totalitarianism, for all who know in their hearts that freedom is the one true path to peace and human happiness. Proverbs tell us, without a vision the people perish. When asked what great principle holds our Union together, Abraham Lincoln said: 'Something in [the] Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time.' We honor the giants of our history not by going back but forward to the dreams their vision foresaw. My fellow citizens, this nation is poised for greatness. The time has come to proceed toward a great new challengeóa second American Revolution of hope and opportunity; a revolution carrying us to new heights of progress by pushing back frontiers of knowledge and space; a revolution of spirit that taps the soul of America, enabling us to summon greater strength than we've ever known; and a revolution that carries beyond our shores the golden promise of human freedom in a world of peace. Let us begin by challenging our conventional wisdom. There are no constraints on the human mind, no walls around the human spirit, no barriers to our progress except those we ourselves erect. Already, pushing down tax rates has freed our economy to vault forward to record growth. In Europe, they're calling it 'the American Miracle.' Day by day, we're shattering accepted notions of what is possible. When I was growing up, we failed to see how a new thing called radio would transform our marketplace. Well, today, many have not yet seen how advances in technology are transforming our lives. In the late 1950's workers at the AT&T semiconductor plant in Pennsylvania produced five transistors a day for $7.50 apiece. They now produce over a million for less than a penny apiece. New laser techniques could revolutionize heart bypass surgery, cut diagnosis time for viruses linked to cancer from weeks to minutes, reduce hospital costs dramatically, and hold out new promise for saving human lives. Our automobile industry has overhauled assembly lines, increased worker productivity, and is competitive once again. We stand on the threshold of a great ability to produce more, do more, be more. Our economy is not getting older and weaker; it's getting younger and stronger. It doesn't need rest and supervision; it needs new challenge, greater freedom. And that word 'freedom' is the key to the second American revolution that we need to bring about. Let us move together with an historic reform of tax simplification for fairness and growth. Last year I asked Treasury Secretary-then-Regan to develop a plan to simplify the tax code, so all taxpayers would be treated more fairly and personal tax rates could come further down. We have cut tax rates by almost 25 percent, yet the tax system remains unfair and limits our potential for growth. Exclusions and exemptions cause similar incomes to be taxed at different levels. Low-income families face steep tax barriers that make hard lives even harder. The Treasury Department has produced an excellent reform plan, whose principles will guide the final proposal that we will ask you to enact. One thing that tax reform will not be is a tax increase in disguise. We will not jeopardize the mortgage interest deduction that families need. We will reduce personal tax rates as low as possible by removing many tax preferences. We will propose a top rate of no more than 35 percent, and possibly lower. And we will propose reducing corporate rates, while maintaining incentives for capital formation. To encourage opportunity and jobs rather than dependency and welfare, we will propose that individuals living at or near the poverty line be totally exempt from Federal income tax. To restore fairness to families, we will propose increasing significantly the personal exemption. And tonight, I am instructing Treasury Secretary James BakeróI have to get used to saying thatóto begin working with congressional authors and committees for bipartisan legislation conforming to these principles. We will call upon the American people for support and upon every man and woman in this Chamber. Together, we can pass, this year, a tax bill for fairness, simplicity, and growth, making this economy the engine of our dreams and America the investment capital of the world. So let us begin. Tax simplification will be a giant step toward unleashing the tremendous pent-up power of our economy. But a second American revolution must carry the promise of opportunity for all. It is time to liberate the spirit of enterprise in the most distressed areas of our country. This government will meet its responsibility to help those in need. But policies that increase dependency, break up families, and destroy self-respect are not progressive; they're reactionary. Despite our strides in civil rights, blacks, Hispanics, and all minorities will not have full and equal power until they have full economic power. We have repeatedly sought passage of enterprise zones to help those in the abandoned corners of our land find jobs, learn skills, and build better lives. This legislation is supported by a majority of you. Mr. Speaker, I know we agree that 'there must be no forgotten Americans. Let us place new dreams in a million hearts and create a new generation of entrepreneurs by passing enterprise zones this year. And, Tip, you could make that a birthday present. [Laughter] Nor must we lose the chance to pass our youth employment opportunity wage proposal. We can help teenagers, who have the highest unemployment rate, find summer jobs, so they can know the pride of work and have confidence in their futures. We'll continue to support the Job Training Partnership Act, which has a nearly two-thirds job placement rate. Credits in education and health care vouchers will help working families shop for services that they need. Our administration is already encouraging certain low-income public housing residents to own and manage their own dwellings. It's time that all public housing residents have that opportunity of ownership. The Federal Government can help create a new atmosphere of freedom. But States and localities, many of which enjoy surpluses from the recovery, must not permit their tax and regulatory policies to stand as barriers to growth. Let us resolve that we will stop spreading dependency and start spreading opportunity; that we will stop spreading bondage and start spreading freedom. There are some who say that growth initiatives must await final action on deficit reductions. Well, the best way to reduce deficits is through economic growth. More businesses will be started, more investments made, more jobs created, and more people will be on payrolls paying taxes. The best way to reduce government spending is to reduce the need for spending by increasing prosperity. Each added percentage point per year of real GNP growth will lead to cumulative reduction in deficits of nearly $200 billion over 5 years. To move steadily toward a balanced budget, we must also lighten government's claim on our total economy. We will not do this by raising taxes. We must make sure that our economy grows faster than the growth in spending by the Federal Government. In our fiscal year 1986 budget, overall government program spending will be frozen at the current level. It must not be one dime higher than fiscal year 1985, and three points are key. First, the social safety net for the elderly, the needy, the disabled, and unemployed will be left intact. Growth of our major health care programs, Medicare and Medicaid, will be slowed, but protections for the elderly and needy will be preserved. Second, we must not relax our efforts to restore military strength just as we near our goal of a fully equipped, trained, and ready professional corps. National security is government's first responsibility; so in past years defense spending took about half the Federal budget. Today it takes less than a third. We've already reduced our planned defense expenditures by nearly a hundred billion dollars over the past 4 years and reduced projected spending again this year. You know, we only have a military-industrial complex until a time of danger, and then it becomes the arsenal of democracy. Spending for defense is investing in things that are pricelessópeace and freedom. Third, we must reduce or eliminate costly government subsidies. For example, deregulation of the airline industry has led to cheaper airfares, but on Amtrak taxpayers pay about $35 per passenger every time an Amtrak train leaves the station, It's time we ended this huge Federal subsidy. Our farm program costs have quadrupled in recent years. Yet I know from visiting farmers, many in great financial distress, that we need an orderly transition to a market-oriented farm economy. We can help farmers best not by expanding Federal payments but by making fundamental reforms, keeping interest rates heading down, and knocking down foreign trade barriers to American farm exports. We're moving ahead with Grace commission reforms to eliminate waste and improve government's management practices. In the long run, we must protect the taxpayers from government. And I ask again that you pass, as 32 States have now called for, an amendment mandating the Federal Government spend no more than it takes in. And I ask for the authority, used responsibly by 43 Governors, to veto individual items in appropriation bills. Senator Mattingly has introduced a bill permitting a 2-year trial run of the line-item veto. I hope you'll pass and send that legislation to my desk. Nearly 50 years of government living beyond its means has brought us to a time of reckoning. Ours is but a moment in history. But one moment of courage, idealism, and bipartisan unity can change American history forever. Sound monetary policy is key to long-running economic strength and stability. We will continue to cooperate with the Federal Reserve Board, seeking a steady policy that ensures price stability without keeping interest rates artificially high or needlessly holding down growth. Reducing unneeded red tape and regulations, and deregulating the energy, transportation, and financial industries have unleashed new competition, giving consumers more choices, better services, and lower prices. In just one set of grant programs we have reduced 905 pages of regulations to 31. We seek to fully deregulate natural gas to bring on new supplies and bring us closer to energy independence. Consistent with safety standards, we will continue removing restraints on the bus and railroad industries, we will soon end up legislationóor send up legislation, I should sayóto return Conrail to the private sector where it belongs, and we will support further deregulation of the trucking industry. Every dollar the Federal Government does not take from us, every decision it does not make for us will make our economy stronger, our lives more abundant, our future more free. Our second American revolution will push on to new possibilities not only on Earth but in the next frontier of space. Despite budget restraints, we will seek record funding for research and development. We've seen the success of the space shuttle. Now we're going to develop a permanently manned space station and new opportunities for free enterprise, because in the next decade Americans and our friends around the world will be living and working together in space. In the zero gravity of space, we could manufacture in 30 days lifesaving medicines it would take 30 years to make on Earth. We can make crystals of exceptional purity to produce super computers, creating jobs, technologies, and medical breakthroughs beyond anything we ever dreamed possible. As we do all this, we'll continue to protect our natural resources. We will seek reauthorization and expanded funding for the Superfund program to continue cleaning up hazardous waste sites which threaten human health and the environment. Now, there's another great heritage to speak of this evening. Of all the changes that have swept America the past 4 years, none brings greater promise than our rediscovery of the values of faith, freedom, family, work, and neighborhood. We see signs of renewal in increased attendance in places of worship; renewed optimism and faith in our future; love of country rediscovered by our young, who are leading the way. We've rediscovered that work is good in and of itself, that it ennobles us to create and contribute no matter how seemingly humble our jobs. We've seen a powerful new current from an old and honorable traditionóAmerican generosity. From thousands answering Peace Corps appeals to help boost food production in Africa, to millions volunteering time, corporations adopting schools, and communities pulling together to help the neediest among us at home, we have refound our values. Private sector initiatives are crucial to our future. I thank the Congress for passing equal access legislation giving religious groups the same right to use classrooms after school that other groups enjoy. But no citizen need tremble, nor the world shudder, if a child stands in a classroom and breathes a prayer. We ask you again, give children back a right they had for a century and a half or more in this country. The question of abortion grips our nation. Abortion is either the taking of a human life or it isn't. And if it isóand medical technology is increasingly showing it isóit must be stopped. It is a terrible irony that while some turn to abortion, so many others who cannot become parents cry out for children to adopt. We have room for these children. We can fill the cradles of those who want a child to love. And tonight I ask you in the Congress to move this year on legislation to protect the unborn. In the area of education, we're returning to excellence, and again, the heroes are our people, not government. We're stressing basics of discipline, rigorous testing, and homework, while helping children become computer-smart as well. For 20 years scholastic aptitude test scores of our high school students went down, but now they have gone up 2 of the last 3 years. We must go forward in our commitment to the new basics, giving parents greater authority and making sure good teachers are rewarded for hard work and achievement through merit pay. Of all the changes in the past 20 years, none has more threatened our sense of national well-being than the explosion of violent crime. One does not have to be attacked to be a victim. The woman who must run to her car after shopping at night is a victim. The couple draping their door with locks and chains are victims; as is the tired, decent cleaning woman who can't ride a subway home without being afraid. We do not seek to violate the rights of defendants. But shouldn't we feel more compassion for the victims of crime than for those who commit crime? For the first time in 20 years, the crime index has fallen 2 years in a row. We've convicted over 7,400 drug offenders and put them, as well as leaders of organized crime, behind bars in record numbers. But we must do more. I urge the House to follow the Senate and enact proposals permitting use of all reliable evidence that police officers acquire in good faith. These proposals would also reform the habeas corpus laws and allow, in keeping with the will of the overwhelming majority of Americans, the use of the death penalty where necessary. There can be no economic revival in ghettos when the most violent among us are allowed to roam free. It's time we restored domestic tranquility. And we mean to do just that. Just as we're positioned as never before to secure justice in our economy, we're poised as never before to create a safer, freer, more peaceful world. Our alliances are stronger than ever. Our economy is stronger than ever. We have resumed our historic role as a leader of the free world. And all of these together are a great force for peace. Since 1981 we've been committed to seeking fair and verifiable arms agreements that would lower the risk of war and reduce the size of nuclear arsenals. Now our determination to maintain a strong defense has influenced the Soviet Union to return to the bargaining table. Our negotiators must be able to go to that table with the united support of the American people. All of us have no greater dream than to see the day when nuclear weapons are banned from this Earth forever. Each Member of the Congress has a role to play in modernizing our defenses, thus supporting our chances for a meaningful arms agreement. Your vote this spring on the Peacekeeper missile will be a critical test of our resolve to maintain the strength we need and move toward mutual and verifiable arms reductions. For the past 20 years we've believed that no war will be launched as long as each side knows it can retaliate with a deadly counterstrike. Well, I believe there's a better way of eliminating the threat of nuclear war. It is a Strategic Defense Initiative aimed ultimately at finding a nonnuclear defense against ballistic missiles. It's the most hopeful possibility of the nuclear age. But it's not very well understood. Some say it will bring war to the heavens, but its purpose is to deter war in the heavens and on Earth. Now, some say the research would be expensive. Perhaps, but it could save millions of lives, indeed humanity itself. And some say if we build such a system, the Soviets will build a defense system of their own. Well, they already have strategic defenses that surpass ours; a civil defense system, where we have almost none; and a research program covering roughly the same areas of technology that we're now exploring. And finally some say the research will take a long time. Well, the answer to that is: Let's get started. Harry Truman once said that, ultimately, our security and the world's hopes for peace and human progress 'lie not in measures of defense or in the control of weapons, but in the growth and expansion of freedom and self-government.' And tonight, we declare anew to our fellow citizens of the world: Freedom is not the sole prerogative of a chosen few; it is the universal right of all God's children. Look to where peace and prosperity flourish today. It is in homes that freedom built. Victories against poverty are greatest and peace most secure where people live by laws that ensure free press, free speech, and freedom to worship, vote, and create wealth. Our mission is to nourish and defend freedom and democracy, and to communicate these ideals everywhere we can. America's economic success is freedom's success; it can be repeated a hundred times in a hundred different nations. Many countries in east Asia and the Pacific have few resources other than the enterprise of their own people. But through low tax rates and free markets they've soared ahead of centralized economies. And now China is opening up its economy to meet its needs. We need a stronger and simpler approach to the process of making and implementing trade policy, and we'll be studying potential changes in that process in the next few weeks. We've seen the benefits of free trade and lived through the disasters of protectionism. Tonight I ask all our trading partners, developed and developing alike, to join us in a new round of trade negotiations to expand trade and competition and strengthen the global economyóand to begin it in this next year. There are more than 3 billion human beings living in Third World countries with an average per capita income of $650 a year. Many are victims of dictatorships that impoverished them with taxation and corruption. Let us ask our allies to join us in a practical program of trade and assistance that fosters economic development through personal incentives to help these people climb from poverty on their own. We cannot play innocents abroad in a world that's not innocent; nor can we be passive when freedom is under siege. Without resources, diplomacy cannot succeed. Our security assistance programs help friendly governments defend themselves and give them confidence to work for peace. And I hope that you in the Congress will understand that, dollar for dollar, security assistance contributes as much to global security as our own defense budget. We must stand by all our democratic allies. And we must not break faith with those who are risking their livesóon every continent, from Afghanistan to Nicaraguaóto defy Soviet-supported aggression and secure rights which have been ours from birth. The Sandinista dictatorship of Nicaragua, with full Cuban-Soviet bloc support, not only persecutes its people, the church, and denies a free press, but arms and provides bases for Communist terrorists attacking neighboring states. Support for freedom fighters is self-defense and totally consistent with the OAS and U.N. Charters. It is essential that the Congress continue all facets of our assistance to Central America. I want to work with you to support the democratic forces whose struggle is tied to our own security. And tonight, I've spoken of great plans and great dreams. They're dreams we can make come true. Two hundred years of American history should have taught us that nothing is impossible. Ten years ago a young girl left Vietnam with her family, part of the exodus that followed the fall of Saigon. They came to the United States with no possessions and not knowing a word of English. Ten years agoóthe young girl studied hard, learned English, and finished high school in the top of her class. And this May, May 22d to be exact, is a big date on her calendar. Just 10 years from the time she left Vietnam, she will graduate from the United States Military Academy at West Point. I thought you might like to meet an American hero named Jean Nguyen. Now, there's someone else here tonight, born 79 years ago. She lives in the inner city, where she cares for infants born of mothers who are heroin addicts. The children, born in withdrawal, are sometimes even dropped on her doorstep. She helps them with love. Go to her house some night, and maybe you'll see her silhouette against the window as she walks the floor talking softly, soothing a child in her arms-Mother Hale of Harlem, and she, too, is an American hero. Jean, Mother Hale, your lives tell us that the oldest American saying is new again: Anything is possible in America if we have the faith, the will, and the heart. History is asking us once again to be a force for good in the world. Let us begin in unity, with justice, and love. Thank you, and God bless you. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: Thank you for allowing me to delay my address until this evening. We paused together to mourn and honor the valor of our seven Challenger heroes. And I hope that we are now ready to do what they would want us to do: Go forward, America, and reach for the stars. We will never forget those brave seven, but we shall go forward. Mr. Speaker, before I begin my prepared remarks, may I point out that tonight marks the 10th and last State of the Union Message that you've presided over. And on behalf of the American people, I want to salute you for your service to Congress and country. Here's to you! [Applause] I have come to review with you the progress of our nation, to speak of unfinished work, and to set our sights on the future. I am pleased to report the state of our Union is stronger than a year ago and growing stronger each day. Tonight we look out on a rising America, firm of heart, united in spirit, powerful in pride and patriotism . America is on the move! But it wasn't long ago that we looked out on a different land: locked factory gates, long gasoline lines, intolerable prices, and interest rates turning the greatest country on Earth into a land of broken dreams. Government growing beyond our consent had become a lumbering giant, slamming shut the gates of opportunity, threatening to crush the very roots of our freedom. What brought America back? The American people brought us back with quiet courage and common sense, with undying faith that in this nation under God the future will be ours; for the future belongs to the free. Tonight the American people deserve our thanks for 37 straight months of economic growth, for sunrise firms and modernized industries creating 9 million new jobs in 3 years, interest rates cut in half, inflation falling over from 12 percent in 1980 to under 4 today, and a mighty river of good works-a record $74 billion in voluntary giving just last year alone. And despite the pressures of our modern world, family and community remain the moral core of our society, guardians of our values and hopes for the future. Family and community are the costars of this great American comeback. They are why we say tonight: Private values must be at the heart of public policies. What is true for families in America is true for America in the family of free nations. History is no captive of some inevitable force. History is made by men and women of vision and courage. Tonight freedom is on the march. The United States is the economic miracle, the model to which the world once again turns. We stand for an idea whose time is now: Only by lifting the weights from the shoulders of all can people truly prosper and can peace among all nations be secure. Teddy Roosevelt said that a nation that does great work lives forever. We have done well, but we cannot stop at the foothills when Everest beckons. It's time for America to be all that we can be. We speak tonight of an agenda for the future, an agenda for a safer, more secure world. And we speak about the necessity for actions to steel us for the challenges of growth, trade, and security in the next decade and the year 2000. And we will do itónot by breaking faith with bedrock principles but by breaking free from failed policies. Let us begin where storm clouds loom darkestóright here in Washington, DC. This week I will send you our detailed proposals; tonight let us speak of our responsibility to redefine government's role: not to control, not to demand or command, not to contain us, but to help in times of need and, above all, to create a ladder of opportunity to full employment so that all Americans can climb toward economic power and justice on their own. But we cannot win the race to the future shackled to a system that can't even pass a Federal budget. We cannot win that race held back by horse-and-buggy programs that waste tax dollars and squander human potential. We cannot win that race if we're swamped in a sea of red ink. Now, Mr. Speaker, you know, I know, and the American people know the Federal budget system is broken. It doesn't work. Before we leave this city, let's you and I work together to fix it, and then we can finally give the American people a balanced budget. Members of Congress, passage of Gramm-Rudman-Hollings gives us an historic opportunity to achieve what has eluded our national leadership for decades: forcing the Federal Government to live within its means. Your schedule now requires that the budget resolution be passed by April 15th, the very day America's families have to foot the bill for the budgets that you produce. How often we read of a husband and wife both working, struggling from paycheck to paycheck to raise a family, meet a mortgage, pay their taxes and bills. And yet some in Congress say taxes must be raised. Well, I'm sorry; they're asking the wrong people to tighten their belts. It's time we reduce the Federal budget and left the family budget alone. We do not face large deficits because American families are undertaxed; we face those deficits because the Federal Government overspends. The detailed budget that we will submit will meet the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings target for deficit reductions, meet our commitment to ensure a strong national defense, meet our commitment to protect Social Security and the truly less fortunate, and, yes, meet our commitment to not raise taxes. How should we accomplish this? Well, not by taking from those in need. As families take care of their own, government must provide shelter and nourishment for those who cannot provide for themselves. But we must revise or replace programs enacted in the name of compassion that degrade the moral worth of work, encourage family breakups, and drive entire communities into a bleak and heartless dependency. Gramm-Rudman-Hollings can mark a dramatic improvement. But experience shows that simply setting deficit targets does not assure they'll be met. We must proceed with Grace commission reforms against waste. And tonight I ask you to give me what 43 Governors have: Give me a line-item veto this year. Give me the authority to veto waste, and I'll take the responsibility, I'll make the cuts, I'll take the heat. This authority would not give me any monopoly power, but simply prevent spending measures from sneaking through that could not pass on their own merit. And you can sustain or override my veto; that's the way the system should work. Once we've made the hard choices, we should lock in our gains with a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution. I mentioned that we will meet our commitment to national defense. We must meet it. Defense is not just another budget expense. Keeping America strong, free, and at peace is solely the responsibility of the Federal Government; it is government's prime responsibility. We have devoted 5 years trying to narrow a dangerous gap born of illusion and neglect, and we've made important gains. Yet the threat from Soviet forces, conventional and strategic, from the Soviet drive for domination, from the increase in espionage and state terror remains great. This is reality. Closing our eyes will not make reality disappear. We pledged together to hold real growth in defense spending to the bare minimum. My budget honors that pledge, and I'm now asking you, the Congress, to keep its end of the bargain. The Soviets must know that if America reduces her defenses, it will be because of a reduced threat, not a reduced resolve. Keeping America strong is as vital to the national security as controlling Federal spending is to our economic security. But, as I have said before, the most powerful force we can enlist against the Federal deficit is an ever-expanding American economy, unfettered and free. The magic of opportunity-unreserved, unfailing, unrestrained-isn't this the calling that unites us? I believe our tax rate cuts for the people have done more to spur a spirit of risk-taking and help America's economy break free than any program since John Kennedy's tax cut almost a quarter century ago. Now history calls us to press on, to complete efforts for an historic tax reform providing new opportunity for all and ensuring that all pay their fair share, but no more. We've come this far. Will you join me now, and we'll walk this last mile together? You know my views on this. We cannot and we will not accept tax reform that is a tax increase in disguise. True reform must be an engine of productivity and growth, and that means a top personal rate no higher than 35 percent. True reform must be truly fair, and that means raising personal exemptions to $2,000. True reform means a tax system that at long last is profamily, projobs, profuture, and pro-America. As we knock down the barriers to growth, we must redouble our efforts for freer and fairer trade. We have already taken actions to counter unfair trading practices and to pry open closed foreign markets. We will continue to do so. We will also oppose legislation touted as providing protection that in reality pits one American worker against another, one industry against another, one community against another, and that raises prices for us all. If the United States can trade with other nations on a level playing field, we can outproduce, outcompete, and outsell anybody, anywhere in the world. The constant expansion of our economy and exports requires a sound and stable dollar at home and reliable exchange rates around the world. We must never again permit wild currency swings to cripple our farmers and other exporters. Farmers, in particular, have suffered from past unwise government policies. They must not be abandoned with problems they did not create and cannot control. We've begun coordinating economic and monetary policy among our major trading partners. But there's more to do, and tonight I am directing Treasury Secretary Jim Baker to determine if the nations of the world should convene to discuss the role and relationship of our currencies. Confident in our future and secure in our values, Americans are striving forward to embrace the future. We see it not only in our recovery but in 3 straight years of falling crime rates, as families and communities band together to fight pornography, drugs, and lawlessness and to give back to their children the safe and, yes, innocent childhood they deserve. We see it in the renaissance in education, the rising SAT scores for 3 yearsólast year's increase, the greatest since 1963. It wasn't government and Washington lobbies that turned education around; it was the American people who, in reaching for excellence, knew to reach back to basics. We must continue the advance by supporting discipline in our schools, vouchers that give parents freedom of choice; and we must give back to our children their lost right to acknowledge God in their classrooms. We are a nation of idealists, yet today there is a wound in our national conscience. America will never be whole as long as the right to life granted by our Creator is denied to the unborn. For the rest of my time, I shall do what I can to see that this wound is one day healed. As we work to make the American dream real for all, we must also look to the condition of America's families. Struggling parents today worry how they will provide their children the advantages that their parents gave them. In the welfare culture, the breakdown of the family, the most basic support system, has reached crisis proportionsó'm female and child poverty, child abandonment, horrible crimes, and deteriorating schools. After hundreds of billions of dollars in poverty programs, the plight of the poor grows more painful. But the waste in dollars and cents pales before the most tragic loss: the sinful waste of human spirit and potential. We can ignore this terrible truth no longer. As Franklin Roosevelt warned 51 years ago, standing before this Chamber, he said, 'Welfare is a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit.' And we must now escape the spider's web of dependency. Tonight I am charging the White House Domestic Council to present me by December 1, 1986, an evaluation of programs and a strategy for immediate action to meet the financial, educational, social, and safety concerns of poor families. I'm talking about real and lasting emancipation, because the success of welfare should be judged by how many of its recipients become independent of welfare. Further, after seeing how devastating illness can destroy the financial security of the family, I am directing the Secretary of Health and Human Services, Dr. Otis Bowen, to report to me by year end with recommendations on how the private sector and government can work together to address the problems of affordable insurance for those whose life savings would otherwise be threatened when catastrophic illness strikes. And tonight I want to speak directly to America's younger generation, because you hold the destiny of our nation in your hands. With all the temptations young people face, it sometimes seems the allure of the permissive society requires superhuman feats of self-control. But the call of the future is too strong, the challenge too great to get lost in the blind alleyways of dissolution, drugs, and despair. Never has there been a more exciting time to be alive, a time of rousing wonder and heroic achievement. As they said in the film 'Back to the Future,' 'Where we're going, we don't need roads.' Well, today physicists peering into the infinitely small realms of subatomic particles find reaffirmations of religious faith. Astronomers build a space telescope that can see to the edge of the universe and possibly back to the moment of creation. So, yes, this nation remains fully committed to America's space program. We're going forward with our shuttle flights. We're going forward to build our space station. And we are going forward with research on a new Orient Express that could, by the end of the next decade, take off from Dulles Airport , accelerate up to 25 times the speed of sound, attaining low Earth orbit or flying to Tokyo within 2 hours. And the same technology transforming our lives can solve the greatest problem of the 20th century. A security shield can one day render nuclear weapons obsolete and free mankind from the prison of nuclear terror. America met one historic challenge and went to the Moon. Now America must meet another: to make our strategic defense real for all the citizens of planet Earth. Let us speak of our deepest longing for the future: to leave our children a land that is free and just and a world at peace. It is my hope that our fireside summit in Geneva and Mr. Gorbachev's upcoming visit to America can lead to a more stable relationship. Surely no people on Earth hate war or love peace more than we Americans. But we cannot stroll into the future with childlike faith. Our differences with a system that openly proclaims and practices an alleged right to command people's lives and to export its ideology by force are deep and abiding. Logic and history compel us to accept that our relationship be guided by realismórock-hard, cleareyed, steady, and sure. Our negotiators in Geneva have proposed a radical cut in offensive forces by each side with no cheating. They have made clear that Soviet compliance with the letter and spirit of agreements is essential. If the Soviet Government wants an agreement that truly reduces nuclear arms, there will be such an agreement. But arms control is no substitute for peace. We know that peace follows in freedom's path and conflicts erupt when the will of the people is denied. So, we must prepare for peace not only by reducing weapons but by bolstering prosperity, liberty, and democracy however and wherever we can. We advance the promise of opportunity every time we speak out on behalf of lower tax rates, freer markets, sound currencies around the world. We strengthen the family of freedom every time we work with allies and come to the aid of friends under siege. And we can enlarge the family of free nations if we will defend the unalienable rights of all God's children to follow their dreams. To those imprisoned in regimes held captive, to those beaten for daring to fight for freedom and democracyófor their right to worship, to speak, to live, and to prosper in the family of free nationsówe say to you tonight: You are not alone, freedom fighters. America will support with moral and material assistance your right not just to fight and die for freedom but to fight and win freedomóto win freedom in Afghanistan, in Angola, in Cambodia, and in Nicaragua. This is a great moral challenge for the entire free world. Surely no issue is more important for peace in our own hemisphere, for the security of our frontiers, for the protection of our vital interests, than to achieve democracy in Nicaragua and to protect Nicaragua's democratic neighbors. This year I will be asking Congress for the means to do what must be done for that great and good cause. As [former Senator Henry M.] Scoop Jackson, the inspiration for our Bipartisan Commission on Central America, once said, 'In matters of national security, the best politics is no politics.' What we accomplish this year, in each challenge we face, will set our course for the balance of the decade, indeed, for the remainder of the century. After all we've done so far, let no one say that this nation cannot reach the destiny of our dreams. America believes, America is ready, America can win the race to the futureóand we shall. The American dream is a song of hope that rings through night winter air; vivid, tender music that warms our hearts when the least among us aspire to the greatest things: to venture a daring enterprise; to unearth new beauty in music, literature, and art; to discover a new universe inside a tiny silicon chip or a single human cell. We see the dream coming true in the spirit of discovery of Richard Cavoli. All his life he's been enthralled by the mysteries of medicine. And, Richard, we know that the experiment that you began in high school was launched and lost last week, yet your dream lives. And as long as it's real, work of noble note will yet be done, work that could reduce the harmful effects of x rays on patients and enable astronomers to view the golden gateways of the farthest stars. We see the dream glow in the towering talent of a 12-year-old, Tyrone Ford. A child prodigy of gospel music, he has surmounted personal adversity to become an accomplished pianist and singer. He also directs the choirs of three churches and has performed at the Kennedy Center. With God as your composer, Tyrone, your music will be the music of angels. We see the dream being saved by the courage of the 13-year-old Shelby Butler, honor student and member of her school's safety patrol. Seeing another girl freeze in terror before an out-of-control school bus, she risked her life and pulled her to safety. With bravery like yours, Shelby, America need never fear for our future. And we see the dream born again in the joyful compassion of a 13 year old, Trevor Ferrell. Two years ago, age 11, watching men and women bedding down in abandoned doorwaysóon television he was watchingóTrevor left his suburban Philadelphia home to bring blankets and food to the helpless and homeless. And now 250 people help him fulfill his nightly vigil. Trevor, yours is the living spirit of brotherly love. Would you four stand up for a moment? Thank you, thank you. You are heroes of our hearts. We look at you and know it's true: In this land of dreams fulfilled, where greater dreams may be imagined, nothing is impossible, no victory is beyond our reach, no glory will ever be too great. So, now it's up to us, all of us, to prepare America for that day when our work will pale before the greatness of America's champions in the 21st century. The world's hopes rest with America's future; America's hopes rest with us. So, let us go forward to create our world of tomorrow in faith, in unity, and in love. God bless you, and God bless America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: May I congratulate all of you who are Members of this historic 100th Congress of the United States of America. In this 200th anniversary year of our Constitution, you and I stand on the shoulders of giantsómen whose words and deeds put wind in the sails of freedom. However, we must always remember that our Constitution is to be celebrated not for being old, but for being youngóyoung with the same energy, spirit, and promise that filled each eventful day in Philadelphia's statehouse. We will be guided tonight by their acts, and we will be guided forever by their words. Now, forgive me, but I can't resist sharing a story from those historic days. Philadelphia was bursting with civic pride in the spring of 1787, and its newspapers began embellishing the arrival of the Convention delegates with elaborate social classifications. Governors of States were called Excellency. Justices and Chancellors had reserved for them honorable with a capital 'H.' For Congressmen, it was honorable with a small 'h.' And all others were referred to as 'the following respectable characters.' [Laughter] Well, for this 100th Congress, I invoke special executive powers to declare that each of you must never be titled less than honorable with a capital 'H.' Incidentally, I'm delighted you are celebrating the 100th birthday of the Congress. It's always a pleasure to congratulate someone with more birthdays than I've had. [Laughter] Now, there's a new face at this place of honor tonight. And please join me in warm congratulations to the Speaker of the House, Jim Wright. [Applause] Mr. Speaker, you might recall a similar situation in your very first session of Congress 32 years ago. Then, as now, the speakership had changed hands and another great son of Texas, Sam Rayburnó'Mr. Sam'ósat in your chair. I cannot find better words than those used by President Eisenhower that evening. He said, 'We shall have much to do together; I am sure that we will get it done and that we shall do it in harmony and good will.' Tonight I renew that pledge. To you, Mr. Speaker, and to Senate Majority Leader Robert Byrd, who brings 34 years of distinguished service to the Congress, may I say: Though there are changes in the Congress, America's interests remain the same. And I am confident that, along with Republican leaders Bob Michel and Bob Dole, this Congress can make history. Six years ago I was here to ask the Congress to join me in America's new beginning. Well, the results are something of which we can all be proud. Our inflation rate is now the lowest in a quarter of a century. The prime interest rate has fallen from the 21 1/2 percent the month before we took office to 7 1/2 percent today. And those rates have triggered the most housing starts in 8 years. The unemployment rateóstill too highóis the lowest in nearly 7 years, and our people have created nearly 13 million new jobs. Over 61 percent of everyone over the age of 16, male and female, is employedóthe highest percentage on record. Let's roll up our sleeves and go to work and put America's economic engine at full throttle. We can also be heartened by our progress across the world. Most important, America is at peace tonight, and freedom is on the march. And we've done much these past years to restore our defenses, our alliances, and our leadership in the world. Our sons and daughters in the services once again wear their uniforms with pride. But though we've made much progress, I have one major regret: I took a risk with regard to our action in Iran. It did not work, and for that I assume full responsibility. The goals were worthy. I do not believe it was wrong to try to establish contacts with a country of strategic importance or to try to save lives. And certainly it was not wrong to try to secure freedom for our citizens held in barbaric captivity. But we did not achieve what we wished, and serious mistakes were made in trying to do so. We will get to the bottom of this, and I will take whatever action is called for. But in debating the past, we must not deny ourselves the successes of the future. Let it never be said of this generation of Americans that we became so obsessed with failure that we refused to take risks that could further the cause of peace and freedom in the world. Much is at stake here, and the Nation and the world are watching to see if we go forward together in the national interest or if we let partisanship weaken us. And let there be no mistake about American policy: We will not sit idly by if our interests or our friends in the Middle East are threatened, nor will we yield to terrorist blackmail. And now, ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, why don't we get to work? I am pleased to report that because of our efforts to rebuild the strength of America, the world is a safer place. Earlier this month I submitted a budget to defend America and maintain our momentum to make up for neglect in the last decade. Well, I ask you to vote out a defense and foreign affairs budget that says yes to protecting our country. While the world is safer, it is not safe. Since 1970 the Soviets have invested $500 billion more on their military forces than we have. Even today, though nearly 1 in 3 Soviet families is without running hot water and the average family spends 2 hours a day shopping for the basic necessities of life, their government still found the resources to transfer $75 billion in weapons to client states in the past 5 yearsóclients like Syria, Vietnam, Cuba, Libya, Angola, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, and Nicaragua. With 120,000 Soviet combat and military personnel and 15,000 military advisers in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, can anyone still doubt their single-minded determination to expand their power? Despite this, the Congress cut my request for critical U.S. security assistance to free nations by 21 percent this year, and cut defense requests by $85 billion in the last 3 years. These assistance programs serve our national interests as well as mutual interests. And when the programs are devastated, American interests are harmed. My friends, it's my duty as President to say to you again tonight that there is no surer way to lose freedom than to lose our resolve. Today the brave people of Afghanistan are showing that resolve. The Soviet Union says it wants a peaceful settlement in Afghanistan, yet it continues a brutal war and props up a regime whose days are clearly numbered. We are ready to support a political solution that guarantees the rapid withdrawal of all Soviet troops and genuine self-determination for the Afghan people. In Central America, too, the cause of freedom is being tested. And our resolve is being tested there as well. Here, especially, the world is watching to see how this nation responds. Today over 90 percent of the people of Latin America live in democracy. Democracy is on the march in Central and South America. Communist Nicaragua is the odd man outósuppressing the church, the press, and democratic dissent and promoting subversion in the region. We support diplomatic efforts, but these efforts can never succeed if the Sandinistas win their war against the Nicaraguan people. Our commitment to a Western Hemisphere safe from aggression did not occur by spontaneous generation on the day that we took office. It began with the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 and continues our historic bipartisan American policy. Franklin Roosevelt said we 'are determined to do everything possible to maintain peace on this hemisphere.' President Truman was very blunt: 'International communism seeks to crush and undermine and destroy the independence of the Americas. We cannot let that happen here.' And John F. Kennedy made clear that 'Communist domination in this hemisphere can never be negotiated.' Some in this Congress may choose to depart from this historic commitment, but I will not. This year we celebrate the second century of our Constitution. The Sandinistas just signed theirs 2 weeks ago, and then suspended it. We won't know how my words tonight will be reported there for one simple reason: There is no free press in Nicaragua. Nicaraguan freedom fighters have never asked us to wage their battle, but I will fight any effort to shut off their lifeblood and consign them to death, defeat, or a life without freedom. There must be no Soviet beachhead in Central America. You know, we Americans have always preferred dialog to conflict, and so, we always remain open to more constructive relations with the Soviet Union. But more responsible Soviet conduct around the world is a key element of the U.S.-Soviet agenda. Progress is also required on the other items of our agenda as wellóreal respect for human rights and more open contacts between our societies and, of course, arms reduction. In Iceland, last October, we had one moment of opportunity that the Soviets dashed because they sought to cripple our Strategic Defense Initiative, SDI. I wouldn't let them do it then; I won't let them do it now or in the future. This is the most positive and promising defense program we have undertaken. It's the path, for both sides, to a safer futureóa system that defends human life instead of threatening it. SDI will go forward. The United States has made serious, fair, and far-reaching proposals to the Soviet Union, and this is a moment of rare opportunity for arms reduction. But I will need, and American negotiators in Geneva will need, Congress' support. Enacting the Soviet negotiating position into American law would not be the way to win a good agreement. So, I must tell you in this Congress I will veto any effort that undercuts our national security and our negotiating leverage. Now, today, we also find ourselves engaged in expanding peaceful commerce across the world. We will work to expand our opportunities in international markets through the Uruguay round of trade negotiations and to complete an historic free trade arrangement between the world's two largest trading partners, Canada and the United States. Our basic trade policy remains the same: We remain opposed as ever to protectionism, because America's growth and future depend on trade. But we would insist on trade that is fair and free. We are always willing to be trade partners but never trade patsies. Now, from foreign borders let us return to our own, because America in the world is only as strong as America at home. This 100th Congress has high responsibilities. I begin with a gentle reminder that many of these are simply the incomplete obligations of the past. The American people deserve to be impatient, because we do not yet have the public house in order. We've had great success in restoring our economic integrity, and we've rescued our nation from the worst economic mess since the Depression. But there's more to do. For starters, the Federal deficit is outrageous. For years I've asked that we stop pushing onto our children the excesses of our government. And what the Congress finally needs to do is pass a constitutional amendment that mandates a balanced budget and forces government to live within its means. States, cities, and the families of America balance their budgets. Why can't we? Next, the budget process is a sorry spectacle. The missing of deadlines and the nightmare of monstrous continuing resolutions packing hundreds of billions of dollars of spending into one bill must be stopped. We ask the Congress once again: Give us the same tool that 43 Governors haveóa lineitem veto so we can carve out the boondoggles and pork, those items that would never survive on their own. I will send the Congress broad recommendations on the budget, but first I'd like to see yours. Let's go to work and get this done together. But now let's talk about this year's budget. Even though I have submitted it within the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings deficit reduction target, I have seen suggestions that we might postpone that timetable. Well, I think the American people are tired of hearing the same old excuses. Together we made a commitment to balance the budget. Now let's keep it. As for those suggestions that the answer is higher taxes, the American people have repeatedly rejected that shop-worn advice. They know that we don't have deficits because people are taxed too little. We have deficits because big government spends too much. Now, next month I'll place two additional reforms before the Congress. We've created a welfare monster that is a shocking indictment of our sense of priorities. Our national welfare system consists of some 59 major programs and over 6,000 pages of Federal laws and regulations on which more than $132 billion was spent in 1985. I will propose a new national welfare strategy, a program of welfare reform through State-sponsored, community-based demonstration projects. This is the time to reform this outmoded social dinosaur and finally break the poverty trap. Now, we will never abandon those who, through no fault of their own, must have our help. But let us work to see how many can be freed from the dependency of welfare and made self-supporting, which the great majority of welfare recipients want more than anything else. Next, let us remove a financial specter facing our older Americans: the fear of an illness so expensive that it can result in having to make an intolerable choice between bankruptcy and death. I will submit legislation shortly to help free the elderly from the fear of catastrophic illness. Now let's turn to the future. It's widely said that America is losing her competitive edge. Well, that won't happen if we act now. How well prepared are we to enter the 21st century? In my lifetime, America set the standard for the world. It is now time to determine that we should enter the next century having achieved a level of excellence unsurpassed in history. We will achieve this, first, by guaranteeing that government does everything possible to promote America's ability to compete. Second, we must act as individuals in a quest for excellence that will not be measured by new proposals or billions in new funding. Rather, it involves an expenditure of American spirit and just plain American grit. The Congress will soon receive my comprehensive proposals to enhance our competitiveness, including new science and technology centers and strong new funding for basic research. The bill will include legal and regulatory reforms and weapons to fight unfair trade practices. Competitiveness also means giving our farmers a shot at participating fairly and fully in a changing world market. Preparing for the future must begin, as always, with our children. We need to set for them new and more rigorous goals. We must demand more of ourselves and our children by raising literacy levels dramatically by the year 2000. Our children should master the basic concepts of math and science, and let's insist that students not leave high school until they have studied and understood the basic documents of our national heritage. There's one more thing we can't let up on: Let's redouble our personal efforts to provide for every child a safe and drug-free learning environment. If our crusade against drugs succeeds with our children, we will defeat that scourge all over the country. Finally, let's stop suppressing the spiritual core of our national being. Our nation could not have been conceived without divine help. Why is it that we can build a nation with our prayers, but we can't use a schoolroom for voluntary prayer? The 100th Congress of the United States should be remembered as the one that ended the expulsion of God from America's classrooms. The quest for excellence into the 21st century begins in the schoolroom but must go next to the workplace. More than 20 million new jobs will be created before the new century unfolds, and by then, our economy should be able to provide a job for everyone who wants to work. We must also enable our workers to adapt to the rapidly changing nature of the workplace. And I will propose substantial, new Federal commitments keyed to retraining and job mobility. Over the next few weeks, I'll be sending the Congress a complete series of these special messagesóon budget reform, welfare reform, competitiveness, including education, trade, worker training and assistance, agriculture, and other subjects. The Congress can give us these tools, but to make these tools work, it really comes down to just being our best. And that is the core of American greatness. The responsibility of freedom presses us towards higher knowledge and, I believe, moral and spiritual greatness. Through lower taxes and smaller government, government has its ways of freeing people's spirits. But only we, each of us, can let the spirit soar against our own individual standards. Excellence is what makes freedom ring. And isn't that what we do best? We're entering our third century now, but it's wrong to judge our nation by its years. The calendar can't measure America because we were meant to be an endless experiment in freedomówith no limit to our reaches, no boundaries to what we can do, no end point to our hopes. The United States Constitution is the impassioned and inspired vehicle by which we travel through history. It grew out of the most fundamental inspiration of our existence: that we are here to serve Him by living freeóthat living free releases in us the noblest of impulses and the best of our abilities; that we would use these gifts for good and generous purposes and would secure them not just for ourselves and for our children but for all mankind. Over the yearsóI won't count if you don'tónothing has been so heartwarming to me as speaking to America's young, and the little ones especially, so fresh-faced and so eager to know. Well, from time to time I've been with themóthey will ask about our Constitution. And I hope you Members of Congress will not deem this a breach of protocol if you'll permit me to share these thoughts again with the young people who might be listening or watching this evening. I've read the constitutions of a number of countries, including the Soviet Union's. Now, some people are surprised to hear that they have a constitution, and it even supposedly grants a number of freedoms to its people. Many countries have written into their constitution provisions for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. Well, if this is true, why is the Constitution of the United States so exceptional? Well, the difference is so small that it almost escapes you, but it's so great it tells you the whole story in just three words: We the people. In those other constitutions, the Government tells the people of those countries what they're allowed to do. In our Constitution, we the people tell the Government what it can do, and it can do only those things listed in that document and no others. Virtually every other revolution in history has just exchanged one set of rulers for another set of rulers. Our revolution is the first to say the people are the masters and government is their servant. And you young people out there, don't ever forget that. Someday you could be in this room, but wherever you are, America is depending on you to reach your highest and be your bestóbecause here in America, we the people are in charge. Just three words: We the peopleóthose are the kids on Christmas Day looking out from a frozen sentry post on the 38th parallel in Korea or aboard an aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean. A million miles from home, but doing their duty. We the peopleóthose are the warmhearted whose numbers we can't begin to count, who'll begin the day with a little prayer for hostages they will never know and MIA families they will never meet. Why? Because that's the way we are, this unique breed we call Americans. We the peopleóthey're farmers on tough times, but who never stop feeding a hungry world. They're the volunteers at the hospital choking back their tears for the hundredth time, caring for a baby struggling for life because of a mother who used drugs. And you'll forgive me a special memoryóit's a million mothers like Nelle Reagan who never knew a stranger or turned a hungry person away from her kitchen door. We the peopleóthey refute last week's television commentary downgrading our optimism and our idealism. They are the entrepreneurs, the builders, the pioneers, and a lot of regular folksóthe true heroes of our land who make up the most uncommon nation of doers in history. You know they're Americans because their spirit is as big as the universe and their hearts are bigger than their spirits. We the peopleóstarting the third century of a dream and standing up to some cynic who's trying to tell us we're not going to get any better. Are we at the end? Well, I can't tell it any better than the real thingóa story recorded by James Madison from the final moments of the Constitutional Convention, September 17th, 1787. As the last few members signed the document, Benjamin Franklinóthe oldest delegate at 81 years and in frail healthólooked over toward the chair where George Washington daily presided. At the back of the chair was painted the picture of a Sun on the horizon. And turning to those sitting next to him, Franklin observed that artists found it difficult in their painting to distinguish between a rising and a setting Sun. Well, I know if we were there, we could see those delegates sitting around Franklin-leaning in to listen more closely to him. And then Dr. Franklin began to share his deepest hopes and fears about the outcome of their efforts, and this is what he said: 'I have often looked at that picture behind the President without being able to tell whether it was a rising or setting Sun: But now at length I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a setting Sun.' Well, you can bet it's rising because, my fellow citizens, America isn't finished. Her best days have just begun. Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and distinguished Members of the House and Senate: When we first met here 7 years ago-many of us for the first timeóit was with the hope of beginning something new for America. We meet here tonight in this historic Chamber to continue that work. If anyone expects just a proud recitation of the accomplishments of my administration, I say let's leave that to history; we're not finished yet. So, my message to you tonight is put on your work shoes; we're still on the job. History records the power of the ideas that brought us here those 7 years ago-ideas like the individual's right to reach as far and as high as his or her talents will permit; the free market as an engine of economic progress. And as an ancient Chinese philosopher, Lao-tzu, said: 'Govern a great nation as you would cook a small fish; do not overdo it.' [Laughter] Well, these ideas were part of a larger notion, a vision, if you will, of America herselfóan America not only rich in opportunity for the individual but an America, too, of strong families and vibrant neighborhoods; an America whose divergent but harmonizing communities were a reflection of a deeper community of values: the value of work, of family, of religion, and of the love of freedom that God places in each of us and whose defense He has entrusted in a special way to this nation. All of this was made possible by an idea I spoke of when Mr. Gorbachev was here-the belief that the most exciting revolution ever known to humankind began with three simple words: 'We the People,' the revolutionary notion that the people grant government its rights, and not the other way around. And there's one lesson that has come home powerfully to me, which I would offer to you now. Just as those who created this Republic pledged to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, so, too, America's leaders today must pledge to each other that we will keep foremost in our hearts and minds not what is best for ourselves or for our party but what is best for America. In the spirit of Jefferson, let us affirm that in this Chamber tonight there are no Republicans, no Democratsójust Americans. Yes, we will have our differences, but let us always remember what unites us far outweighs whatever divides us. Those who sent us here to serve themóthe millions of Americans watching and listening tonight-expect this of us. Let's prove to them and to ourselves that democracy works even in an election year. We've done this before. And as we have worked together to bring down spending, tax rates, and inflation, employment has climbed to record heights; America has created more jobs and better, higher paying jobs; family income has risen for 4 straight years, and America's poor climbed out of poverty at the fastest rate in more than 10 years. Our record is not just the longest peacetime expansion in history but an economic and social revolution of hope based on work, incentives, growth, and opportunity; a revolution of compassion that led to private sector initiatives and a 77-percent increase in charitable giving; a revolution that at a critical moment in world history reclaimed and restored the American dream. In international relations, too, there's only one description for what, together, we have achieved: a complete turnabout, a revolution. Seven years ago, America was weak, and freedom everywhere was under siege. Today America is strong, and democracy is everywhere on the move. From Central America to East Asia, ideas like free markets and democratic reforms and human rights are taking hold. We've replaced 'Blame America' with 'Look up to America.' We've rebuilt our defenses. And of all our accomplishments, none can give us more satisfaction than knowing that our young people are again proud to wear our country's uniform. And in a few moments, I'm going to talk about three developmentsóarms reduction, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the global democratic revolutionóthat, when taken together, offer a chance none of us would have dared imagine 7 years ago, a chance to rid the world of the two great nightmares of the postwar era. I speak of the startling hope of giving our children a future free of both totalitarianism and nuclear terror. Tonight, then, we're strong, prosperous, at peace, and we are free. This is the state of our Union. And if we will work together this year, I believe we can give a future President and a future Congress the chance to make that prosperity, that peace, that freedom not just the state of our Union but the state of our world. Toward this end, we have four basic objectives tonight. First, steps we can take this year to keep our economy strong and growing, to give our children a future of low inflation and full employment. Second, let's check our progress in attacking social problems, where important gains have been made, but which still need critical attention. I mean schools that work, economic independence for the poor, restoring respect for family life and family values. Our third objective tonight is global: continuing the exciting economic and democratic revolutions we've seen around the world. Fourth and finally, our nation has remained at peace for nearly a decade and a half, as we move toward our goals of world prosperity and world freedom. We must protect that peace and deter war by making sure the next President inherits what you and I have a moral obligation to give that President: a national security that is unassailable and a national defense that takes full advantage of new technology and is fully funded. This is a full agenda. It's meant to be. You see, my thinking on the next year is quite simple: Let's make this the best of 8. And that means it's all outóright to the finish line. I don't buy the idea that this is the last year of anything, because we're not talking here tonight about registering temporary gains but ways of making permanent our successes. And that's why our focus is the values, the principles, and ideas that made America great. Let's be clear on this point. We're for limited government, because we understand, as the Founding Fathers did, that it is the best way of ensuring personal liberty and empowering the individual so that every American of every race and region shares fully in the flowering of American prosperity and freedom. One other thing we Americans likeóthe futureólike the sound of it, the idea of it, the hope of it. Where others fear trade and economic growth, we see opportunities for creating new wealth and undreamed-of opportunities for millions in our own land and beyond. Where others seek to throw up barriers, we seek to bring them down. Where others take counsel of their fears, we follow our hopes. Yes, we Americans like the future and like making the most of it. Let's do that now. And let's begin by discussing how to maintain economic growth by controlling and eventually eliminating the problem of Federal deficits. We have had a balanced budget only eight times in the last 57 years. For the first time in 14 years, the Federal Government spent less in real terms last year than the year before. We took $73 billion off last year's deficit compared to the year before. The deficit itself has moved from 6.3 percent of the gross national product to only 3.4 percent. And perhaps the most important sign of progress has been the change in our view of deficits. You know, a few of us can remember when, not too many years ago, those who created the deficits said they would make us prosperous and not to worry about the debt, because we owe it to ourselves. Well, at last there is agreement that we can't spend ourselves rich. Our recent budget agreement, designed to reduce Federal deficits by $76 billion over the next 2 years, builds on this consensus. But this agreement must be adhered to without slipping into the errors of the past: more broken promises and more unchecked spending. As I indicated in my first State of the Union, what ails us can be simply put: The Federal Government is too big, and it spends too much money. I can assure you, the bipartisan leadership of Congress, of my help in fighting off any attempt to bust our budget agreement. And this includes the swift and certain use of the veto power. Now, it's also time for some plain talk about the most immediate obstacle to controlling Federal deficits. The simple but frustrating problem of making expenses match revenuesósomething American families do and the Federal Government can'tóhas caused crisis after crisis in this city. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, I will say to you tonight what I have said before and will continue to say: The budget process has broken down; it needs a drastic overhaul. With each ensuing year, the spectacle before the American people is the same as it was this Christmas: budget deadlines delayed or missed completely, monstrous continuing resolutions that pack hundreds of billions of dollars worth of spending into one bill, and a Federal Government on the brink of default. I know I'm echoing what you here in the Congress have said, because you suffered so directly. But let's recall that in 7 years, of 91 appropriations bills scheduled to arrive on my desk by a certain date, only 10 made it on time. Last year, of the 13 appropriations bills due by October 1st, none of them made it. Instead, we had four continuing resolutions lasting 41 days, then 36 days, and 2 days, and 3 days, respectively. And then, along came these behemoths. This is the conference reportó1,053 pages, report weighing 14 pounds. Then thisóa reconciliation bill 6 months late that was 1,186 pages long, weighing 15 pounds. And the long-term continuing resolutionóthis one was 2 months late, and it's 1,057 pages long, weighing 14 pounds. That was a total of 43 pounds of paper and ink. You had 3 hoursóyes, 3 hoursóto consider each, and it took 300 people at my Office of Management and Budget just to read the bill so the Government wouldn't shut down. Congress shouldn't send another one of these. No, and if you do, I will not sign it. Let's change all this. Instead of a Presidential budget that gets discarded and a congressional budget resolution that is not enforced, why not a simple partnership, a joint agreement that sets out the spending priorities within the available revenues? And let's remember our deadline is October 1st, not Christmas. Let's get the people's work done in time to avoid a footrace with Santa Claus. [Laughter] And, yes, this yearóto coin a phraseóa new beginning: 13 individual bills, on time and fully reviewed by Congress. I'm also certain you join me in saying: Let's help ensure our future of prosperity by giving the President a tool that, though I will not get to use it, is one I know future Presidents of either party must have. Give the President the same authority that 43 Governors use in their States: the right to reach into massive appropriation bills, pare away the waste, and enforce budget discipline. Let's approve the line-item veto. And let's take a partial step in this direction. Most of you in this Chamber didn't know what was in this catchall bill and report. Over the past few weeks, we've all learned what was tucked away behind a little comma here and there. For example, there's millions for items such as cranberry research, blueberry research, the study of crawfish, and the commercialization of wildflowers. And that's not to mention the five or so million [$.5 million] thatóso that people from developing nations could come here to watch Congress at work. [Laughter] I won't even touch that. [Laughter] So, tonight I offer you this challenge. In 30 days I will send back to you those items as rescissions, which if I had the authority to line them out I would do so. Now, review this multibillion-dollar package that will not undercut our bipartisan budget agreement. As a matter of fact, if adopted, it will improve our deficit reduction goals. And what an example we can set, that we're serious about getting our financial accounts in order. By acting and approving this plan, you have the opportunity to override a congressional process that is out of control. There is another vital reform. Yes, Gramm-Rudman-Hollings has been profoundly helpful, but let us take its goal of a balanced budget and make it permanent. Let us do now what so many States do to hold down spending and what 32 State legislatures have asked us to do. Let us heed the wishes of an overwhelming plurality of Americans and pass a constitutional amendment that mandates a balanced budget and forces the Federal Government to live within its means. Reform of the budget processóincluding the line-item veto and balanced budget amendmentówill, together with real restraint on government spending, prevent the Federal budget from ever again ravaging the family budget. Let's ensure that the Federal Government never again legislates against the family and the home. Last September I signed an Executive order on the family requiring that every department and agency review its activities in light of seven standards designed to promote and not harm the family. But let us make certain that the family is always at the center of the public policy process not just in this administration but in all future administrations. It's time for Congress to consider, at the beginning, a statement of the impact that legislation will have on the basic unit of American society, the family. And speaking of the family, let's turn to a matter on the mind of every American parent tonight: education. We all know the sorry story of the sixties and seventies-soaring spending, plummeting test scores-and that hopeful trend of the eighties, when we replaced an obsession with dollars with a commitment to quality, and test scores started back up. There's a lesson here that we all should write on the blackboard a hundred times: In a child's education, money can never take the place of basics like discipline, hard work, and, yes, homework. As a nation we do, of course, spend heavily on educationómore than we spend on defense. Yet across our country, Governors like New Jersey's Tom Kean are giving classroom demonstrations that how we spend is as important as how much we spend. Opening up the teaching profession to all qualified candidates, merit payóso that good teachers get A's as well as applesóand stronger curriculum, as Secretary Bennett has proposed for high schoolsóthese imaginative reforms are making common sense the most popular new kid in America's schools. How can we help? Well, we can talk about and push for these reforms. But the most important thing we can do is to reaffirm that control of our schools belongs to the States, local communities and, most of all, to the parents and teachers. My friends, some years ago, the Federal Government declared war on poverty, and poverty won. [Laughter] Today the Federal Government has 59 major welfare programs and spends more than $100 billion a year on them. What has all this money done? Well, too often it has only made poverty harder to escape. Federal welfare programs have created a massive social problem. With the best of intentions, government created a poverty trap that wreaks havoc on the very support system the poor need most to lift themselves out of poverty: the family. Dependency has become the one enduring heirloom, passed from one generation to the next, of too many fragmented families. It is timeóthis may be the most radical thing I've said in 7 years in this officeóit's time for Washington to show a little humility. There are a thousand sparks of genius in 50 States and a thousand communities around the Nation. It is time to nurture them and see which ones can catch fire and become guiding lights. States have begun to show us the way. They've demonstrated that successful welfare programs can be built around more effective child support enforcement practices and innovative programs requiring welfare recipients to work or prepare for work. Let us give the States more flexibility and encourage more reforms. Let's start making our welfare system the first rung on America's ladder of opportunity, a boost up from dependency, not a graveyard but a birthplace of hope. And now let me turn to three other matters vital to family values and the quality of family life. The first is an untold American success story. Recently, we released our annual survey of what graduating high school seniors have to say about drugs. Cocaine use is declining, and marijuana use was the lowest since surveying began. We can be proud that our students are just saying no to drugs. But let us remember what this menace requires: commitment from every part of America and every single American, a commitment to a drugfree America. The war against drugs is a war of individual battles, a crusade with many heroes, including America's young people and also someone very special to me. She has helped so many of our young people to say no to drugs. Nancy, much credit belongs to you, and I want to express to you your husband's pride and your country's thanks.'. Surprised you, didn't I? [Laughter] Well, now we come to a family issue that we must have the courage to confront. Tonight, I call Americaóa good nation, a moral peopleóto charitable but realistic consideration of the terrible cost of abortion on demand. To those who say this violates a woman's right to control of her own body: Can they deny that now medical evidence confirms the unborn child is a living human being entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Let us unite as a nation and protect the unborn with legislation that would stop all Federal funding for abortion and with a human life amendment making, of course, an exception where the unborn child threatens the life of the mother. Our Judeo-Christian tradition recognizes the right of taking a life in self-defense. But with that one exception, let us look to those others in our land who cry out for children to adopt. I pledge to you tonight I will work to remove barriers to adoption and extend full sharing in family life to millions of Americans so that children who need homes can be welcomed to families who want them and love them. And let me add here: So many of our greatest statesmen have reminded us that spiritual values alone are essential to our nation's health and vigor. The Congress opens its proceedings each day, as does the Supreme Court, with an acknowledgment of the Supreme Being. Yet we are denied the right to set aside in our schools a moment each day for those who wish to pray. I believe Congress should pass our school prayer amendment. Now, to make sure there is a full nine member Supreme Court to interpret the law, to protect the rights of all Americans, I urge the Senate to move quickly and decisively in confirming Judge Anthony Kennedy to the highest Court in the land and to also confirm 27 nominees now waiting to fill vacancies in the Federal judiciary. Here then are our domestic priorities. Yet if the Congress and the administration work together, even greater opportunities lie ahead to expand a growing world economy, to continue to reduce the threat of nuclear arms, and to extend the frontiers of freedom and the growth of democratic institutions. Our policies consistently received the strongest support of the late Congressman Dan Daniel of Virginia. I'm sure all of you join me in expressing heartfelt condolences on his passing. One of the greatest contributions the United States can make to the world is to promote freedom as the key to economic growth. A creative, competitive America is the answer to a changing world, not trade wars that would close doors, create greater barriers, and destroy millions of jobs. We should always remember: Protectionism is destructionism. America's jobs, America's growth, America's future depend on tradeótrade that is free, open, and fair. This year, we have it within our power to take a major step toward a growing global economy and an expanding cycle of prosperity that reaches to all the free nations of this Earth. I'm speaking of the historic free trade agreement negotiated between our country and Canada. And I can also tell you that we're determined to expand this concept, south as well as north. Next month I will be traveling to Mexico, where trade matters will be of foremost concern. And over the next several months, our Congress and the Canadian Parliament can make the start of such a North American accord a reality. Our goal must be a day when the free flow of trade, from the tip of Tierra del Fuego to the Arctic Circle, unites the people of the Western Hemisphere in a bond of mutually beneficial exchange, when all borders become what the U.S.-Canadian border so long has been: a meeting place rather than a dividing line. This movement we see in so many places toward economic freedom is indivisible from the worldwide movement toward political freedom and against totalitarian rule. This global democratic revolution has removed the specter, so frightening a decade ago, of democracy doomed to permanent minority status in the world. In South and Central America, only a third of the people enjoyed democratic rule in 1976. Today over 90 percent of Latin Americans live in nations committed to democratic principles. And the resurgence of democracy is owed to these courageous people on almost every continent who have struggled to take control of their own destiny. In Nicaragua the struggle has extra meaning, because that nation is so near our own borders. The recent revelations of a former high-level Sandinista major, Roger Miranda, show us that, even as they talk peace, the Communist Sandinista government of Nicaragua has established plans for a large 600,000-man army. Yet even as these plans are made, the Sandinista regime knows the tide is turning, and the cause of Nicaraguan freedom is riding at its crest. Because of the freedom fighters, who are resisting Communist rule, the Sandinistas have been forced to extend some democratic rights, negotiate with church authorities, and release a few political prisoners. The focus is on the Sandinistas, their promises and their actions. There is a consensus among the four Central American democratic Presidents that the Sandinistas have not complied with the plan to bring peace and democracy to all of Central America. The Sandinistas again have promised reforms. Their challenge is to take irreversible steps toward democracy. On Wednesday my request to sustain the freedom fighters will be submitted, which reflects our mutual desire for peace, freedom, and democracy in Nicaragua. I ask Congress to pass this request. Let us be for the people of Nicaragua what Lafayette, Pulaski, and Von Steuben were for our forefathers and the cause of American independence. So, too, in Afghanistan, the freedom fighters are the key to peace. We support the Mujahidin. There can be no settlement unless all Soviet troops are removed and the Afghan people are allowed genuine self-determination. I have made my views on this matter known to Mr. Gorbachev. But not just Nicaragua or Afghanistanóyes, everywhere we see a swelling freedom tide across the world: freedom fighters rising up in Cambodia and Angola, fighting and dying for the same democratic liberties we hold sacred. Their cause is our cause: freedom. Yet even as we work to expand world freedom, we must build a safer peace and reduce the danger of nuclear war. But let's have no illusions. Three years of steady decline in the value of our annual defense investment have increased the risk of our most basic security interests, jeopardizing earlier hard-won goals. We must face squarely the implications of this negative trend and make adequate, stable defense spending a top goal both this year and in the future. This same concern applies to economic and security assistance programs as well. But the resolve of America and its NATO allies has opened the way for unprecedented achievement in arms reduction. Our recently signed INF treaty is historic, because it reduces nuclear arms and establishes the most stringent verification regime in arms control history, including several forms of short-notice, on-site inspection. I submitted the treaty today, and I urge the Senate to give its advice and consent to ratification of this landmark agreement. [Applause] Thank you very much. In addition to the INF treaty, we're within reach of an even more significant START agreement that will reduce U.S. and Soviet long-range missileóor strategic arsenals by half. But let me be clear. Our approach is not to seek agreement for agreement's sake but to settle only for agreements that truly enhance our national security and that of our allies. We will never put our security at riskóor that of our allies-just to reach an agreement with the Soviets. No agreement is better than a bad agreement. As I mentioned earlier, our efforts are to give future generations what we never hadóa future free of nuclear terror. Reduction of strategic offensive arms is one step, SDI another. Our funding request for our Strategic Defense Initiative is less than 2 percent of the total defense budget. SDI funding is money wisely appropriated and money well spent. SDI has the same purpose and supports the same goals of arms reduction. It reduces the risk of war and the threat of nuclear weapons to all mankind. Strategic defenses that threaten no one could offer the world a safer, more stable basis for deterrence. We must also remember that SDI is our insurance policy against a nuclear accident, a Chernobyl of the sky, or an accidental launch or some madman who might come along. We've seen such changes in the world in 7 years. As totalitarianism struggles to avoid being overwhelmed by the forces of economic advance and the aspiration for human freedom, it is the free nations that are resilient and resurgent. As the global democratic revolution has put totalitarianism on the defensive, we have left behind the days of retreat. America is again a vigorous leader of the free world, a nation that acts decisively and firmly in the furtherance of her principles and vital interests. No legacy would make me more proud than leaving in place a bipartisan consensus for the cause of world freedom, a consensus that prevents a paralysis of American power from ever occurring again. But my thoughts tonight go beyond this, and I hope you'll let me end this evening with a personal reflection. You know, the world could never be quite the same again after Jacob Shallus, a trustworthy and dependable clerk of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, took his pen and engrossed those words about representative government in the preamble of our Constitution. And in a quiet but final way, the course of human events was forever altered when, on a ridge overlooking the Emmitsburg Pike in an obscure Pennsylvania town called Gettysburg, Lincoln spoke of our duty to government of and by the people and never letting it perish from the Earth. At the start of this decade, I suggested that we live in equally momentous times, that it is up to us now to decide whether our form of government would endure and whether history still had a place of greatness for a quiet, pleasant, greening land called America. Not everything has been made perfect in 7 years, nor will it be made perfect in seven times 70 years, but before us, this year and beyond, are great prospects for the cause of peace and world freedom. It means, too, that the young Americans I spoke of 7 years ago, as well as those who might be coming along the Virginia or Maryland shores this night and seeing for the first time the lights of this Capital Cityóthe lights that cast their glow on our great halls of government and the monuments to the memory of our great menóit means those young Americans will find a city of hope in a land that is free. We can be proud that for them and for us, as those lights along the Potomac are still seen this night signaling as they have for nearly two centuries and as we pray God they always will, that another generation of Americans has protected and passed on lovingly this place called America, this shining city on a hill, this government of, by, and for the people. Thank you, and God bless you. Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the United States Congress: I return as a former President of the Senate and a former Member of this great House. And now, as President, it is my privilege to report to you on the state of the Union. Tonight I come not to speak about the state of the Government, not to detail every new initiative we plan for the coming year nor to describe every line in the budget. I'm here to speak to you and to the American people about the state of the Union, about our world -- the changes we've seen, the challenges we face -- and what that means for America. There are singular moments in history, dates that divide all that goes before from all that comes after. And many of us in this Chamber have lived much of our lives in a world whose fundamental features were defined in 1945; and the events of that year decreed the shape of nations, the pace of progress, freedom or oppression for millions of people around the world. Nineteen forty-five provided the common frame of reference, the compass points of the postwar era we've relied upon to understand ourselves. And that was our world, until now. The events of the year just ended, the Revolution of '89, have been a chain reaction, changes so striking that it marks the beginning of a new era in the world's affairs. Think back -- think back just 12 short months ago to the world we knew as 1989 began. One year -- one year ago, the people of Panama lived in fear, under the thumb of a dictator. Today democracy is restored; Panama is free. Operation Just Cause has achieved its objective. The number of military personnel in Panama is now very close to what it was before the operation began. And tonight I am announcing that well before the end of February, the additional numbers of American troops, the brave men and women of our Armed Forces who made this mission a success, will be back home. A year ago in Poland, Lech Walesa declared that he was ready to open a dialog with the Communist rulers of that country; and today, with the future of a free Poland in their own hands, members of Solidarity lead the Polish Government. A year ago, freedom's playwright, Vaclav Havel, languished as a prisoner in Prague. And today it's Vaclav Havel, President of Czechoslovakia. And 1 year ago, Erich Honecker of East Germany claimed history as his guide, and he predicted the Berlin Wall would last another hundred years. And today, less than 1 year later, it's the Wall that's history. Remarkable events -- events that fulfill the long-held hopes of the American people; events that validate the longstanding goals of American policy, a policy based on a single, shining principle: the cause of freedom. America, not just the nation but an idea, alive in the minds of people everywhere. As this new world takes shape, America stands at the center of a widening circle of freedom -- today, tomorrow, and into the next century. Our nation is the enduring dream of every immigrant who ever set foot on these shores, and the millions still struggling to be free. This nation, this idea called America, was and always will be a new world -- our new world. At a workers' rally, in a place called Branik on the outskirts of Prague, the idea called America is alive. A worker, dressed in grimy overalls, rises to speak at the factory gates. He begins his speech to his fellow citizens with these words, words of a distant revolution: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, and that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.' It's no secret that here at home freedom's door opened long ago. The cornerstones of this free society have already been set in place: democracy, competition, opportunity, private investment, stewardship, and of course leadership. And our challenge today is to take this democratic system of ours, a system second to none, and make it better: a better America, where there's a job for everyone who wants one; where women working outside the home can be confident their children are in safe and loving care and where government works to expand child-care alternatives for parents; where we reconcile the needs of a clean environment and a strong economy; where 'Made in the USA' is recognized around the world as the symbol of quality and progress; where every one of us enjoys the same opportunities to live, to work, and to contribute to society and where, for the first time, the American mainstream includes all of our disabled citizens; where everyone has a roof over his head and where the homeless get the help they need to live in dignity; where our schools challenge and support our kids and our teachers and where all of them make the grade; where every street, every city, every school, and every child is drug-free; and finally, where no American is forgotten -- our hearts go out to our hostages who are ceaselessly on our minds and in our efforts. That's part of the future we want to see, the future we can make for ourselves, but dreams alone won't get us there. We need to extend our horizon, commit to the long view. And our mission for the future starts today. In the tough competitive markets around the world, America faces the great challenges and great opportunities. And we know that we can succeed in the global economic arena of the nineties, but to meet that challenge, we must make some fundamental changes -- some crucial investment in ourselves. Yes, we are going to invest in America. This administration is determined to encourage the creation of capital, capital of all kinds: physical capital -- everything from our farms and factories to our workshops and production lines, all that is needed to produce and deliver quality goods and quality services; intellectual capital -- the source of ideas that spark tomorrow's products; and of course our human capital -- the talented work force that we'll need to compete in the global market. Let me tell you, if we ignore human capital, if we lose the spirit of American ingenuity, the spirit that is the hallmark of the American worker, that would be bad. The American worker is the most productive worker in the world. We need to save more. We need to expand the pool of capital for new investments that need more jobs and more growth. And that's the idea behind a new initiative I call the Family Savings Plan, which I will send to Congress tomorrow. We need to cut the tax on capital gains, encourage risktakers, especially those in our small businesses, to take those steps that translate into economic reward, jobs, and a better life for all of us. We'll do what it takes to invest in America's future. The budget commitment is there. The money is there. It's there for research and development, R&D -- a record high. It's there for our housing initiative -- HOPE -- to help everyone from first-time homebuyers to the homeless. The money's there to keep our kids drug-free -- 70 percent more than when I took office in 1989. It's there for space exploration. And it's there for education -- another record high. And one more thing: Last fall at the education summit, the Governors and I agreed to look for ways to help make sure that our kids are ready to learn the very first day they walk into the classroom. And I've made good on that commitment by proposing a record increase in funds -- an extra half-a-billion dollars -- for something near and dear to all of us: Head Start. Education is the one investment that means more for our future because it means the most for our children. Real improvement in our schools is not simply a matter of spending more: It's a matter of asking more -- expecting more -- of our schools, our teachers, of our kids, of our parents, and ourselves. And that's why tonight I am announcing America's education goals, goals developed with enormous cooperation from the Nation's Governors. And if I might, I'd like to say I'm very pleased that Governor Gardner [Washington] and Governor Clinton [Arkansas], Governor Branstad [Iowa], Governor Campbell [South Carolina], all of whom were very key in these discussions, these deliberations, are with us here tonight. By the year 2000, every child must start school ready to learn. The United States must increase the high school graduation rate to no less than 90 percent. And we are going to make sure our schools' diplomas mean something. In critical subjects -- at the 4th, 8th, and 12th grades -- we must assess our students' performance. By the year 2000, U.S. students must be first in the world in math and science achievement. Every American adult must be a skilled, literate worker and citizen. Every school must offer the kind of disciplined environment that makes it possible for our kids to learn. And every school in America must be drug-free. Ambitious aims? Of course. Easy to do? Far from it. But the future's at stake. The Nation will not accept anything less than excellence in education. These investments will keep America competitive. And I know this about the American people: We welcome competition. We'll match our ingenuity, our energy, our experience and technology, our spirit and enterprise against anyone. But let the competition be free, but let it also be fair. America is ready. Since we really mean it and since we're serious about being ready to meet that challenge, we're getting our own house in order. We have made real progress. Seven years ago, the Federal deficit was 6 percent of our gross national product -- 6 percent. In the new budget I sent up 2 days ago, the deficit is down to 1 percent of gross national product. That budget brings Federal spending under control. It meets the Gramm-Rudman target. It brings that deficit down further and balances the budget by 1993 with no new taxes. And let me tell you, there's still more than enough Federal spending. For most of us, $1.2 trillion is still a lot of money. And once the budget is balanced, we can operate the way every family must when it has bills to pay. We won't leave it to our children and our grandchildren. Once it's balanced, we will start paying off the national debt. And there's something more we owe the generations of the future: stewardship, the safekeeping of America's precious environmental inheritance. It's just one sign of how serious we are. We will elevate the Environmental Protection Agency to Cabinet rank -- not more bureaucracy, not more red-tape, but the certainty that here at home, and especially in our dealings with other nations, environmental issues have the status they deserve. This year's budget provides over $2 billion in new spending to protect our environment, with over $1 billion for global change research, and a new initiative I call America the Beautiful to expand our national parks and wildlife preserves that improve recreational facilities on public lands, and something else, something that will help keep this country clean from our forestland to the inner cities and keep America beautiful for generations to come: the money to plant a billion trees a year. And tonight let me say again to all the Members of the Congress: The American people did not send us here to bicker. There is work to do, and they sent us here to get it done. And once again, in the spirit of cooperation, I offer my hand to all of you. Let's work together to do the will of the people: clean air, child care, the Educational Excellence Act, crime, and drugs. It's time to act. The farm bill, transportation policy, product-liability reform, enterprise zones -- it's time to act together. And there's one thing I hope we will be able to agree on. It's about our commitments. I'm talking about Social Security. To every American out there on Social Security, to every American supporting that system today, and to everyone counting on it when they retire, we made a promise to you, and we are going to keep it. We rescued the system in 1983, and it's sound again -- bipartisan arrangement. Our budget fully funds today's benefits, and it assures that future benefits will be funded as well. The last thing we need to do is mess around with Social Security. There's one more problem we need to address. We must give careful consideration to the recommendations of the health-care studies underway now. That's why tonight I'm asking Dr. Sullivan, Lou Sullivan, Secretary of Health and Human Services, to lead a Domestic Policy Council review of recommendations on the quality, accessibility, and cost of our nation's health-care system. I am committed to bring the staggering costs of health care under control. The state of the Government does indeed depend on many of us in this very chamber. But the state of the Union depends on all Americans. We must maintain the democratic decency that makes a nation out of millions of individuals. I've been appalled at the recent mail bombings across this country. Every one of us must confront and condemn racism, anti-Semitism, bigotry, and hate, not next week, not tomorrow, but right now -- every single one of us. The state of the Union depends on whether we help our neighbor -- claim the problems of our community as our own. We've got to step forward when there's trouble, lend a hand, be what I call a point of light to a stranger in need. We've got to take the time after a busy day to sit down and read with our kids, help them with their homework, pass along the values we learned as children. That's how we sustain the state of the Union. Every effort is important. It all adds up. It's doing the things that give democracy meaning. It all adds up to who we are and who we will be. Let me say that so long as we remember the American idea, so long as we live up to the American ideal, the state of the Union will remain sound and strong. And to those who worry that we've lost our way -- well, I want you to listen to parts of a letter written by Private First Class James Markwell, a 20-year-old Army medic of the 1st Battalion, 75th Rangers. It's dated December 18th, the night before our armed forces went into action in Panama. It's a letter servicemen write and hope will never be sent. And sadly, Private Markwell's mother did receive this letter. She passed it along to me out there in Cincinnati. And here is some of what he wrote: 'I've never been afraid of death, but I know he is waiting at the corner. I've been trained to kill and to save, and so has everyone else. I am frightened what lays beyond the fog, and yet do not mourn for me. Revel in the life that I have died to give you. But most of all, don't forget the Army was my choice. Something that I wanted to do. Remember I joined the Army to serve my country and ensure that you are free to do what you want and live your lives freely.' Let me add that Private Markwell was among the first to see battle in Panama, and one of the first to fall. But he knew what he believed in. He carried the idea we call America in his heart. I began tonight speaking about the changes we've seen this past year. There is a new world of challenges and opportunities before us, and there's a need for leadership that only America can provide. Nearly 40 years ago, in his last address to the Congress, President Harry Truman predicted such a time would come. He said: 'As our world grows stronger, more united, more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron Curtain, then inevitably there will come a time of change within the Communist world.' Today, that change is taking place. For more than 40 years, America and its allies held communism in check and ensured that democracy would continue to exist. And today, with communism crumbling, our aim must be to ensure democracy's advance, to take the lead in forging peace and freedom's best hope: a great and growing commonwealth of free nations. And to the Congress and to all Americans, I say it is time to acclaim a new consensus at home and abroad, a common vision of the peaceful world we want to see. Here in our own hemisphere, it is time for all the peoples of the Americas, North and South, to live in freedom. In the Far East and Africa, it's time for the full flowering of free governments and free markets that have served as the engine of progress. It's time to offer our hand to the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe so that continent -- for too long a continent divided -- can see a future whole and free. It's time to build on our new relationship with the Soviet Union, to endorse and encourage a peaceful process of internal change toward democracy and economic opportunity. We are in a period of great transition, great hope, and yet great uncertainty. We recognize that the Soviet military threat in Europe is diminishing, but we see little change in Soviet strategic modernization. Therefore, we must sustain our own strategic offense modernization and the Strategic Defense Initiative. But the time is right to move forward on a conventional arms control agreement to move us to more appropriate levels of military forces in Europe, a coherent defense program that ensures the U.S. will continue to be a catalyst for peaceful change in Europe. And I've consulted with leaders of NATO. In fact, I spoke by phone with President Gorbachev just today. I agree with our European allies that an American military presence in Europe is essential and that it should not be tied solely to the Soviet military presence in Eastern Europe. But our troop levels can still be lower. And so, tonight I am announcing a major new step for a further reduction in U.S. and Soviet manpower in Central and Eastern Europe to 195,000 on each side. This level reflects the advice of our senior military advisers. It's designed to protect American and European interests and sustain NATO's defense strategy. A swift conclusion to our arms control talks -- conventional, chemical, and strategic -- must now be our goal. And that time has come. Still, we must recognize an unfortunate fact: In many regions of the world tonight, the reality is conflict, not peace. Enduring animosities and opposing interests remain. And thus, the cause of peace must be served by an America strong enough and sure enough to defend our interests and our ideals. It's this American idea that for the past four decades helped inspire this Revolution of '89. Here at home and in the world, there's history in the making, history to be made. Six months ago, early in this season of change, I stood at the gates of the Gdansk shipyard in Poland at the monument to the fallen workers of Solidarity. It's a monument of simple majesty. Three tall crosses rise up from the stones, and atop each cross, an anchor -- an ancient symbol of hope. The anchor in our world today is freedom, holding us steady in times of change, a symbol of hope to all the world. And freedom is at the very heart of the idea that is America. Giving life to that idea depends on every one of us. Our anchor has always been faith and family. In the last few days of this past momentous year, our family was blessed once more, celebrating the joy of life when a little boy became our 12th grandchild. When I held the little guy for the first time, the troubles at home and abroad seemed manageable and totally in perspective. Now, I know you're probably thinking, well, that's just a grandfather talking. Well, maybe you're right. But I've met a lot of children this past year across this country, as all of you have, everywhere from the Far East to Eastern Europe. And all kids are unique, and yet all kids are alike -- the budding young environmentalists I met this month who joined me in exploring the Florida Everglades; the little leaguers I played catch with in Poland, ready to go from Warsaw to the World Series; and even the kids who are ill or alone -- and God bless those boarder babies, born addicted to drugs and AIDS and coping with problems no child should have to face. But you know, when it comes to hope and the future, every kid is the same -- full of dreams, ready to take on the world -- all special, because they are the very future of freedom. And to them belongs this new world I've been speaking about. And so, tonight I'm going to ask something of every one of you. Now, let me start with my generation, with the grandparents out there. You are our living link to the past. Tell your grandchildren the story of struggles waged at home and abroad, of sacrifices freely made for freedom's sake. And tell them your own story as well, because every American has a story to tell. And, parents, your children look to you for direction and guidance. Tell them of faith and family. Tell them we are one nation under God. Teach them that of all the many gifts they can receive liberty is their most precious legacy, and of all the gifts they can give the greatest is helping others. And to the children and young people out there tonight: With you rests our hope, all that America will mean in the years and decades ahead. Fix your vision on a new century -- your century, on dreams we cannot see, on the destiny that is yours and yours alone. And finally, let all Americans -- all of us together here in this Chamber, the symbolic center of democracy -- affirm our allegiance to this idea we call America. And let us remember that the state of the Union depends on each and every one of us. God bless all of you, and may God bless this great nation, the United States of America. Mr. President and Mr. Speaker and Members of the United States Congress: I come to this House of the people to speak to you and all Americans, certain that we stand at a defining hour. Halfway around the world, we are engaged in a great struggle in the skies and on the seas and sands. We know why we're there: We are Americans, part of something larger than ourselves. For two centuries, we've done the hard work of freedom. And tonight, we lead the world in facing down a threat to decency and humanity. What is at stake is more than one small country; it is a big idea: a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind -- peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law. Such is a world worthy of our struggle and worthy of our children's future. The community of nations has resolutely gathered to condemn and repel lawless aggression. Saddam Hussein's unprovoked invasion -- his ruthless, systematic rape of a peaceful neighbor -- violated everything the community of nations holds dear. The world has said this aggression would not stand, and it will not stand. Together, we have resisted the trap of appeasement, cynicism, and isolation that gives temptation to tyrants. The world has answered Saddam's invasion with 12 United Nations resolutions, starting with a demand for Iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal, and backed up by forces from 28 countries of 6 continents. With few exceptions, the world now stands as one. The end of the cold war has been a victory for all humanity. A year and a half ago, in Germany, I said that our goal was a Europe whole and free. Tonight, Germany is united. Europe has become whole and free, and America's leadership was instrumental in making it possible. Our relationship to the Soviet Union is important, not only to us but to the world. That relationship has helped to shape these and other historic changes. But like many other nations, we have been deeply concerned by the violence in the Baltics, and we have communicated that concern to the Soviet leadership. The principle that has guided us is simple: Our objective is to help the Baltic peoples achieve their aspirations, not to punish the Soviet Union. In our recent discussions with the Soviet leadership we have been given representations which, if fulfilled, would result in the withdrawal of some Soviet forces, a reopening of dialog with the Republics, and a move away from violence. We will watch carefully as the situation develops. And we will maintain our contact with the Soviet leadership to encourage continued commitment to democratization and reform. If it is possible, I want to continue to build a lasting basis for U.S.-Soviet cooperation -- for a more peaceful future for all mankind. The triumph of democratic ideas in Eastern Europe and Latin America and the continuing struggle for freedom elsewhere all around the world all confirm the wisdom of our nation's founders. Tonight, we work to achieve another victory, a victory over tyranny and savage aggression. We in this Union enter the last decade of the 20th century thankful for our blessings, steadfast in our purpose, aware of our difficulties, and responsive to our duties at home and around the world. For two centuries, America has served the world as an inspiring example of freedom and democracy. For generations, America has led the struggle to preserve and extend the blessings of liberty. And today, in a rapidly changing world, American leadership is indispensable. Americans know that leadership brings burdens and sacrifices. But we also know why the hopes of humanity turn to us. We are Americans; we have a unique responsibility to do the hard work of freedom. And when we do, freedom works. The conviction and courage we see in the Persian Gulf today is simply the American character in action. The indomitable spirit that is contributing to this victory for world peace and justice is the same spirit that gives us the power and the potential to meet our toughest challenges at home. We are resolute and resourceful. If we can selflessly confront the evil for the sake of good in a land so far away, then surely we can make this land all that it should be. If anyone tells you that America's best days are behind her, they're looking the wrong way. Tonight I come before this House and the American people with an appeal for renewal. This is not merely a call for new government initiatives; it is a call for new initiatives in government, in our communities, and from every American to prepare for the next American century. America has always led by example. So, who among us will set the example? Which of our citizens will lead us in this next American century? Everyone who steps forward today -- to get one addict off drugs, to convince one troubled teenager not to give up on life, to comfort one AIDS patient, to help one hungry child. We have within our reach the promise of a renewed America. We can find meaning and reward by serving some higher purpose than ourselves, a shining purpose, the illumination of a Thousand Points of Light. And it is expressed by all who know the irresistible force of a child's hand, of a friend who stands by you and stays there, a volunteer's generous gesture, an idea that is simply right. The problems before us may be different, but the key to solving them remains the same. It is the individual -- the individual who steps forward. And the state of our Union is the union of each of us, one to the other -- the sum of our friendships, marriages, families, and communities. We all have something to give. So, if you know how to read, find someone who can't. If you've got a hammer, find a nail. If you're not hungry, not lonely, not in trouble, seek out someone who is. Join the community of conscience. Do the hard work of freedom. And that will define the state of our Union. Since the birth of our nation, 'We the People' has been the source of our strength. What government can do alone is limited, but the potential of the American people knows no limits. We are a nation of rock-solid realism and clear-eyed idealism. We are Americans. We are the Nation that believes in the future. We are the Nation that can shape the future. And we've begun to do just that, by strengthening the power and choice of individuals and families. Together, these last 2 years, we've put dollars for child care directly in the hands of parents instead of bureaucracies; unshackled the potential of Americans with disabilities; applied the creativity of the marketplace in the service of the environment, for clean air; and made home ownership possible for more Americans. The strength of a democracy is not in bureaucracy. It is in the people and their communities. In everything we do, let us unleash the potential of our most precious resource -- our citizens, our citizens themselves. We must return to families, communities, counties, cities, States, and institutions of every kind the power to chart their own destiny and the freedom and opportunity provided by strong economic growth. And that's what America is all about. I know that tonight, in some regions of our country, people are in genuine economic distress. And I hear them. Earlier this month, Kathy Blackwell, of Massachusetts, wrote me about what can happen when the economy slows down, saying, 'My heart is aching, and I think that you should know your people out here are hurting badly.' I understand, and I'm not unrealistic about the future. But there are reasons to be optimistic about our economy. First, we don't have to fight double-digit inflation. Second, most industries won't have to make big cuts in production because they don't have big inventories piled up. And third, our exports are running solid and strong. In fact, American businesses are exporting at a record rate. So, let's put these times in perspective. Together, since 1981, we've created almost 20 million jobs, cut inflation in half, and cut interest rates in half. And yes, the largest peacetime economic expansion in history has been temporarily interrupted. But our economy is still over twice as large as our closest competitor. We will get this recession behind us and return to growth soon. We will get on our way to a new record of expansion and achieve the competitive strength that will carry us into the next American century. We should focus our efforts today on encouraging economic growth, investing in the future, and giving power and opportunity to the individual. We must begin with control of Federal spending. That's why I'm submitting a budget that holds the growth in spending to less than the rate of inflation. And that's why, amid all the sound and fury of last year's budget debate, we put into law new, enforceable spending caps, so that future spending debates will mean a battle of ideas, not a bidding war. Though controversial, the budget agreement finally put the Federal Government on a pay-as-you-go plan and cut the growth of debt by nearly $500 billion. And that frees funds for saving and job-creating investment. Now, let's do more. My budget again includes tax-free family savings accounts; penalty-free withdrawals from IRA's for first-time home buyers; and to increase jobs and growth, a reduced tax for long-term capital gains. I know there are differences among us -- [laughter] -- about the impact and the effects of a capital gains incentive. So tonight, I'm asking the congressional leaders and the Federal Reserve to cooperate with us in a study, led by Chairman Alan Greenspan, to sort out our technical differences so that we can avoid a return to unproductive partisan bickering. But just as our efforts will bring economic growth now and in the future, they must also be matched by long-term investments for the next American century. That requires a forward-looking plan of action, and that's exactly what we will be sending to the Congress. We've prepared a detailed series of proposals that include: a budget that promotes investment in America's future -- in children, education, infrastructure, space, and high technology; legislation to achieve excellence in education, building on the partnership forged with the 50 Governors at the education summit, enabling parents to choose their children's schools and helping to make America number one in math and science; a blueprint for a new national highway system, a critical investment in our transportation infrastructure; a research and development agenda that includes record levels of Federal investment, and a permanent tax credit to strengthen private R&D and to create jobs; a comprehensive national energy strategy that calls for energy conservation and efficiency, increased development, and greater use of alternative fuels; a banking reform plan to bring America's financial system into the 21st century so that our banks remain safe and secure and can continue to make job-creating loans for our factories, our businesses, and home buyers. You know, I do think there has been too much pessimism. Sound banks should be making sound loans now, and interest rates should be lower, now. In addition to these proposals, we must recognize that our economic strength depends on being competitive in world markets. We must continue to expand American exports. A successful Uruguay round of world trade negotiations will create more real jobs and more real growth for all nations. You and I know that if the playing field is level, America's workers and farmers can out-work, out-produce anyone, anytime, anywhere. And with a Mexican free trade agreement and our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, we can help our partners strengthen their economies and move toward a free trade zone throughout this entire hemisphere. The budget also includes a plan of action right here at home to put more power and opportunity in the hands of the individual. And that means new incentives to create jobs in our inner cities by encouraging investment through enterprise zones. It also means tenant control and ownership of public housing. Freedom and the power to choose should not be the privilege of wealth. They are the birthright of every American. Civil rights are also crucial to protecting equal opportunity. Every one of us has a responsibility to speak out against racism, bigotry, and hate. We will continue our vigorous enforcement of existing statutes, and I will once again press the Congress to strengthen the laws against employment discrimination without resorting to the use of unfair preferences. We're determined to protect another fundamental civil right: freedom from crime and the fear that stalks our cities. The Attorney General will soon convene a crime summit of our nation's law enforcement officials. And to help us support them, we need tough crime control legislation, and we need it now. And as we fight crime, we will fully implement our national strategy for combating drug abuse. Recent data show that we are making progress, but much remains to be done. We will not rest until the day of the dealer is over, forever. Good health care is every American's right and every American's responsibility. And so, we are proposing an aggressive program of new prevention initiatives -- for infants, for children, for adults, and for the elderly -- to promote a healthier America and to help keep costs from spiraling. It's time to give people more choice in government by reviving the ideal of the citizen politician who comes not to stay but to serve. And one of the reasons that there is so much support across this country for term limitations is that the American people are increasingly concerned about big-money influence in politics. So, we must look beyond the next election to the next generation. And the time has come to put the national interest above the special interest and to totally eliminate political action committees. And that would truly put more competition in elections and more power in the hands of individuals. And where power cannot be put directly in the hands of the individual, it should be moved closer to the people, away from Washington. The Federal Government too often treats government programs as if they are of Washington, by Washington, and for Washington. Once established, Federal programs seem to become immortal. It's time for a more dynamic program life cycle. Some programs should increase. Some should decrease. Some should be terminated. And some should be consolidated and turned over to the States. My budget includes a list of programs for potential turnover totaling more than $20 billion. Working with Congress and the Governors, I propose we select at least $15 billion in such programs and turn them over to the States in a single consolidated grant, fully funded, for flexible management by the States. The value, the value of this turnover approach is straightforward. It allows the Federal Government to reduce overhead. It allows States to manage more flexibly and more efficiently. It moves power and decisionmaking closer to the people. And it reinforces a theme of this administration: appreciation and encouragement of the innovative powers of States as laboratories. This nation was founded by leaders who understood that power belongs in the hands of people. And they planned for the future. And so must we, here and all around the world. As Americans, we know that there are times when we must step forward and accept our responsibility to lead the world away from the dark chaos of dictators, toward the brighter promise of a better day. Almost 50 years ago we began a long struggle against aggressive totalitarianism. Now we face another defining hour for America and the world. There is no one more devoted, more committed to the hard work of freedom than every soldier and sailor, every marine, airman, and coastguardsman, every man and woman now serving in the Persian Gulf. Oh, how they deserve -- [applause] -- and what a fitting tribute to them. You see -- what a wonderful, fitting tribute to them. Each of them has volunteered, volunteered to provide for this nation's defense, and now they bravely struggle to earn for America, for the world, and for future generations a just and lasting peace. Our commitment to them must be equal to their commitment to their country. They are truly America's finest. The war in the Gulf is not a war we wanted. We worked hard to avoid war. For more than 5 months we -- along with the Arab League, the European Community, the United Nations -- tried every diplomatic avenue. U.N. Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar; Presidents Gorbachev, Mitterrand, Ozal, Mubarak, and Bendjedid; Kings Fahd and Hassan; Prime Ministers Major and Andreotti -- just to name a few -- all worked for a solution. But time and again, Saddam Hussein flatly rejected the path of diplomacy and peace. The world well knows how this conflict began and when: It began on August 2d, when Saddam invaded and sacked a small, defenseless neighbor. And I am certain of how it will end. So that peace can prevail, we will prevail. [Applause] Thank you. Tonight I am pleased to report that we are on course. Iraq's capacity to sustain war is being destroyed. Our investment, our training, our planning -- all are paying off. Time will not be Saddam's salvation. Our purpose in the Persian Gulf remains constant: to drive Iraq out of Kuwait, to restore Kuwait's legitimate government, and to ensure the stability and security of this critical region. Let me make clear what I mean by the region's stability and security. We do not seek the destruction of Iraq, its culture, or its people. Rather, we seek an Iraq that uses its great resources not to destroy, not to serve the ambitions of a tyrant, but to build a better life for itself and its neighbors. We seek a Persian Gulf where conflict is no longer the rule, where the strong are neither tempted nor able to intimidate the weak. Most Americans know instinctively why we are in the Gulf. They know we had to stop Saddam now, not later. They know that this brutal dictator will do anything, will use any weapon, will commit any outrage, no matter how many innocents suffer. They know we must make sure that control of the world's oil resources does not fall into his hands, only to finance further aggression. They know that we need to build a new, enduring peace, based not on arms races and confrontation but on shared principles and the rule of law. And we all realize that our responsibility to be the catalyst for peace in the region does not end with the successful conclusion of this war. Democracy brings the undeniable value of thoughtful dissent, and we've heard some dissenting voices here at home -- some, a handful, reckless; most responsible. But the fact that all voices have the right to speak out is one of the reasons we've been united in purpose and principle for 200 years. Our progress in this great struggle is the result of years of vigilance and a steadfast commitment to a strong defense. Now, with remarkable technological advances like the Patriot missile, we can defend against ballistic missile attacks aimed at innocent civilians. Looking forward, I have directed that the SDI program be refocused on providing protection from limited ballistic missile strikes, whatever their source. Let us pursue an SDI program that can deal with any future threat to the United States, to our forces overseas, and to our friends and allies. The quality of American technology, thanks to the American worker, has enabled us to successfully deal with difficult military conditions and help minimize precious loss of life. We have given our men and women the very best. And they deserve it. We all have a special place in our hearts for the families of our men and women serving in the Gulf. They are represented here tonight by Mrs. Norman Schwarzkopf. We are all very grateful to General Schwarzkopf and to all those serving with him. And I might also recognize one who came with Mrs. Schwarzkopf: Alma Powell, the wife of the distinguished Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. And to the families, let me say our forces in the Gulf will not stay there one day longer than is necessary to complete their mission. The courage and success of the RAF pilots, of the Kuwaiti, Saudi, French, the Canadians, the Italians, the pilots of Qatar and Bahrain -- all are proof that for the first time since World War II, the international community is united. The leadership of the United Nations, once only a hoped-for ideal, is now confirming its founders' vision. I am heartened that we are not being asked to bear alone the financial burdens of this struggle. Last year, our friends and allies provided the bulk of the economic costs of Desert Shield. And now, having received commitments of over $40 billion for the first 3 months of 1991, I am confident they will do no less as we move through Desert Storm. But the world has to wonder what the dictator of Iraq is thinking. If he thinks that by targeting innocent civilians in Israel and Saudi Arabia, that he will gain advantage, he is dead wrong. If he thinks that he will advance his cause through tragic and despicable environmental terrorism, he is dead wrong. And if he thinks that by abusing the coalition prisoners of war he will benefit, he is dead wrong. We will succeed in the Gulf. And when we do, the world community will have sent an enduring warning to any dictator or despot, present or future, who contemplates outlaw aggression. The world can, therefore, seize this opportunity to fulfill the long-held promise of a new world order, where brutality will go unrewarded and aggression will meet collective resistance. Yes, the United States bears a major share of leadership in this effort. Among the nations of the world, only the United States of America has both the moral standing and the means to back it up. We're the only nation on this Earth that could assemble the forces of peace. This is the burden of leadership and the strength that has made America the beacon of freedom in a searching world. This nation has never found glory in war. Our people have never wanted to abandon the blessings of home and work for distant lands and deadly conflict. If we fight in anger, it is only because we have to fight at all. And all of us yearn for a world where we will never have to fight again. Each of us will measure within ourselves the value of this great struggle. Any cost in lives -- any cost -- is beyond our power to measure. But the cost of closing our eyes to aggression is beyond mankind's power to imagine. This we do know: Our cause is just; our cause is moral; our cause is right. Let future generations understand the burden and the blessings of freedom. Let them say we stood where duty required us to stand. Let them know that, together, we affirmed America and the world as a community of conscience. The winds of change are with us now. The forces of freedom are together, united. We move toward the next century more confident than ever that we have the will at home and abroad to do what must be done -- the hard work of freedom. May God bless the United States of America. Thank you very, very much. Mr. Speaker and Mr. President, distinguished Members of Congress, honored guests, and fellow citizens: Thank you very much for that warm reception. You know, with the big buildup this address has had, I wanted to make sure it would be a big hit, but I couldn't convince Barbara to deliver it for me. [Laughter] I see the Speaker and the Vice President are laughing. They saw what I did in Japan, and they're just happy they're sitting behind me. [Laughter] I mean to speak tonight of big things, of big changes and the promises they hold, and of some big problems and how, together, we can solve them and move our country forward as the undisputed leader of the age. We gather tonight at a dramatic and deeply promising time in our history and in the history of man on Earth. For in the past 12 months, the world has known changes of almost Biblical proportions. And even now, months after the failed coup that doomed a failed system, I'm not sure we've absorbed the full impact, the full import of what happened. But communism died this year. Even as President, with the most fascinating possible vantage point, there were times when I was so busy managing progress and helping to lead change that I didn't always show the joy that was in my heart. But the biggest thing that has happened in the world in my life, in our lives, is this: By the grace of God, America won the cold war. I mean to speak this evening of the changes that can take place in our country, now that we can stop making the sacrifices we had to make when we had an avowed enemy that was a superpower. Now we can look homeward even more and move to set right what needs to be set right. I will speak of those things. But let me tell you something I've been thinking these past few months. It's a kind of rollcall of honor. For the cold war didn't end; it was won. And I think of those who won it, in places like Korea and Vietnam. And some of them didn't come back. Back then they were heroes, but this year they were victors. The long rollcall, all the G.I. Joes and Janes, all the ones who fought faithfully for freedom, who hit the ground and sucked the dust and knew their share of horror. This may seem frivolous, and I don't mean it so, but it's moving to me how the world saw them. The world saw not only their special valor but their special style: their rambunctious, optimistic bravery, their do-or-die unity unhampered by class or race or region. What a group we've put forth, for generations now, from the ones who wrote 'Kilroy was here' on the walls of the German stalags to those who left signs in the Iraqi desert that said, 'I saw Elvis.' What a group of kids we've sent out into the world. And there's another to be singled out, though it may seem inelegant, and I mean a mass of people called the American taxpayer. No one ever thinks to thank the people who pay a country's bill or an alliance's bill. But for half a century now, the American people have shouldered the burden and paid taxes that were higher than they would have been to support a defense that was bigger than it would have been if imperial communism had never existed. But it did; doesn't anymore. And here's a fact I wouldn't mind the world acknowledging: The American taxpayer bore the brunt of the burden and deserves a hunk of the glory. So now, for the first time in 35 years, our strategic bombers stand down. No longer are they on 'round-the-clock alert. Tomorrow our children will go to school and study history and how plants grow. And they won't have, as my children did, air raid drills in which they crawl under their desks and cover their heads in case of nuclear war. My grandchildren don't have to do that and won't have the bad dreams children had once, in decades past. There are still threats. But the long, drawn-out dread is over. A year ago tonight, I spoke to you at a moment of high peril. American forces had just unleashed Operation Desert Storm. And after 40 days in the desert skies and 4 days on the ground, the men and women of America's Armed Forces and our allies accomplished the goals that I declared and that you endorsed: We liberated Kuwait. Soon after, the Arab world and Israel sat down to talk seriously and comprehensively about peace, an historic first. And soon after that, at Christmas, the last American hostages came home. Our policies were vindicated. Much good can come from the prudent use of power. And much good can come of this: A world once divided into two armed camps now recognizes one sole and preeminent power, the United States of America. And they regard this with no dread. For the world trusts us with power, and the world is right. They trust us to be fair and restrained. They trust us to be on the side of decency. They trust us to do what's right. I use those words advisedly. A few days after the war began, I received a telegram from Joanne Speicher, the wife of the first pilot killed in the Gulf, Lieutenant Commander Scott Speicher. Even in her grief, she wanted me to know that some day when her children were old enough, she would tell them 'that their father went away to war because it was the right thing to do.' And she said it all: It was the right thing to do. And we did it together. There were honest differences right here in this Chamber. But when the war began, you put partisanship aside, and we supported our troops. This is still a time for pride, but this is no time to boast. For problems face us, and we must stand together once again and solve them and not let our country down. Two years ago, I began planning cuts in military spending that reflected the changes of the new era. But now, this year, with imperial communism gone, that process can be accelerated. Tonight I can tell you of dramatic changes in our strategic nuclear force. These are actions we are taking on our own because they are the right thing to do. After completing 20 planes for which we have begun procurement, we will shut down further production of the B - 2 bombers. We will cancel the small ICBM program. We will cease production of new warheads for our sea-based ballistic missiles. We will stop all new production of the Peacekeeper missile. And we will not purchase any more advanced cruise missiles. This weekend I will meet at Camp David with Boris Yeltsin of the Russian Federation. I've informed President Yeltsin that if the Commonwealth, the former Soviet Union, will eliminate all land-based multiple-warhead ballistic missiles, I will do the following: We will eliminate all Peacekeeper missiles. We will reduce the number of warheads on Minuteman missiles to one and reduce the number of warheads on our sea-based missiles by about one-third. And we will convert a substantial portion of our strategic bombers to primarily conventional use. President Yeltsin's early response has been very positive, and I expect our talks at Camp David to be fruitful. I want you to know that for half a century, American Presidents have longed to make such decisions and say such words. But even in the midst of celebration, we must keep caution as a friend. For the world is still a dangerous place. Only the dead have seen the end of conflict. And though yesterday's challenges are behind us, tomorrow's are being born. The Secretary of Defense recommended these cuts after consultation with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. And I make them with confidence. But do not misunderstand me. The reductions I have approved will save us an additional $50 billion over the next 5 years. By 1997, we will have cut defense by 30 percent since I took office. These cuts are deep, and you must know my resolve: This deep, and no deeper. To do less would be insensible to progress, but to do more would be ignorant of history. We must not go back to the days of 'the hollow army.' We cannot repeat the mistakes made twice in this century when armistice was followed by recklessness and defense was purged as if the world were permanently safe. I remind you this evening that I have asked for your support in funding a program to protect our country from limited nuclear missile attack. We must have this protection because too many people in too many countries have access to nuclear arms. And I urge you again to pass the Strategic Defense Initiative, SDI. There are those who say that now we can turn away from the world, that we have no special role, no special place. But we are the United States of America, the leader of the West that has become the leader of the world. And as long as I am President, I will continue to lead in support of freedom everywhere, not out of arrogance, not out of altruism, but for the safety and security of our children. This is a fact: Strength in the pursuit of peace is no vice; isolationism in the pursuit of security is no virtue. And now to our troubles at home. They're not all economic; the primary problem is our economy. There are some good signs. Inflation, that thief, is down. And interest rates are down. But unemployment is too high, some industries are in trouble, and growth is not what it should be. Let me tell you right from the start and right from the heart, I know we're in hard times. But I know something else: This will not stand. In this Chamber, in this Chamber we can bring the same courage and sense of common purpose to the economy that we brought to Desert Storm. And we can defeat hard times together. I believe you'll help. One reason is that you're patriots, and you want the best for your country. And I believe that in your hearts you want to put partisanship aside and get the job done because it's the right thing to do. The power of America rests in a stirring but simple idea, that people will do great things if only you set them free. Well, we're going to set the economy free. For if this age of miracles and wonders has taught us anything, it's that if we can change the world we can change America. We must encourage investment. We must make it easier for people to invest money and create new products, new industries, and new jobs. We must clear away the obstacles to growth: high taxes, high regulation, redtape, and yes, wasteful Government spending. None of this will happen with a snap of the fingers, but it will happen. And the test of a plan isn't whether it's called new or dazzling. The American people aren't impressed by gimmicks; they're smarter on this score than all of us in this room. The only test of a plan is: Is it sound, and will it work? We must have a short-term plan to address our immediate needs and heat up the economy. And then we need a longer term plan to keep combustion going and to guarantee our place in the world economy. There are certain things that a President can do without Congress, and I'm going to do them. I have, this evening, asked major Cabinet departments and Federal agencies to institute a 90-day moratorium on any new Federal regulations that could hinder growth. In those 90 days, major departments and agencies will carry out a top-to-bottom review of all regulations, old and new, to stop the ones that will hurt growth and speed up those that will help growth. Further, for the untold number of hard-working, responsible American workers and business men and women who've been forced to go without needed bank loans, the banking credit crunch must end. I won't neglect my responsibility for sound regulations that serve the public good, but regulatory overkill must be stopped. And I've instructed our Government regulators to stop it. I have directed Cabinet departments and Federal agencies to speed up progrowth expenditures as quickly as possible. This should put an extra $10 billion into the economy in the next 6 months. And our new transportation bill provides more than $150 billion for construction and maintenance projects that are vital to our growth and well-being. And that means jobs building roads, jobs building bridges, and jobs building railways. And I have, this evening, directed the Secretary of the Treasury to change the Federal tax withholding tables. With this change, millions of Americans from whom the Government withholds more than necessary can now choose to have the Government withhold less from their paychecks. Something tells me a number of taxpayers may take us up on this one. This initiative could return about $25 billion back into our economy over the next 12 months, money people can use to help pay for clothing, college, or to get a new car. Finally, working with the Federal Reserve, we will continue to support monetary policy that keeps both interest rates and inflation down. Now, these are the things I can do. And now, Members of Congress, let me tell you what you can do for your country. You must pass the other elements of my plan to meet our economic needs. Everyone knows that investment spurs recovery. I am proposing this evening a change in the alternative minimum tax and the creation of a new 15-percent investment tax allowance. This will encourage businesses to accelerate investment and bring people back to work. Real estate has led our economy out of almost all the tough times we've ever had. Once building starts, carpenters and plumbers work; people buy homes and take out mortgages. My plan would modify the passive loss rule for active real estate developers. And it would make it easier for pension plans to purchase real estate. For those Americans who dream of buying a first home but who can't quite afford it, my plan would allow first-time homebuyers to withdraw savings from IRA's without penalty and provide a $5,000 tax credit for the first purchase of that home. And finally, my immediate plan calls on Congress to give crucial help to people who own a home, to everyone who has a business or a farm or a single investment. This time, at this hour, I cannot take no for an answer. You must cut the capital gains tax on the people of our country. Never has an issue been more demagogued by its opponents. But the demagogs are wrong. They are wrong, and they know it. Sixty percent of the people who benefit from lower capital gains have incomes under $50,000. A cut in the capital gains tax increases jobs and helps just about everyone in our country. And so, I'm asking you to cut the capital gains tax to a maximum of 15.4 percent. I'll tell you, those of you who say, 'Oh, no, someone who's comfortable may benefit from that,' you kind of remind me of the old definition of the Puritan who couldn't sleep at night, worrying that somehow, someone somewhere was out having a good time. [Laughter] The opponents of this measure and those who have authored various so-called soak-the-rich bills that are floating around this Chamber should be reminded of something: When they aim at the big guy, they usually hit the little guy. And maybe it's time that stopped. This, then, is my short-term plan. Your part, Members of Congress, requires enactment of these commonsense proposals that will have a strong effect on the economy without breaking the budget agreement and without raising tax rates. While my plan is being passed and kicking in, we've got to care for those in trouble today. I have provided for up to $4.4 billion in my budget to extend Federal unemployment benefits. And I ask for congressional action right away. And I thank the committee. [Applause] Well, at last. Let's be frank. Let's be frank. Let me level with you. I know and you know that my plan is unveiled in a political season. [Laughter] I know and you know that everything I propose will be viewed by some in merely partisan terms. But I ask you to know what is in my heart. And my aim is to increase our Nation's good. I'm doing what I think is right, and I am proposing what I know will help. I pride myself that I'm a prudent man, and I believe that patience is a virtue. But I understand that politics is, for some, a game and that sometimes the game is to stop all progress and then decry the lack of improvement. [Laughter] But let me tell you: Far more important than my political future and far more important than yours is the well-being of our country. Members of this Chamber are practical people, and I know you won't resent some practical advice. When people put their party's fortunes, whatever the party, whatever side of this aisle, before the public good, they court defeat not only for their country but for themselves. And they will certainly deserve it. I submit my plan tomorrow, and I'm asking you to pass it by March 20th. And I ask the American people to let you know they want this action by March 20th. From the day after that, if it must be, the battle is joined. And you know, when principle is at stake I relish a good, fair fight. I said my plan has two parts, and it does. And it's the second part that is the heart of the matter. For it's not enough to get an immediate burst. We need long-term improvement in our economic position. We all know that the key to our economic future is to ensure that America continues as an economic leader of the world. We have that in our power. Here, then, is my long-term plan to guarantee our future. First, trade: We will work to break down the walls that stop world trade. We will work to open markets everywhere. And in our major trade negotiations, I will continue pushing to eliminate tariffs and subsidies that damage America's farmers and workers. And we'll get more good American jobs within our own hemisphere through the North American free trade agreement and through the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. But changes are here, and more are coming. The workplace of the future will demand more highly skilled workers than ever, more people who are computer-literate, highly educated. We must be the world's leader in education. And we must revolutionize America's schools. My America 2000 strategy will help us reach that goal. My plan will give parents more choice, give teachers more flexibility, and help communities create new American schools. Thirty States across the Nation have established America 2000 programs. Hundreds of cities and towns have joined in. Now Congress must join this great movement: Pass my proposals for new American schools. That was my second long-term proposal, and here's my third: We must make commonsense investments that will help us compete, long-term, in the marketplace. We must encourage research and development. My plan is to make the R&D tax credit permanent and to provide record levels of support, over $76 billion this year alone, for people who will explore the promise of emerging technologies. Fourth, we must do something about crime and drugs. It is time for a major, renewed investment in fighting violent street crime. It saps our strength and hurts our faith in our society and in our future together. Surely a tired woman on her way to work at 6 in the morning on a subway deserves the right to get there safely. And surely it's true that everyone who changes his or her life because of crime, from those afraid to go out at night to those afraid to walk in the parks they pay for, surely these people have been denied a basic civil right. It is time to restore it. Congress, pass my comprehensive crime bill. It is tough on criminals and supportive of police, and it has been languishing in these hallowed halls for years now. Pass it. Help your country. Fifth, I ask you tonight to fund our HOPE housing proposal and to pass my enterprise zone legislation which will get businesses into the inner city. We must empower the poor with the pride that comes from owning a home, getting a job, becoming a part of things. My plan would encourage real estate construction by extending tax incentives for mortgage revenue bonds and low-income housing. And I ask tonight for record expenditures for the program that helps children born into want move into excellence, Head Start. Step six, we must reform our health care system. For this, too, bears on whether or not we can compete in the world. American health costs have been exploding. This year America will spend over $800 billion on health, and that is expected to grow to 1.6 trillion by the end of the decade. We simply cannot afford this. The cost of health care shows up not only in your family budget but in the price of everything we buy and everything we sell. When health coverage for a fellow on an assembly line costs thousands of dollars, the cost goes into the products he makes, and you pay the bill. We must make a choice. Now, some pretend we can have it both ways. They call it 'play or pay,' but that expensive approach is unstable. It will mean higher taxes, fewer jobs, and eventually a system under complete Government control. Really, there are only two options. And we can move toward a nationalized system, a system which will restrict patient choice in picking a doctor and force the Government to ration services arbitrarily. And what we'll get is patients in long lines, indifferent service, and a huge new tax burden. Or we can reform our own private health care system, which still gives us, for all its flaws, the best quality health care in the world. Well, let's build on our strengths. My plan provides insurance security for all Americans while preserving and increasing the idea of choice. We make basic health insurance affordable for all low-income people not now covered, and we do it by providing a health insurance tax credit of up to $3,750 for each low-income family. And the middle class gets help, too. And by reforming the health insurance market, my plan assures that Americans will have access to basic health insurance even if they change jobs or develop serious health problems. We must bring costs under control, preserve quality, preserve choice, and reduce the people's nagging daily worry about health insurance. My plan, the details of which I'll announce very shortly, does just that. Seventh, we must get the Federal deficit under control. We now have, in law, enforceable spending caps and a requirement that we pay for the programs we create. There are those in Congress who would ease that discipline now. But I cannot let them do it, and I won't. My plan would freeze all domestic discretionary budget authority, which means no more next year than this year. I will not tamper with Social Security, but I would put real caps on the growth of uncontrolled spending. And I would also freeze Federal domestic Government employment. And with the help of Congress, my plan will get rid of 246 programs that don't deserve Federal funding. Some of them have noble titles, but none of them is indispensable. We can get rid of each and every one of them. You know, it's time we rediscovered a home truth the American people have never forgotten: This Government is too big and spends too much. And I call upon Congress to adopt a measure that will help put an end to the annual ritual of filling the budget with pork barrel appropriations. Every year, the press has a field day making fun of outrageous examples: a Lawrence Welk museum, research grants for Belgian endive. We all know how these things get into the budget, and maybe you need someone to help you say no. I know how to say it, and I know what I need to make it stick. Give me the same thing 43 Governors have, the line-item veto, and let me help you control spending. We must put an end to unfinanced Federal Government mandates. These are the requirements Congress puts on our cities, counties, and States without supplying the money. If Congress passes a mandate, it should be forced to pay for it and balance the cost with savings elsewhere. After all, a mandate just increases someone else's burden, and that means higher taxes at the State and local level. Step eight, Congress should enact the bold reform proposals that are still awaiting congressional action: bank reform, civil justice reform, tort reform, and my national energy strategy. And finally, we must strengthen the family because it is the family that has the greatest bearing on our future. When Barbara holds an AIDS baby in her arms and reads to children, she's saying to every person in this country: Family matters. And I am announcing tonight a new Commission on America's Urban Families. I've asked Missouri's Governor John Ashcroft to be Chairman, former Dallas Mayor Annette Strauss to be Cochair. You know, I had mayors, the leading mayors from the League of Cities, in the other day at the White House, and they told me something striking. They said that every one of them, Republican or Democrat, agreed on one thing, that the major cause of the problems of the cities is the dissolution of the family. They asked for this Commission, and they were right to ask because it's time to determine what we can do to keep families together, strong and sound. There's one thing we can do right away: Ease the burden of rearing a child. I ask you tonight to raise the personal exemption by $500 per child for every family. For a family with four kids, that's an increase of $2,000. This is a good start in the right direction, and it's what we can afford. It's time to allow families to deduct the interest they pay on student loans. I am asking you to do just that. And I'm asking you to allow people to use money from their IRA's to pay medical and education expenses, all without penalties. And I'm asking for more. Ask American parents what they dislike about how things are going in our country, and chances are good that pretty soon they'll get to welfare. Americans are the most generous people on Earth. But we have to go back to the insight of Franklin Roosevelt who, when he spoke of what became the welfare program, warned that it must not become 'a narcotic' and a 'subtle destroyer' of the spirit. Welfare was never meant to be a lifestyle. It was never meant to be a habit. It was never supposed to be passed from generation to generation like a legacy. It's time to replace the assumptions of the welfare state and help reform the welfare system. States throughout the country are beginning to operate with new assumptions that when able-bodied people receive Government assistance, they have responsibilities to the taxpayer: A responsibility to seek work, education, or job training; a responsibility to get their lives in order; a responsibility to hold their families together and refrain from having children out of wedlock; and a responsibility to obey the law. We are going to help this movement. Often, State reform requires waiving certain Federal regulations. I will act to make that process easier and quicker for every State that asks for our help. I want to add, as we make these changes, we work together to improve this system, that our intention is not scapegoating or finger-pointing. If you read the papers and watch TV, you know there's been a rise these days in a certain kind of ugliness: racist comments, anti-Semitism, an increased sense of division. Really, this is not us. This is not who we are. And this is not acceptable. And so, you have my plan for America. And I'm asking for big things, but I believe in my heart you'll do what's right. You know, it's kind of an American tradition to show a certain skepticism toward our democratic institutions. I myself have sometimes thought the aging process could be delayed if it had to make its way through Congress. [Laughter] You will deliberate, and you will discuss, and that is fine. But, my friends, the people cannot wait. They need help now. There's a mood among us. People are worried. There's been talk of decline. Someone even said our workers are lazy and uninspired. And I thought: Really? You go tell Neil Armstrong standing on the moon. Tell the men and women who put him there. Tell the American farmer who feeds his country and the world. Tell the men and women of Desert Storm. Moods come and go, but greatness endures. Ours does. And maybe for a moment it's good to remember what, in the dailiness of our lives, we forget: We are still and ever the freest nation on Earth, the kindest nation on Earth, the strongest nation on Earth. And we have always risen to the occasion. And we are going to lift this Nation out of hard times inch by inch and day by day, and those who would stop us had better step aside. Because I look at hard times, and I make this vow: This will not stand. And so, we move on together, a rising nation, the once and future miracle that is still, this night, the hope of the world. Thank you. God bless you, and God bless our beloved country. Thank you very, very much. Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the 103d Congress, my fellow Americans: I'm not at all sure what speech is in the TelePrompter tonightó[laughter]óbut I hope we can talk about the state of the Union. I ask you to begin by recalling the memory of the giant who presided over this Chamber with such force and grace. Tip O'Neill liked to call himself 'a man of the House.' And he surely was that. But even more, he was a man of the people, a bricklayer's son who helped to build the great American middle class. Tip O'Neill never forgot who he was, where he came from, or who sent him here. Tonight he's smiling down on us for the first time from the Lord's gallery. But in his honor, may we, too, always remember who we are, where we come from, and who sent us here. If we do that we will return over and over again to the principle that if we simply give ordinary people equal opportunity, quality education, and a fair shot at the American dream, they will do extraordinary things. We gather tonight in a world of changes so profound and rapid that all nations are tested. Our American heritage has always been to master such change, to use it to expand opportunity at home and our leadership abroad. But for too long and in too many ways, that heritage was abandoned, and our country drifted. For 30 years, family life in America has been breaking down. For 20 years, the wages of working people have been stagnant or declining. For the 12 years of trickle-down economics, we built a false prosperity on a hollow base as our national debt quadrupled. From 1989 to 1992, we experienced the slowest growth in a half century. For too many families, even when both parents were working, the American dream has been slipping away. In 1992, the American people demanded that we change. A year ago I asked all of you to join me in accepting responsibility for the future of our country. Well, we did. We replaced drift and deadlock with renewal and reform. And I want to thank every one of you here who heard the American people, who broke gridlock, who gave them the most successful teamwork between a President and a Congress in 30 years. This Congress produced a budget that cut the deficit by half a trillion dollars, cut spending, and raised income taxes on only the wealthiest Americans. This Congress produced tax relief for millions of low-income workers to reward work over welfare. It produced NAFTA. It produced the Brady bill, now the Brady law. And thank you, Jim Brady, for being here, and God bless you, sir. This Congress produced tax cuts to reduce the taxes of 9 out of 10 small businesses who use the money to invest more and create more jobs. It produced more research and treatment for AIDS, more childhood immunizations, more support for women's health research, more affordable college loans for the middle class, a new national service program for those who want to give something back to their country and their communities for higher education, a dramatic increase in high-tech investments to move us from a defense to a domestic high-tech economy. This Congress produced a new law, the motor voter bill, to help millions of people register to vote. It produced family and medical leave. All passed; all signed into law with not one single veto. These accomplishments were all commitments I made when I sought this office. And in fairness, they all had to be passed by you in this Congress. But I am persuaded that the real credit belongs to the people who sent us here, who pay our salaries, who hold our feet to the fire. But what we do here is really beginning to change lives. Let me just give you one example. I will never forget what the family and medical leave law meant to just one father I met early one Sunday morning in the White House. It was unusual to see a family there touring early Sunday morning, but he had his wife and his three children there, one of them in a wheelchair. I came up, and after we had our picture taken and had a little visit, I was walking off and that man grabbed me by the arm and he said, 'Mr. President, let me tell you something. My little girl here is desperately ill. She's probably not going to make it. But because of the family leave law, I was able to take time off to spend with her, the most important time I ever spent in my life, without losing my job and hurting the rest of my family. It means more to me than I will ever be able to say. Don't you people up here ever think what you do doesn't make a difference. It does.' Though we are making a difference, our work has just begun. Many Americans still haven't felt the impact of what we've done. The recovery still hasn't touched every community or created enough jobs. Incomes are still stagnant. There's still too much violence and not enough hope in too many places. Abroad, the young democracies we are strongly supporting still face very difficult times and look to us for leadership. And so tonight, let us resolve to continue the journey of renewal, to create more and better jobs, to guarantee health security for all, to reward work over welfare, to promote democracy abroad, and to begin to reclaim our streets from violent crime and drugs and gangs, to renew our own American community. Last year we began to put our house in order by tackling the budget deficit that was driving us toward bankruptcy. We cut $255 billion in spending, including entitlements, and over 340 separate budget items. We froze domestic spending and used honest budget numbers. Led by the Vice President, we launched a campaign to reinvent Government. We cut staff, cut perks, even trimmed the fleet of Federal limousines. After years of leaders whose rhetoric attacked bureaucracy but whose action expanded it, we will actually reduce it by 252,000 people over the next 5 years. By the time we have finished, the Federal bureaucracy will be at its lowest point in 30 years. Because the deficit was so large and because they benefited from tax cuts in the 1980's, we did ask the wealthiest Americans to pay more to reduce the deficit. So on April 15th, the American people will discover the truth about what we did last year on taxes. Only the top 1ó[applause]óyes, listen, the top 1.2 percent of Americans, as I said all along, will pay higher income tax rates. Let me repeat: Only the wealthiest 1.2 percent of Americans will face higher income tax rates, and no one else will. And that is the truth. Of course, there were, as there always are in politics, naysayers who said this plan wouldn't work. But they were wrong. When I became President, the experts predicted that next year's deficit would be $300 billion. But because we acted, those same people now say the deficit is going to be under $180 billion, 40 percent lower than was previously predicted. Our economic program has helped to produce the lowest core inflation rate and the lowest interest rates in 20 years. And because those interest rates are down, business investment and equipment is growing at 7 times the rate of the previous 4 years. Auto sales are way up. Home sales are at a record high. Millions of Americans have refinanced their homes. And our economy has produced 1.6 million private sector jobs in 1993, more than were created in the previous 4 years combined. The people who supported this economic plan should be proud of its early results, proud. But everyone in this Chamber should know and acknowledge that there is more to do. Next month I will send you one of the toughest budgets ever presented to Congress. It will cut spending in more than 300 programs, eliminate 100 domestic programs, and reform the ways in which governments buy goods and services. This year we must again make the hard choices to live within the hard spending ceilings we have set. We must do it. We have proved we can bring the deficit down without choking off recovery, without punishing seniors or the middle class, and without putting our national security at risk. If you will stick with this plan, we will post 3 consecutive years of declining deficits for the first time since Harry Truman lived in the White House. And once again, the buck stops here. Our economic plan also bolsters our strength and our credibility around the world. Once we reduced the deficit and put the steel back into our competitive edge, the world echoed with the sound of falling trade barriers. In one year, with NAFTA, with GATT, with our efforts in Asia and the national export strategy, we did more to open world markets to American products than at any time in the last two generations. That means more jobs and rising living standards for the American people, low deficits, low inflation, low interest rates, low trade barriers, and high investments. These are the building blocks of our recovery. But if we want to take full advantage of the opportunities before us in the global economy, you all know we must do more. As we reduce defense spending, I ask Congress to invest more in the technologies of tomorrow. Defense conversion will keep us strong militarily and create jobs for our people here at home. As we protect our environment, we must invest in the environmental technologies of the future which will create jobs. This year we will fight for a revitalized Clean Water Act and a Safe Drinking Water Act and a reformed Superfund program. And the Vice President is right, we must also work with the private sector to connect every classroom, every clinic, every library, every hospital in America into a national information superhighway by the year 2000. Think of it: Instant access to information will increase productivity, will help to educate our children. It will provide better medical care. It will create jobs. And I call on the Congress to pass legislation to establish that information superhighway this year. As we expand opportunity and create jobs, no one can be left out. We must continue to enforce fair lending and fair housing and all civil rights laws, because America will never be complete in its renewal until everyone shares in its bounty. But we all know, too, we can do all these thingsóput our economic house in order, expand world trade, target the jobs of the future, guarantee equal opportunityóbut if we're honest we'll all admit that this strategy still cannot work unless we also give our people the education, training, and skills they need to seize the opportunities of tomorrow. We must set tough, world-class academic and occupational standards for all our children and give our teachers and students the tools they need to meet them. Our Goals 2000 proposal will empower individual school districts to experiment with ideas like chartering their schools to be run by private corporations or having more public school choice, to do whatever they wish to do as long as we measure every school by one high standard: Are our children learning what they need to know to compete and win in the global economy? Goals 2000 links world-class standards to grassroots reforms. And I hope Congress will pass it without delay. Our school-to-work initiative will for the first time link school to the world of work, providing at least one year of apprenticeship beyond high school. After all, most of the people we're counting on to build our economic future won't graduate from college. It's time to stop ignoring them and start empowering them. We must literally transform our outdated unemployment system into a new reemployment system. The old unemployment system just sort of kept you going while you waited for your old job to come back. We've got to have a new system to move people into new and better jobs, because most of those old jobs just don't come back. And we know that the only way to have real job security in the future, to get a good job with a growing income, is to have real skills and the ability to learn new ones. So we've got to streamline today's patchwork of training programs and make them a source of new skills for our people who lose their jobs. Reemployment, not unemployment, must become the centerpiece of our economic renewal. I urge you to pass it in this session of Congress. And just as we must transform our unemployment system, so must we also revolutionize our welfare system. It doesn't work. It defies our values as a nation. If we value work, we can't justify a system that makes welfare more attractive than work if people are worried about losing their health care. If we value responsibility, we can't ignore the $34 billion in child support absent parents ought to be paying to millions of parents who are taking care of their children. If we value strong families, we can't perpetuate a system that actually penalizes those who stay together. Can you believe that a child who has a child gets more money from the Government for leaving home than for staying home with a parent or a grandparent? That's not just bad policy, it's wrong. And we ought to change it. I worked on this problem for years before I became President, with other Governors and with Members of Congress of both parties and with the previous administration of another party. I worked on it with people who were on welfare, lots of them. And I want to say something to everybody here who cares about this issue. The people who most want to change this system are the people who are dependent on it. They want to get off welfare. They want to go back to work. They want to do right by their kids. I once had a hearing when I was a Governor, and I brought in people on welfare from all over America who had found their way to work. The woman from my State who testified was asked this question: What's the best thing about being off welfare and in a job? And without blinking an eye, she looked at 40 Governors, and she said, 'When my boy goes to school and they say, ëWhat does your mother do for a living?' he can give an answer.' These people want a better system, and we ought to give it to them. Last year we began this. We gave the States more power to innovate because we know that a lot of great ideas come from outside Washington, and many States are already using it. Then this Congress took a dramatic step. Instead of taxing people with modest incomes into poverty, we helped them to work their way out of poverty by dramatically increasing the earned-income tax credit. It will lift 15 million working families out of poverty, rewarding work over welfare, making it possible for people to be successful workers and successful parents. Now that's real welfare reform. But there is more to be done. This spring I will send you a comprehensive welfare reform bill that builds on the Family Support Act of 1988 and restores the basic values of work and responsibility. We'll say to teenagers, 'If you have a child out of wedlock, we will no longer give you a check to set up a separate household. We want families to stay together'; say to absent parents who aren't paying their child support, 'If you're not providing for your children, we'll garnish your wages, suspend your license, track you across State lines, and if necessary, make some of you work off what you owe.' People who bring children into this world cannot and must not walk away from them. But to all those who depend on welfare, we should offer ultimately a simple compact. We'll provide the support, the job training, the child care you need for up to 2 years. But after that, anyone who can work, must, in the private sector wherever possible, in community service if necessary. That's the only way we'll ever make welfare what it ought to be, a second chance, not a way of life. I know it will be difficult to tackle welfare reform in 1994 at the same time we tackle health care. But let me point out, I think it is inevitable and imperative. It is estimated that one million people are on welfare today because it's the only way they can get health care coverage for their children. Those who choose to leave welfare for jobs without health benefits, and many entry-level jobs don't have health benefits, find themselves in the incredible position of paying taxes that help to pay for health care coverage for those who made the other choice, to stay on welfare. No wonder people leave work and go back to welfare to get health care coverage. We've got to solve the health care problem to have real welfare reform. So this year, we will make history by reforming the health care system. And I would say to you, all of you, my fellow public servants, this is another issue where the people are way ahead of the politicians. That may not be popular with either party, but it happens to be the truth. You know, the First Lady has received now almost a million letters from people all across America and from all walks of life. I'd like to share just one of them with you. Richard Anderson of Reno, Nevada, lost his job and with it, his health insurance. Two weeks later his wife, Judy, suffered a cerebral aneurysm. He rushed her to the hospital, where she stayed in intensive care for 21 days. The Andersons' bills were over $120,000. Although Judy recovered and Richard went back to work at $8 an hour, the bills were too much for them, and they were literally forced into bankruptcy. 'Mrs. Clinton,' he wrote to Hillary, 'no one in the United States of America should have to lose everything they've worked for all their lives because they were unfortunate enough to become ill.' It was to help the Richard and Judy Andersons of America that the First Lady and so many others have worked so hard and so long on this health care reform issue. We owe them our thanks and our action. I know there are people here who say there's no health care crisis. Tell it to Richard and Judy Anderson. Tell it to the 58 million Americans who have no coverage at all for some time each year. Tell it to the 81 million Americans with those preexisting conditions. Those folks are paying more, or they can't get insurance at all, or they can't ever change their jobs because they or someone in their family has one of those preexisting conditions. Tell it to the small businesses burdened by the skyrocketing cost of insurance. Most small businesses cover their employees, and they pay on average 35 percent more in premiums than big businesses or Government. Or tell it to the 76 percent of insured Americans, three out of four, whose policies have lifetime limits, and that means they can find themselves without any coverage at all just when they need it the most. So if any of you believe there's no crisis, you tell it to those people, because I can't. There are some people who literally do not understand the impact of this problem on people's lives. And all you have to do is go out and listen to them. Just go talk to them anywhere in any congressional district in this country. They're Republicans and Democrats and independents; it doesn't have a lick to do with party. They think we don't get it. And it's time we show them that we do get it. From the day we began, our health care initiative has been designed to strengthen what is good about our health care system: the world's best health care professionals, cutting-edge research and wonderful research institutions, Medicare for older Americans. None of this, none of it should be put at risk. But we're paying more and more money for less and less care. Every year fewer and fewer Americans even get to choose their doctors. Every year doctors and nurses spend more time on paperwork and less time with patients because of the absolute bureaucratic nightmare the present system has become. This system is riddled with inefficiency, with abuse, with fraud, and everybody knows it. In today's health care system, insurance companies call the shots. They pick whom they cover and how they cover them. They can cut off your benefits when you need your coverage the most. They are in charge. What does it mean? It means every night millions of well-insured Americans go to bed just an illness, an accident, or a pink slip away from having no coverage or financial ruin. It means every morning millions of Americans go to work without any health insurance at all, something the workers in no other advanced country in the world do. It means that every year more and more hard-working people are told to pick a new doctor because their boss has had to pick a new plan. And countless others turn down better jobs because they know if they take the better job, they will lose their health insurance. If we just let the health care system continue to drift, our country will have people with less care, fewer choices, and higher bills. Now, our approach protects the quality of care and people's choices. It builds on what works today in the private sector, to expand employer-based coverage, to guarantee private insurance for every American. And I might say, employer-based private insurance for every American was proposed 20 years ago by President Richard Nixon to the United States Congress. It was a good idea then, and it's a better idea today. Why do we want guaranteed private insurance? Because right now 9 out of 10 people who have insurance get it through their employers. And that should continue. And if your employer is providing good benefits at reasonable prices, that should continue, too. That ought to make the Congress and the President feel better. Our goal is health insurance everybody can depend on: comprehensive benefits that cover preventive care and prescription drugs; health premiums that don't just explode when you get sick or you get older; the power, no matter how small your business is, to choose dependable insurance at the same competitive rates governments and big business get today; one simple form for people who are sick; and most of all, the freedom to choose a plan and the right to choose your own doctor. Our approach protects older Americans. Every plan before the Congress proposes to slow the growth of Medicare. The difference is this: We believe those savings should be used to improve health care for senior citizens. Medicare must be protected, and it should cover prescription drugs, and we should take the first steps in covering long-term care. To those who would cut Medicare without protecting seniors, I say the solution to today's squeeze on middle class working people's health care is not to put the squeeze on middle class retired people's health care. We can do better than that. When it's all said and done, it's pretty simple to me. Insurance ought to mean what it used to mean: You pay a fair price for security, and when you get sick, health care's always there, no matter what. Along with the guarantee of health security, we all have to admit, too, there must be more responsibility on the part of all of us in how we use this system. People have to take their kids to get immunized. We should all take advantage of preventive care. We must all work together to stop the violence that explodes our emergency rooms. We have to practice better health habits, and we can't abuse the system. And those who don't have insurance under our approach will get coverage, but they'll have to pay something for it, too. The minority of businesses that provide no insurance at all, and in so doing shift the cost of the care of their employees to others, should contribute something. People who smoke should pay more for a pack of cigarettes. Everybody can contribute something if we want to solve the health care crisis. There can't be any more something for nothing. It will not be easy but it can be done. Now, in the coming months I hope very much to work with both Democrats and Republicans to reform a health care system by using the market to bring down costs and to achieve lasting health security. But if you look at history we see that for 60 years this country has tried to reform health care. President Roosevelt tried. President Truman tried. President Nixon tried. President Carter tried. Every time the special interests were powerful enough to defeat them. But not this time. I know that facing up to these interests will require courage. It will raise critical questions about the way we finance our campaigns and how lobbyists yield their influence. The work of change, frankly, will never get any easier until we limit the influence of well-financed interests who profit from this current system. So I also must now call on you to finish the job both Houses began last year by passing tough and meaningful campaign finance reform and lobby reform legislation this year. You know, my fellow Americans, this is really a test for all of us. The American people provide those of us in Government service with terrific health care benefits at reasonable costs. We have health care that's always there. I think we need to give every hard-working, tax-paying American the same health care security they have already given to us. I want to make this very clear. I am open, as I have said repeatedly, to the best ideas of concerned Members of both parties. I have no special brief for any specific approach, even in our own bill, except this: If you send me legislation that does not guarantee every American private health insurance that can never be taken away, you will force me to take this pen, veto the legislation, and we'll come right back here and start all over again. But I don't think that's going to happen. I think we're ready to act now. I believe that you're ready to act now. And if you're ready to guarantee every American the same health care that you have, health care that can never be taken away, nowónot next year or the year afterónow is the time to stand with the people who sent us here, now. As we take these steps together to renew our strength at home, we cannot turn away from our obligation to renew our leadership abroad. This is a promising moment. Because of the agreements we have reached this year, last year, Russia's strategic nuclear missiles soon will no longer be pointed at the United States, nor will we point ours at them. Instead of building weapons in space, Russian scientists will help us to build the international space station. Of course, there are still dangers in the world: rampant arms proliferation, bitter regional conflicts, ethnic and nationalist tensions in many new democracies, severe environmental degradation the world over, and fanatics who seek to cripple the world's cities with terror. As the world's greatest power, we must, therefore, maintain our defenses and our responsibilities. This year, we secured indictments against terrorists and sanctions against those who harbor them. We worked to promote environmentally sustainable economic growth. We achieved agreements with Ukraine, with Belarus, with Kazahkstan to eliminate completely their nuclear arsenal. We are working to achieve a Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. We will seek early ratification of a treaty to ban chemical weapons worldwide. And earlier today, we joined with over 30 nations to begin negotiations on a comprehensive ban to stop all nuclear testing. But nothing, nothing is more important to our security than our Nation's Armed Forces. We honor their contributions, including those who are carrying out the longest humanitarian air lift in history in Bosnia, those who will complete their mission in Somalia this year and their brave comrades who gave their lives there. Our forces are the finest military our Nation has ever had. And I have pledged that as long as I am President, they will remain the best equipped, the best trained, and the best prepared fighting force on the face of the Earth. Last year I proposed a defense plan that maintains our post-cold-war security at a lower cost. This year many people urged me to cut our defense spending further to pay for other Government programs. I said no. The budget I send to Congress draws the line against further defense cuts. It protects the readiness and quality of our forces. Ultimately, the best strategy is to do that. We must not cut defense further. I hope the Congress, without regard to party, will support that position. Ultimately, the best strategy to ensure our security and to build a durable peace is to support the advance of democracy elsewhere. Democracies don't attack each other. They make better trading partners and partners in diplomacy. That is why we have supported, you and I, the democratic reformers in Russia and in the other states of the former Soviet bloc. I applaud the bipartisan support this Congress provided last year for our initiatives to help Russia, Ukraine, and the other states through their epic transformations. Our support of reform must combine patience for the enormity of the task and vigilance for our fundamental interest and values. We will continue to urge Russia and the other states to press ahead with economic reforms. And we will seek to cooperate with Russia to solve regional problems, while insisting that if Russian troops operate in neighboring states, they do so only when those states agree to their presence and in strict accord with international standards. But we must also remember as these nations chart their own futuresóand they must chart their own futuresóhow much more secure and more prosperous our own people will be if democratic and market reforms succeed all across the former Communist bloc. Our policy has been to support that move, and that has been the policy of the Congress. We should continue it. That is why I went to Europe earlier this month, to work with our European partners, to help to integrate all the former Communist countries into a Europe that has a possibility of becoming unified for the first time in its entire history, its entire history, based on the simple commitments of all nations in Europe to democracy, to free markets, and to respect for existing borders. With our allies we have created a Partnership For Peace that invites states from the former Soviet bloc and other non-NATO members to work with NATO in military cooperation. When I met with Central Europe's leaders, including Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel, men who put their lives on the line for freedom, I told them that the security of their region is important to our country's security. This year we must also do more to support democratic renewal and human rights and sustainable development all around the world. We will ask Congress to ratify the new GATT accord. We will continue standing by South Africa as it works its way through its bold and hopeful and difficult transition to democracy. We will convene a summit of the Western Hemisphere's democratic leaders from Canada to the tip of South America. And we will continue to press for the restoration of true democracy in Haiti. And as we build a more constructive relationship with China, we must continue to insist on clear signs of improvement in that nation's human rights record. We will also work for new progress toward the Middle East peace. Last year the world watched Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat at the White House when they had their historic handshake of reconciliation. But there is a long, hard road ahead. And on that road I am determined that I and our administration will do all we can to achieve a comprehensive and lasting peace for all the peoples of the region. Now, there are some in our country who argue that with the cold war, America should turn its back on the rest of the world. Many around the world were afraid we would do just that. But I took this office on a pledge that had no partisan tinge, to keep our Nation secure by remaining engaged in the rest of the world. And this year, because of our work together, enacting NAFTA, keeping our military strong and prepared, supporting democracy abroad, we have reaffirmed America's leadership, America's engagement. And as a result, the American people are more secure than they were before. But while Americans are more secure from threats abroad, I think we all know that in many ways we are less secure from threats here at home. Every day the national peace is shattered by crime. In Petaluma, California, an innocent slumber party gives way to agonizing tragedy for the family of Polly Klaas. An ordinary train ride on Long Island ends in a hail of 9-millimeter rounds. A tourist in Florida is nearly burned alive by bigots simply because he is black. Right here in our Nation's Capital, a brave young man named Jason White, a policeman, the son and grandson of policemen, is ruthlessly gunned down. Violent crime and the fear it provokes are crippling our society, limiting personal freedom, and fraying the ties that bind us. The crime bill before Congress gives you a chance to do something about it, a chance to be tough and smart. What does that mean? Let me begin by saying I care a lot about this issue. Many years ago, when I started out in public life, I was the attorney general of my State. I served as a Governor for a dozen years. I know what it's like to sign laws increasing penalties, to build more prison cells, to carry out the death penalty. I understand this issue. And it is not a simple thing. First, we must recognize that most violent crimes are committed by a small percentage of criminals who too often break the laws even when they are on parole. Now those who commit crimes should be punished. And those who commit repeated violent crimes should be told, 'When you commit a third violent crime, you will be put away, and put away for good; three strikes and you are out.' Second, we must take serious steps to reduce violence and prevent crime, beginning with more police officers and more community policing. We know right now that police who work the streets, know the folks, have the respect of the neighborhood kids, focus on high crime areas, we know that they are more likely to prevent crime as well as catch criminals. Look at the experience of Houston, where the crime rate dropped 17 percent in one year when that approach was taken. Here tonight is one of those community policemen, a brave, young detective, Kevin Jett, whose beat is eight square blocks in one of the toughest neighborhoods in New York. Every day he restores some sanity and safety and a sense of values and connections to the people whose lives he protects. I'd like to ask him to stand up and be recognized tonight. Thank you, sir. [Applause] You will be given a chance to give the children of this country, the law-abiding working people of this countryóand don't forget, in the toughest neighborhoods in this country, in the highest crime neighborhoods in this country, the vast majority of people get up every day and obey the law, pay their taxes, do their best to raise their kids. They deserve people like Kevin Jett. And you're going to be given a chance to give the American people another 100,000 of them, well trained. And I urge you to do it. You have before you crime legislation which also establishes a police corps to encourage young people to get an education and pay it off by serving as police officers; which encourages retiring military personnel to move into police forces, an inordinate resource for our country; one which has a safe schools provision which will give our young people the chance to walk to school in safety and to be in school in safety instead of dodging bullets. These are important things. The third thing we have to do is to build on the Brady bill, the Brady law, to take further steps to keep guns out of the hands of criminals. I want to say something about this issue. Hunters must always be free to hunt. Law-abiding adults should always be free to own guns and protect their homes. I respect that part of our culture; I grew up in it. But I want to ask the sportsmen and others who lawfully own guns to join us in this campaign to reduce gun violence. I say to you, I know you didn't create this problem, but we need your help to solve it. There is no sporting purpose on Earth that should stop the United States Congress from banishing assault weapons that out-gun police and cut down children. Fourth, we must remember that drugs are a factor in an enormous percentage of crimes. Recent studies indicate, sadly, that drug use is on the rise again among our young people. The crime bill containsóall the crime bills containó more money for drug treatment for criminal addicts and boot camps for youthful offenders that include incentives to get off drugs and to stay off drugs. Our administration's budget, with all its cuts, contains a large increase in funding for drug treatment and drug education. You must pass them both. We need them desperately. My fellow Americans, the problem of violence is an American problem. It has no partisan or philosophical element. Therefore, I urge you to find ways as quickly as possible to set aside partisan differences and pass a strong, smart, tough crime bill. But further, I urge you to consider this: As you demand tougher penalties for those who choose violence, let us also remember how we came to this sad point. In our toughest neighborhoods, on our meanest streets, in our poorest rural areas, we have seen a stunning and simultaneous breakdown of community, family, and work, the heart and soul of civilized society. This has created a vast vacuum which has been filled by violence and drugs and gangs. So I ask you to remember that even as we say no to crime, we must give people, especially our young people, something to say yes to. Many of our initiatives, from job training to welfare reform to health care to national service, will help to rebuild distressed communities, to strengthen families, to provide work. But more needs to be done. That's what our community empowerment agenda is all about, challenging businesses to provide more investment through empowerment zones, ensuring banks will make loans in the same communities their deposits come from, passing legislation to unleash the power of capital through community development banks to create jobs, opportunity, and hope where they're needed most. I think you know that to really solve this problem, we'll all have to put our heads together, leave our ideological armor aside, and find some new ideas to do even more. And let's be honest, we all know something else too: Our problems go way beyond the reach of Government. They're rooted in the loss of values, in the disappearance of work, and the breakdown of our families and our communities. My fellow Americans, we can cut the deficit, create jobs, promote democracy around the world, pass welfare reform and health care, pass the toughest crime bill in history, but still leave too many of our people behind. The American people have got to want to change from within if we're going to bring back work and family and community. We cannot renew our country when within a decade more than half of the children will be born into families where there has been no marriage. We cannot renew this country when 13-year-old boys get semiautomatic weapons to shoot 9-year-olds for kicks. We can't renew our country when children are having children and the fathers walk away as if the kids don't amount to anything. We can't renew the country when our businesses eagerly look for new investments and new customers abroad but ignore those people right here at home who would give anything to have their jobs and would gladly buy their products if they had the money to do it. We can't renew our country unless more of usóI mean, all of usó are willing to join the churches and the other good citizens, people like all theólike ministers I've worked with over the years or the priests and the nuns I met at Our Lady of Help in east Los Angeles or my good friend Tony Campollo in Philadelphia, unless we're willing to work with people like that, people who are saving kids, adopting schools, making streets safer. All of us can do that. We can't renew our country until we realize that governments don't raise children, parents do. Parents who know their children's teachers and turn off the television and help with the homework and teach their kids right from wrong, those kinds of parents can make all the difference. I know; I had one. I'm telling you, we have got to stop pointing our fingers at these kids who have no future and reach our hands out to them. Our country needs it, we need it, and they deserve it. So I say to you tonight, let's give our children a future. Let us take away their guns and give them books. Let us overcome their despair and replace it with hope. Let us, by our example, teach them to obey the law, respect our neighbors, and cherish our values. Let us weave these sturdy threads into a new American community that can once more stand strong against the forces of despair and evil because everybody has a chance to walk into a better tomorrow. Oh, there will be naysayers who fear that we won't be equal to the challenges of this time. But they misread our history, our heritage. Even today's headlines, all those things tell us we can and we will overcome any challenge. When the earth shook and fires raged in California, when I saw the Mississippi deluge the farmlands of the Midwest in a 500-year flood, when the century's bitterest cold swept from North Dakota to Newport News, it seemed as though the world itself was coming apart at the seams. But the American people, they just came together. They rose to the occasion, neighbor helping neighbor, strangers risking life and limb to save total strangers, showing the better angels of our nature. Let us not reserve the better angels only for natural disasters, leaving our deepest and most profound problems to petty political fighting. Let us instead be true to our spirit, facing facts, coming together, bringing hope, and moving forward. Tonight, my fellow Americans, we are summoned to answer a question as old as the Republic itself: What is the state of our Union? It is growing stronger, but it must be stronger still. With your help and God's help, it will be. Thank you, and God bless America. Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 104th Congress, my fellow Americans: Again we are here in the sanctuary of democracy, and once again our democracy has spoken. So let me begin by congratulating all of you here in the 104th Congress and congratulating you, Mr. Speaker. If we agree on nothing else tonight, we must agree that the American people certainly voted for change in 1992 and in 1994. And as I look out at you, I know how some of you must have felt in 1992. [Laughter] I must say that in both years we didn't hear America singing, we heard America shouting. And now all of us, Republicans and Democrats alike, must say, 'We hear you. We will work together to earn the jobs you have given us.' For we are the keepers of a sacred trust, and we must be faithful to it in this new and very demanding era. Over 200 years ago, our Founders changed the entire course of human history by joining together to create a new country based on a single powerful idea: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, . . . endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, and among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.' It has fallen to every generation since then to preserve that idea, the American idea, and to deepen and expand its meaning in new and different times: to Lincoln and to his Congress to preserve the Union and to end slavery; to Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson to restrain the abuses and excesses of the industrial revolution and to assert our leadership in the world; to Franklin Roosevelt to fight the failure and pain of the Great Depression and to win our country's great struggle against fascism; and to all our Presidents since to fight the cold war. Especially, I recall two who struggled to fight that cold war in partnership with Congresses where the majority was of a different party: to Harry Truman, who summoned us to unparalleled prosperity at home and who built the architecture of the cold war; and to Ronald Reagan, whom we wish well tonight and who exhorted us to carry on until the twilight struggle against communism was won. In another time of change and challenge, I had the honor to be the first President to be elected in the post-cold-war era, an era marked by the global economy, the information revolution, unparalleled change and opportunity and insecurity for the American people. I came to this hallowed Chamber 2 years ago on a mission, to restore the American dream for all our people and to make sure that we move into the 21st century still the strongest force for freedom and democracy in the entire world. I was determined then to tackle the tough problems too long ignored. In this effort I am frank to say that I have made my mistakes, and I have learned again the importance of humility in all human endeavor. But I am also proud to say tonight that our country is stronger than it was 2 years ago. [Applause] Thank you. Record numbers of Americans are succeeding in the new global economy. We are at peace, and we are a force for peace and freedom throughout the world. We have almost 6 million new jobs since I became President, and we have the lowest combined rate of unemployment and inflation in 25 years. Our businesses are more productive. And here we have worked to bring the deficit down, to expand trade, to put more police on our streets, to give our citizens more of the tools they need to get an education and to rebuild their own communities. But the rising tide is not lifting all boats. While our Nation is enjoying peace and prosperity, too many of our people are still working harder and harder, for less and less. While our businesses are restructuring and growing more productive and competitive, too many of our people still can't be sure of having a job next year or even next month. And far more than our material riches are threatened, things far more precious to us, our children, our families, our values. Our civil life is suffering in America today. Citizens are working together less and shouting at each other more. The common bonds of community which have been the great strength of our country from its very beginning are badly frayed. What are we to do about it? More than 60 years ago, at the dawn of another new era, President Roosevelt told our Nation, 'New conditions impose new requirements on Government and those who conduct Government.' And from that simple proposition, he shaped the New Deal, which helped to restore our Nation to prosperity and define the relationship between our people and their Government for half a century. That approach worked in its time. But we today, we face a very different time and very different conditions. We are moving from an industrial age built on gears and sweat to an information age demanding skills and learning and flexibility. Our Government, once a champion of national purpose, is now seen by many as simply a captive of narrow interests, putting more burdens on our citizens rather than equipping them to get ahead. The values that used to hold us all together seem to be coming apart. So tonight we must forge a new social compact to meet the challenges of this time. As we enter a new era, we need a new set of understandings, not just with Government but, even more important, with one another as Americans. That's what I want to talk with you about tonight. I call it the New Covenant. But it's grounded in a very, very old idea, that all Americans have not just a right but a solemn responsibility to rise as far as their God-given talents and determination can take them and to give something back to their communities and their country in return. Opportunity and responsibility: They go hand in hand. We can't have one without the other. And our national community can't hold together without both. Our New Covenant is a new set of understandings for how we can equip our people to meet the challenges of a new economy, how we can change the way our Government works to fit a different time, and, above all, how we can repair the damaged bonds in our society and come together behind our common purpose. We must have dramatic change in our economy, our Government, and ourselves. My fellow Americans, without regard to party, let us rise to the occasion. Let us put aside partisanship and pettiness and pride. As we embark on this new course, let us put our country first, remembering that regardless of party label, we are all Americans. And let the final test of everything we do be a simple one: Is it good for the American people? Let me begin by saying that we cannot ask Americans to be better citizens if we are not better servants. You made a good start by passing that law which applies to Congress all the laws you put on the private sector, and I was proud to sign it yesterday. But we have a lot more to do before people really trust the way things work around here. Three times as many lobbyists are in the streets and corridors of Washington as were here 20 years ago. The American people look at their Capital, and they see a city where the well-connected and the well-protected can work the system, but the interests of ordinary citizens are often left out. As the new Congress opened its doors, lobbyists were still doing business as usual; the gifts, the trips, all the things that people are concerned about haven't stopped. Twice this month you missed opportunities to stop these practices. I know there were other considerations in those votes, but I want to use something that I've heard my Republican friends say from time to time, 'There doesn't have to be a law for everything.' So tonight I ask you to just stop taking the lobbyists' perks. Just stop. We don't have to wait for legislation to pass to send a strong signal to the American people that things are really changing. But I also hope you will send me the strongest possible lobby reform bill, and I'll sign that, too. We should require lobbyists to tell the people for whom they work what they're spending, what they want. We should also curb the role of big money in elections by capping the cost of campaigns and limiting the influence of PAC's. And as I have said for 3 years, we should work to open the airwaves so that they can be an instrument of democracy, not a weapon of destruction, by giving free TV time to candidates for public office. When the last Congress killed political reform last year, it was reported in the press that the lobbyists actually stood in the Halls of this sacred building and cheered. This year, let's give the folks at home something to cheer about. More important, I think we all agree that we have to change the way the Government works. Let's make it smaller, less costly, and smarter; leaner, not meaner. [Applause] I just told the Speaker the equal time doctrine is alive and well. [Laughter] The New Covenant approach to governing is as different from the old bureaucratic way as the computer is from the manual typewriter. The old way of governing around here protected organized interests. We should look out for the interests of ordinary people. The old way divided us by interest, constituency, or class. The New Covenant way should unite us behind a common vision of what's best for our country. The old way dispensed services through large, top-down, inflexible bureaucracies. The New Covenant way should shift these resources and decisionmaking from bureaucrats to citizens, injecting choice and competition and individual responsibility into national policy. The old way of governing around here actually seemed to reward failure. The New Covenant way should have built-in incentives to reward success. The old way was centralized here in Washington. The New Covenant way must take hold in the communities all across America. And we should help them to do that. Our job here is to expand opportunity, not bureaucracy, to empower people to make the most of their own lives, and to enhance our security here at home and abroad. We must not ask Government to do what we should do for ourselves. We should rely on Government as a partner to help us to do more for ourselves and for each other. I hope very much that as we debate these specific and exciting matters, we can go beyond the sterile discussion between the illusion that there is somehow a program for every problem, on the one hand, and the other illusion that the Government is a source of every problem we have. Our job is to get rid of yesterday's Government so that our own people can meet today's and tomorrow's needs. And we ought to do it together. You know, for years before I became President, I heard others say they would cut Government and how bad it was, but not much happened. We actually did it. We cut over a quarter of a trillion dollars in spending, more than 300 domestic programs, more than 100,000 positions from the Federal bureaucracy in the last 2 years alone. Based on decisions already made, we will have cut a total of more than a quarter of a million positions from the Federal Government, making it the smallest it has been since John Kennedy was President, by the time I come here again next year. Under the leadership of Vice President Gore, our initiatives have already saved taxpayers $63 billion. The age of the $500 hammer and the ashtray you can break on 'David Letterman' is gone. Deadwood programs, like mohair subsidies, are gone. We've streamlined the Agriculture Department by reducing it by more than 1,200 offices. We've slashed the small business loan form from an inch thick to a single page. We've thrown away the Government's 10,000page personnel manual. And the Government is working better in important ways: FEMA, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, has gone from being a disaster to helping people in disasters. You can ask the farmers in the Middle West who fought the flood there or the people in California who have dealt with floods and earthquakes and fires, and they'll tell you that. Government workers, working hand in hand with private business, rebuilt southern California's fractured freeways in record time and under budget. And because the Federal Government moved fast, all but one of the 5,600 schools damaged in the earthquake are back in business. Now, there are a lot of other things that I could talk about. I want to just mention one because it will be discussed here in the next few weeks. University administrators all over the country have told me that they are saving weeks and weeks of bureaucratic time now because of our direct college loan program, which makes college loans cheaper and more affordable with better repayment terms for students, costs the Government less, and cuts out paperwork and bureaucracy for the Government and for the universities. We shouldn't cap that program. We should give every college in America the opportunity to be a part of it. Previous Government programs gathered dust. The reinventing Government report is getting results. And we're not through. There's going to be a second round of reinventing Government. We propose to cut $130 billion in spending by shrinking departments, extending our freeze on domestic spending, cutting 60 public housing programs down to 3, getting rid of over 100 programs we do not need, like the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Helium Reserve Program. And we're working on getting rid of unnecessary regulations and making them more sensible. The programs and regulations that have outlived their usefulness should go. We have to cut yesterday's Government to help solve tomorrow's problems. And we need to get Government closer to the people it's meant to serve. We need to help move programs down to the point where States and communities and private citizens in the private sector can do a better job. If they can do it, we ought to let them do it. We should get out of the way and let them do what they can do better. Taking power away from Federal bureaucracies and giving it back to communities and individuals is something everyone should be able to be for. It's time for Congress to stop passing on to the States the cost of decisions we make here in Washington. I know there are still serious differences over the details of the unfunded mandates legislation, but I want to work with you to make sure we pass a reasonable bill which will protect the national interests and give justified relief where we need to give it. For years, Congress concealed in the budget scores of pet spending projects. Last year was no difference. There was a $1 million to study stress in plants and $12 million for a tick removal program that didn't work. It's hard to remove ticks. Those of us who have had them know. [Laughter] But I'll tell you something, if you'll give me line-item veto, I'll remove some of that unnecessary spending. But I think we should all remember, and almost all of us would agree, that Government still has important responsibilities. Our young peopleówe should think of this when we cutó our young people hold our future in their hands. We still owe a debt to our veterans. And our senior citizens have made us what we are. Now, my budget cuts a lot. But it protects education, veterans, Social Security, and Medicare, and I hope you will do the same thing. You should, and I hope you will. And when we give more flexibility to the States, let us remember that there are certain fundamental national needs that should be addressed in every State, North and South, East and West: Immunization against childhood disease, school lunches in all our schools, Head Start, medical care and nutrition for pregnant women and infants, all these things, all these things are in the national interest. I applaud your desire to get rid of costly and unnecessary regulations. But when we deregulate, let's remember what national action in the national interest has given us: safer food for our families, safer toys for our children, safer nursing homes for our parents, safer cars and highways, and safer workplaces, cleaner air, and cleaner water. Do we need common sense and fairness in our regulations? You bet we do. But we can have common sense and still provide for safe drinking water. We can have fairness and still clean up toxic dumps, and we ought to do it. Should we cut the deficit more? Well, of course we should. Of course we should. But we can bring it down in a way that still protects our economic recovery and does not unduly punish people who should not be punished but instead should be helped. I know many of you in this Chamber support the balanced budget amendment. I certainly want to balance the budget. Our administration has done more to bring the budget down and to save money than any in a very, very long time. If you believe passing this amendment is the right thing to do, then you have to be straight with the American people. They have a right to know what you're going to cut, what taxes you're going to raise, and how it's going to affect them. We should be doing things in the open around here. For example, everybody ought to know if this proposal is going to endanger Social Security. I would oppose that, and I think most Americans would. Nothing has done more to undermine our sense of common responsibility than our failed welfare system. This is one of the problems we have to face here in Washington in our New Covenant. It rewards welfare over work. It undermines family values. It lets millions of parents get away without paying their child support. It keeps a minority but a significant minority of the people on welfare trapped on it for a very long time. I've worked on this problem for a long time, nearly 15 years now. As a Governor, I had the honor of working with the Reagan administration to write the last welfare reform bill back in 1988. In the last 2 years, we made a good start at continuing the work of welfare reform. Our administration gave two dozen States the right to slash through Federal rules and regulations to reform their own welfare systems and to try to promote work and responsibility over welfare and dependency. Last year I introduced the most sweeping welfare reform plan ever presented by an administration. We have to make welfare what it was meant to be, a second chance, not a way of life. We have to help those on welfare move to work as quickly as possible, to provide child care and teach them skills, if that's what they need, for up to 2 years. And after that, there ought to be a simple, hard rule: Anyone who can work must go to work. If a parent isn't paying child support, they should be forced to pay. We should suspend drivers' license, track them across State lines, make them work off what they owe. That is what we should do. Governments do not raise children, people do. And the parents must take responsibility for the children they bring into this world. I want to work with you, with all of you, to pass welfare reform. But our goal must be to liberate people and lift them up from dependence to independence, from welfare to work, from mere childbearing to responsible parenting. Our goal should not be to punish them because they happen to be poor. We should, we should require work and mutual responsibility. But we shouldn't cut people off just because they're poor, they're young, or even because they're unmarried. We should promote responsibility by requiring young mothers to live at home with their parents or in other supervised settings, by requiring them to finish school. But we shouldn't put them and their children out on the street. And I know all the arguments, pro and con, and I have read and thought about this for a long time. I still don't think we can in good conscience punish poor children for the mistakes of their parents. My fellow Americans, every single survey shows that all the American people care about this without regard to party or race or region. So let this be the year we end welfare as we know it. But also let this be the year that we are all able to stop using this issue to divide America. No one is more eager to end welfareó [applause]óI may be the only President who has actually had the opportunity to sit in a welfare office, who's actually spent hours and hours talking to people on welfare. And I am telling you, the people who are trapped on it know it doesn't work; they also want to get off. So we can promote, together, education and work and good parenting. I have no problem with punishing bad behavior or the refusal to be a worker or a student or a responsible parent. I just don't want to punish poverty and past mistakes. All of us have made our mistakes, and none of us can change our yesterdays. But every one of us can change our tomorrows. And America's best example of that may be Lynn Woolsey, who worked her way off welfare to become a Congresswoman from the State of California. I know the Members of this Congress are concerned about crime, as are all the citizens of our country. And I remind you that last year we passed a very tough crime bill: longer sentences, 'three strikes and you're out,' almost 60 new capital punishment offenses, more prisons, more prevention, 100,000 more police. And we paid for it all by reducing the size of the Federal bureaucracy and giving the money back to local communities to lower the crime rate. There may be other things we can do to be tougher on crime, to be smarter with crime, to help to lower that rate first. Well, if there are, let's talk about them, and let's do them. But let's not go back on the things that we did last year that we know work, that we know work because the local law enforcement officers tell us that we did the right thing, because local community leaders who have worked for years and years to lower the crime rate tell us that they work. Let's look at the experience of our cities and our rural areas where the crime rate has gone down and ask the people who did it how they did it. And if what we did last year supports the decline in the crime rateó and I am convinced that it doesólet us not go back on it. Let's stick with it, implement it. We've got 4 more hard years of work to do to do that. I don't want to destroy the good atmosphere in the room or in the country tonight, but I have to mention one issue that divided this body greatly last year. The last Congress also passed the Brady bill and, in the crime bill, the ban on 19 assault weapons. I don't think it's a secret to anybody in this room that several Members of the last Congress who voted for that aren't here tonight because they voted for it. And I know, therefore, that some of you who are here because they voted for it are under enormous pressure to repeal it. I just have to tell you how I feel about it. The Members of Congress who voted for that bill and I would never do anything to infringe on the right to keep and bear arms to hunt and to engage in other appropriate sporting activities. I've done it since I was a boy, and I'm going to keep right on doing it until I can't do it anymore. But a lot of people laid down their seats in Congress so that police officers and kids wouldn't have to lay down their lives under a hail of assault weapon attack, and I will not let that be repealed. I will not let it be repealed. I'd like to talk about a couple of other issues we have to deal with. I want us to cut more spending, but I hope we won't cut Government programs that help to prepare us for the new economy, promote responsibility, and are organized from the grassroots up, not by Federal bureaucracy. The very best example of this is the national service corps, AmeriCorps. It passed with strong bipartisan support. And now there are 20,000 Americans, more than ever served in one year in the Peace Corps, working all over this country, helping people person-to-person in local grassroots volunteer groups, solving problems, and in the process earning some money for their education. This is citizenship at its best. It's good for the AmeriCorps members, but it's good for the rest of us, too. It's the essence of the New Covenant, and we shouldn't stop it. All Americans, not only in the States most heavily affected but in every place in this country, are rightly disturbed by the large numbers of illegal aliens entering our country. The jobs they hold might otherwise be held by citizens or legal immigrants. The public service they use impose burdens on our taxpayers. That's why our administration has moved aggressively to secure our borders more by hiring a record number of new border guards, by deporting twice as many criminal aliens as ever before, by cracking down on illegal hiring, by barring welfare benefits to illegal aliens. In the budget I will present to you, we will try to do more to speed the deportation of illegal aliens who are arrested for crimes, to better identify illegal aliens in the workplace as recommended by the commission headed by former Congresswoman Barbara Jordan. We are a nation of immigrants. But we are also a nation of laws. It is wrong and ultimately self-defeating for a nation of immigrants to permit the kind of abuse of our immigration laws we have seen in recent years, and we must do more to stop it. The most important job of our Government in this new era is to empower the American people to succeed in the global economy. America has always been a land of opportunity, a land where, if you work hard, you can get ahead. We've become a great middle class country. Middle class values sustain us. We must expand that middle class and shrink the under class, even as we do everything we can to support the millions of Americans who are already successful in the new economy. America is once again the world's strongest economic power: almost 6 million new jobs in the last 2 years, exports booming, inflation down. High-wage jobs are coming back. A record number of American entrepreneurs are living the American dream. If we want it to stay that way, those who work and lift our Nation must have more of its benefits. Today, too many of those people are being left out. They're working harder for less. They have less security, less income, less certainty that they can even afford a vacation, much less college for their kids or retirement for themselves. We cannot let this continue. If we don't act, our economy will probably keep doing what it's been doing since about 1978, when the income growth began to go to those at the very top of our economic scale and the people in the vast middle got very little growth, and people who worked like crazy but were on the bottom then fell even further and further behind in the years afterward, no matter how hard they worked. We've got to have a Government that can be a real partner in making this new economy work for all of our people, a Government that helps each and every one of us to get an education and to have the opportunity to renew our skills. That's why we worked so hard to increase educational opportunities in the last 2 years, from Head Start to public schools, to apprenticeships for young people who don't go to college, to making college loans more available and more affordable. That's the first thing we have to do. We've got to do something to empower people to improve their skills. The second thing we ought to do is to help people raise their incomes immediately by lowering their taxes. We took the first step in 1993 with a working family tax cut for 15 million families with incomes under $27,000, a tax cut that this year will average about $1,000 a family. And we also gave tax reductions to most small and new businesses. Before we could do more than that, we first had to bring down the deficit we inherited, and we had to get economic growth up. Now we've done both. And now we can cut taxes in a more comprehensive way. But tax cuts should reinforce and promote our first obligation: to empower our citizens through education and training to make the most of their own lives. The spotlight should shine on those who make the right choices for themselves, their families, and their communities. I have proposed the middle class bill of rights, which should properly be called the bill of rights and responsibilities because its provisions only benefit those who are working to educate and raise their children and to educate themselves. It will, therefore, give needed tax relief and raise incomes in both the short run and the long run in a way that benefits all of us. There are four provisions. First, a tax deduction for all education and training after high school. If you think about it, we permit businesses to deduct their investment, we permit individuals to deduct interest on their home mortgages, but today an education is even more important to the economic well-being of our whole country than even those things are. We should do everything we can to encourage it. And I hope you will support it. Second, we ought to cut taxes $500 for families with children under 13. Third, we ought to foster more savings and personal responsibility by permitting people to establish an individual retirement account and withdraw from it, tax-free, for the cost of education, health care, first-time homebuying, or the care of a parent. And fourth, we should pass a 'GI bill' for America's workers. We propose to collapse nearly 70 Federal programs and not give the money to the States but give the money directly to the American people, offer vouchers to them so that they, if they're laid off or if they're working for a very low wage, can get a voucher worth $2,600 a year for up to 2 years to go to their local community colleges or wherever else they want to get the skills they need to improve their lives. Let's empower people in this way, move it from the Government directly to the workers of America. Now, any one of us can call for a tax cut, but I won't accept one that explodes the deficit or puts our recovery at risk. We ought to pay for our tax cuts fully and honestly. Just 2 years ago, it was an open question whether we would find the strength to cut the deficit. Thanks to the courage of the people who were here then, many of whom didn't return, we did cut the deficit. We began to do what others said would not be done. We cut the deficit by over $600 billion, about $10,000 for every family in this country. It's coming down 3 years in a row for the first time since Mr. Truman was President, and I don't think anybody in America wants us to let it explode again. In the budget I will send you, the middle class bill of rights is fully paid for by budget cuts in bureaucracy, cuts in programs, cuts in special interest subsidies. And the spending cuts will more than double the tax cuts. My budget pays for the middle class bill of rights without any cuts in Medicare. And I will oppose any attempts to pay for tax cuts with Medicare cuts. That's not the right thing to do. I know that a lot of you have your own ideas about tax relief, and some of them I find quite interesting. I really want to work with all of you. My test for our proposals will be: Will it create jobs and raise incomes; will it strengthen our families and support our children; is it paid for; will it build the middle class and shrink the under class? If it does, I'll support it. But if it doesn't, I won't. The goal of building the middle class and shrinking the under class is also why I believe that you should raise the minimum wage. It rewards work. Two and a half million Americans, two and a half million Americans, often women with children, are working out there today for $4.25 an hour. In terms of real buying power, by next year that minimum wage will be at a 40-year low. That's not my idea of how the new economy ought to work. Now, I've studied the arguments and the evidence for and against a minimum wage increase. I believe the weight of the evidence is that a modest increase does not cost jobs and may even lure people back into the job market. But the most important thing is, you can't make a living on $4.25 an hour, especially if you have children, even with the working families tax cut we passed last year. In the past, the minimum wage has been a bipartisan issue, and I think it should be again. So I want to challenge you to have honest hearings on this, to get together, to find a way to make the minimum wage a living wage. Members of Congress have been here less than a month, but by the end of the week, 28 days into the new year, every Member of Congress will have earned as much in congressional salary as a minimum wage worker makes all year long. Everybody else here, including the President, has something else that too many Americans do without, and that's health care. Now, last year we almost came to blows over health care, but we didn't do anything. And the cold, hard fact is that, since last year, since I was here, another 1.1 million Americans in working families have lost their health care. And the cold, hard fact is that many millions more, most of them farmers and small business people and self-employed people, have seen their premiums skyrocket, their copays and deductibles go up. There's a whole bunch of people in this country that in the statistics have health insurance but really what they've got is a piece of paper that says they won't lose their home if they get sick. Now, I still believe our country has got to move toward providing health security for every American family. But I know that last year, as the evidence indicates, we bit off more than we could chew. So I'm asking you that we work together. Let's do it step by step. Let's do whatever we have to do to get something done. Let's at least pass meaningful insurance reform so that no American risks losing coverage for facing skyrocketing prices, that nobody loses their coverage because they face high prices or unavailable insurance when they change jobs or lose a job or a family member gets sick. I want to work together with all of you who have an interest in this, with the Democrats who worked on it last time, with the Republican leaders like Senator Dole, who has a longtime commitment to health care reform and made some constructive proposals in this area last year. We ought to make sure that self-employed people in small businesses can buy insurance at more affordable rates through voluntary purchasing pools. We ought to help families provide long-term care for a sick parent or a disabled child. We can work to help workers who lose their jobs at least keep their health insurance coverage for a year while they look for work. And we can find a wayóit may take some time, but we can find a wayóto make sure that our children have health care. You know, I think everybody in this room, without regard to party, can be proud of the fact that our country was rated as having the world's most productive economy for the first time in nearly a decade. But we can't be proud of the fact that we're the only wealthy country in the world that has a smaller percentage of the work force and their children with health insurance today than we did 10 years ago, the last time we were the most productive economy in the world. So let's work together on this. It is too important for politics as usual. Much of what the American people are thinking about tonight is what we've already talked about. A lot of people think that the security concerns of America today are entirely internal to our borders. They relate to the security of our jobs and our homes and our incomes and our children, our streets, our health, and protecting those borders. Now that the cold war has passed, it's tempting to believe that all the security issues, with the possible exception of trade, reside here at home. But it's not so. Our security still depends upon our continued world leadership for peace and freedom and democracy. We still can't be strong at home unless we're strong abroad. The financial crisis in Mexico is a case in point. I know it's not popular to say it tonight, but we have to act, not for the Mexican people but for the sake of the millions of Americans whose livelihoods are tied to Mexico's wellbeing. If we want to secure American jobs, preserve American exports, safeguard America's borders, then we must pass the stabilization program and help to put Mexico back on track. Now let me repeat: It's not a loan. It's not foreign aid. It's not a bailout. We will be given a guarantee like cosigning a note, with good collateral that will cover our risks. This legislation is the right thing for America. That's why the bipartisan leadership has supported it. And I hope you in Congress will pass it quickly. It is in our interest, and we can explain it to the American people because we're going to do it in the right way. You know, tonight, this is the first State of the Union Address ever delivered since the beginning of the cold war when not a single Russian missile is pointed at the children of America. And along with the Russians, we're on our way to destroying the missiles and the bombers that carry 9,000 nuclear warheads. We've come so far so fast in this post-cold-war world that it's easy to take the decline of the nuclear threat for granted. But it's still there, and we aren't finished yet. This year I'll ask the Senate to approve START II to eliminate weapons that carry 5,000 more warheads. The United States will lead the charge to extend indefinitely the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, to enact a comprehensive nuclear test ban, and to eliminate chemical weapons. To stop and roll back North Korea's potentially deadly nuclear program, we'll continue to implement the agreement we have reached with that nation. It's smart. It's tough. It's a deal based on continuing inspection with safeguards for our allies and ourselves. This year I'll submit to Congress comprehensive legislation to strengthen our hand in combating terrorists, whether they strike at home or abroad. As the cowards who bombed the World Trade Center found out, this country will hunt down terrorists and bring them to justice. Just this week, another horrendous terrorist act in Israel killed 19 and injured scores more. On behalf of the American people and all of you, I send our deepest sympathy to the families of the victims. I know that in the face of such evil, it is hard for the people in the Middle East to go forward. But the terrorists represent the past, not the future. We must and we will pursue a comprehensive peace between Israel and all her neighbors in the Middle East. Accordingly, last night I signed an Executive order that will block the assets in the United States of terrorist organizations that threaten to disrupt the peace process. It prohibits financial transactions with these groups. And tonight I call on all our allies and peace-loving nations throughout the world to join us with renewed fervor in a global effort to combat terrorism. We cannot permit the future to be marred by terror and fear and paralysis. From the day I took the oath of office, I pledged that our Nation would maintain the best equipped, best trained, and best prepared military on Earth. We have, and they are. They have managed the dramatic downsizing of our forces after the cold war with remarkable skill and spirit. But to make sure our military is ready for action and to provide the pay and the quality of life the military and their families deserve, I'm asking the Congress to add $25 billion in defense spending over the next 6 years. I have visited many bases at home and around the world since I became President. Tonight I repeat that request with renewed conviction. We ask a very great deal of our Armed Forces. Now that they are smaller in number, we ask more of them. They go out more often to more different places and stay longer. They are called to service in many, many ways. And we must give them and their families what the times demand and what they have earned. Just think about what our troops have done in the last year, showing America at its best, helping to save hundreds of thousands of people in Rwanda, moving with lightning speed to head off another threat to Kuwait, giving freedom and democracy back to the people of Haiti. We have proudly supported peace and prosperity and freedom from South Africa to Northern Ireland, from Central and Eastern Europe to Asia, from Latin America to the Middle East. All these endeavors are good in those places, but they make our future more confident and more secure. Well, my fellow Americans, that's my agenda for America's future: expanding opportunity, not bureaucracy; enhancing security at home and abroad; empowering our people to make the most of their own lives. It's ambitious and achievable, but it's not enough. We even need more than new ideas for changing the world or equipping Americans to compete in the new economy, more than a Government that's smaller, smarter, and wiser, more than all of the changes we can make in Government and in the private sector from the outside in. Our fortunes and our posterity also depend upon our ability to answer some questions from within, from the values and voices that speak to our hearts as well as our heads; voices that tell us we have to do more to accept responsibility for ourselves and our families, for our communities, and yes, for our fellow citizens. We see our families and our communities all over this country coming apart, and we feel the common ground shifting from under us. The PTA, the town hall meeting, the ball park, it's hard for a lot of overworked parents to find the time and space for those things that strengthen the bonds of trust and cooperation. Too many of our children don't even have parents and grandparents who can give them those experiences that they need to build their own character and their sense of identity. We all know that while we here in this Chamber can make a difference on those things, that the real differences will be made by our fellow citizens, where they work and where they live and that it will be made almost without regard to party. When I used to go to the softball park in Little Rock to watch my daughter's league and people would come up to me, fathers and mothers, and talk to me, I can honestly say I had no idea whether 90 percent of them were Republicans or Democrats. When I visited the relief centers after the floods in California, northern California, last week, a woman came up to me and did something that very few of you would do. She hugged me and said, 'Mr. President, I'm a Republican, but I'm glad you're here.' [Laughter] Now, why? We can't wait for disasters to act the way we used to act every day, because as we move into this next century, everybody matters. We don't have a person to waste. And a lot of people are losing a lot of chances to do better. That means that we need a New Covenant for everybody. For our corporate and business leaders, we're going to work here to keep bringing the deficit down, to expand markets, to support their success in every possible way. But they have an obligation when they're doing well to keep jobs in our communities and give their workers a fair share of the prosperity they generate. For people in the entertainment industry in this country, we applaud your creativity and your worldwide success, and we support your freedom of expression. But you do have a responsibility to assess the impact of your work and to understand the damage that comes from the incessant, repetitive, mindless violence and irresponsible conduct that permeates our media all the time. We've got to ask our community leaders and all kinds of organizations to help us stop our most serious social problem, the epidemic of teen pregnancies and births where there is no marriage. I have sent to Congress a plan to target schools all over this country with antipregnancy programs that work. But Government can only do so much. Tonight I call on parents and leaders all across this country to join together in a national campaign against teen pregnancy to make a difference. We can do this, and we must. And I would like to say a special word to our religious leaders. You know, I'm proud of the fact the United States has more houses of worship per capita than any country in the world. These people who lead our houses of worship can ignite their congregations to carry their faith into action, can reach out to all of our children, to all of the people in distress, to those who have been savaged by the breakdown of all we hold dear. Because so much of what must be done must come from the inside out and our religious leaders and their congregations can make all the difference, they have a role in the New Covenant as well. There must be more responsibility for all of our citizens. You know, it takes a lot of people to help all the kids in trouble stay off the streets and in school. It takes a lot of people to build the Habitat for Humanity houses that the Speaker celebrates on his lapel pin. It takes a lot of people to provide the people power for all of the civic organizations in this country that made our communities mean so much to most of us when we were kids. It takes every parent to teach the children the difference between right and wrong and to encourage them to learn and grow and to say no to the wrong things but also to believe that they can be whatever they want to be. I know it's hard when you're working harder for less, when you're under great stress, to do these things. A lot of our people don't have the time or the emotional stress, they think, to do the work of citizenship. Most of us in politics haven't helped very much. For years, we've mostly treated citizens like they were consumers or spectators, sort of political couch potatoes who were supposed to watch the TV ads either promise them something for nothing or play on their fears and frustrations. And more and more of our citizens now get most of their information in very negative and aggressive ways that are hardly conducive to honest and open conversations. But the truth is, we have got to stop seeing each other as enemies just because we have different views. If you go back to the beginning of this country, the great strength of America, as de Tocqueville pointed out when he came here a long time ago, has always been our ability to associate with people who were different from ourselves and to work together to find common ground. And in this day, everybody has a responsibility to do more of that. We simply cannot want for a tornado, a fire, or a flood to behave like Americans ought to behave in dealing with one another. I want to finish up here by pointing out some folks that are up with the First Lady that represent what I'm trying to talk aboutócitizens. I have no idea what their party affiliation is or who they voted for in the last election. But they represent what we ought to be doing. Cindy Perry teaches second graders to read in AmeriCorps in rural Kentucky. She gains when she gives. She's a mother of four. She says that her service inspired her to get her high school equivalency last year. She was married when she was a teenageróstand up, Cindy. She was married when she was a teenager. She had four children. But she had time to serve other people, to get her high school equivalency, and she's going to use her AmeriCorps money to go back to college. Chief Stephen Bishop is the police chief of Kansas City. He's been a national leaderóstand up, Steve. He's been a national leader in using more police in community policing, and he's worked with AmeriCorps to do it. And the crime rate in Kansas City has gone down as a result of what he did. Corporal Gregory Depestre went to Haiti as part of his adopted country's force to help secure democracy in his native land. And I might add, we must be the only country in the world that could have gone to Haiti and taken Haitian-Americans there who could speak the language and talk to the people. And he was one of them, and we're proud of him. The next two folks I've had the honor of meeting and getting to know a little bit, the Reverend John and the Reverend Diana Cherry of the A.M.E. Zion Church in Temple Hills, Maryland. I'd like to ask them to stand. I want to tell you about them. In the early eighties, they left Government service and formed a church in a small living room in a small house, in the early eighties. Today that church has 17,000 members. It is one of the three or four biggest churches in the entire United States. It grows by 200 a month. They do it together. And the special focus of their ministry is keeping families together. Two things they did make a big impression on me. I visited their church once, and I learned they were building a new sanctuary closer to the Washington, DC, line in a higher crime, higher drug rate area because they thought it was part of their ministry to change the lives of the people who needed them. The second thing I want to say is that once Reverend Cherry was at a meeting at the White House with some other religious leaders, and he left early to go back to this church to minister to 150 couples that he had brought back to his church from all over America to convince them to come back together, to save their marriages, and to raise their kids. This is the kind of work that citizens are doing in America. We need more of it, and it ought to be lifted up and supported. The last person I want to introduce is Jack Lucas from Hattiesburg, Mississippi. Jack, would you stand up? Fifty years ago, in the sands of Iwo Jima, Jack Lucas taught and learned the lessons of citizenship. On February 20th, 1945, he and three of his buddies encountered the enemy and two grenades at their feet. Jack Lucas threw himself on both of them. In that moment, he saved the lives of his companions, and miraculously in the next instant, a medic saved his life. He gained a foothold for freedom, and at the age of 17, just a year older than his grandson who is up there with him todayó and his son, who is a West Point graduate and a veteranóat 17, Jack Lucas became the youngest Marine in history and the youngest soldier in this century to win the Congressional Medal of Honor. All these years later, yesterday, here's what he said about that day: 'It didn't matter where you were from or who you were, you relied on one another. You did it for your country.' We all gain when we give, and we reap what we sow. That's at the heart of this New Covenant. Responsibility, opportunity, and citizenship, more than stale chapters in some remote civic book, they're still the virtue by which we can fulfill ourselves and reach our God-given potential and be like them and also to fulfill the eternal promise of this country, the enduring dream from that first and most sacred covenant. I believe every person in this country still believes that we are created equal and given by our Creator the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. This is a very, very great country. And our best days are still to come. Thank you, and God bless you all. Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 104th Congress, distinguished guests, my fellow Americans all across our land: Let me begin tonight by saying to our men and women in uniform around the world and especially those helping peace take root in Bosnia and to their families, I thank you. America is very, very proud of you. My duty tonight is to report on the state of the Union, not the state of our Government but of our American community, and to set forth our responsibilities, in the words of our Founders, to form a more perfect Union. The state of the Union is strong. Our economy is the healthiest it has been in three decades. We have the lowest combined rates of unemployment and inflation in 27 years. We have completedócreated nearly 8 million new jobs, over a million of them in basic industries like construction and automobiles. America is selling more cars than Japan for the first time since the 1970's. And for 3 years in a row, we have had a record number of new businesses started in our country. Our leadership in the world is also strong, bringing hope for new peace. And perhaps most important, we are gaining ground in restoring our fundamental values. The crime rate, the welfare and food stamp rolls, the poverty rate, and the teen pregnancy rate are all down. And as they go down, prospects for America's future go up. We live in an age of possibility. A hundred years ago we moved from farm to factory. Now we move to an age of technology, information, and global competition. These changes have opened vast new opportunities for our people, but they have also presented them with stiff challenges. While more Americans are living better, too many of our fellow citizens are working harder just to keep up, and they are rightly concerned about the security of their families. We must answer here three fundamental questions: First, how do we make the American dream of opportunity for all a reality for all Americans who are willing to work for it? Second, how do we preserve our old and enduring values as we move into the future? And third, how do we meet these challenges together, as one America? We know big Government does not have all the answers. We know there's not a program for every problem. We know, and we have worked to give the American people a smaller, less bureaucratic Government in Washington. And we have to give the American people one that lives within its means. The era of big Government is over. But we cannot go back to the time when our citizens were left to fend for themselves. Instead, we must go forward as one America, one nation working together to meet the challenges we face together. Self-reliance and teamwork are not opposing virtues; we must have both. I believe our new, smaller Government must work in an old-fashioned American way, together with all of our citizens through State and local governments, in the workplace, in religious, charitable, and civic associations. Our goal must be to enable all our people to make the most of their own lives, with stronger families, more educational opportunity, economic security, safer streets, a cleaner environment in a safer world. To improve the state of our Union, we must ask more of ourselves, we must expect more of each other, and we must face our challenges together. Here, in this place, our responsibility begins with balancing the budget in a way that is fair to all Americans. There is now broad bipartisan agreement that permanent deficit spending must come to an end. I compliment the Republican leadership and the membership for the energy and determination you have brought to this task of balancing the budget. And I thank the Democrats for passing the largest deficit reduction plan in history in 1993, which has already cut the deficit nearly in half in 3 years. Since 1993, we have all begun to see the benefits of deficit reduction. Lower interest rates have made it easier for businesses to borrow and to invest and to create new jobs. Lower interest rates have brought down the cost of home mortgages, car payments, and credit card rates to ordinary citizens. Now it is time to finish the job and balance the budget. Though differences remain among us which are significant, the combined total of the proposed savings that are common to both plans is more than enough, using the numbers from your Congressional Budget Office, to balance the budget in 7 years and to provide a modest tax cut. These cuts are real. They will require sacrifice from everyone. But these cuts do not undermine our fundamental obligations to our parents, our children, and our future by endangering Medicare or Medicaid or education or the environment or by raising taxes on working families. I have said before, and let me say again, many good ideas have come out of our negotiations. I have learned a lot about the way both Republicans and Democrats view the debate before us. I have learned a lot about the good ideas that each side has that we could all embrace. We ought to resolve our remaining differences. I am willing to work to resolve them. I am ready to meet tomorrow. But I ask you to consider that we should at least enact these savings that both plans have in common and give the American people their balanced budget, a tax cut, lower interest rates, and a brighter future. We should do that now and make permanent deficits yesterday's legacy. Now it is time for us to look also to the challenges of today and tomorrow, beyond the burdens of yesterday. The challenges are significant. But our Nation was built on challenges. America was built on challenges, not promises. And when we work together to meet them, we never fail. That is the key to a more perfect Union. Our individual dreams must be realized by our common efforts. Tonight I want to speak to you about the challenges we all face as a people. Our first challenge is to cherish our children and strengthen America's families. Family is the foundation of American life. If we have stronger families, we will have a stronger America. Before I go on, I'd like to take just a moment to thank my own family and to thank the person who has taught me more than anyone else over 25 years about the importance of families and children, a wonderful wife, a magnificent mother, and a great First Lady. Thank you, Hillary. All strong families begin with taking more responsibility for our children. I've heard Mrs. Gore say that it's hard to be a parent today, but it's even harder to be a child. So all of us, not just as parents but all of us in our other rolesóour media, our schools, our teachers, our communities, our churches and synagogues, our businesses, our governmentsóall of us have a responsibility to help our children to make it and to make the most of their lives and their God-given capacities. To the media, I say you should create movies and CD's and television shows you'd want your own children and grandchildren to enjoy. I call on Congress to pass the requirement for a V-chip in TV sets so that parents can screen out programs they believe are inappropriate for their children. When parents control what their young children see, that is not censorship; that is enabling parents to assume more personal responsibility for their children's upbringing. And I urge them to do it. The Vchip requirement is part of the important telecommunications bill now pending in this Congress. It has bipartisan support, and I urge you to pass it now. To make the V-chip work, I challenge the broadcast industry to do what movies have done, to identify your program in ways that help parents to protect their children. And I invite the leaders of major media corporations in the entertainment industry to come to the White House next month to work with us in a positive way on concrete ways to improve what our children see on television. I am ready to work with you. I say to those who make and market cigarettes, every year a million children take up smoking, even though it's against the law. Three hundred thousand of them will have their lives shortened as a result. Our administration has taken steps to stop the massive marketing campaigns that appeal to our children. We are simply saying: Market your products to adults, if you wish, but draw the line on children. I say to those who are on welfare, and especially to those who have been trapped on welfare for a long time: For too long our welfare system has undermined the values of family and work instead of supporting them. The Congress and I are near agreement on sweeping welfare reform. We agree on time limits, tough work requirements, and the toughest possible child support enforcement. But I believe we must also provide child care so that mothers who are required to go to work can do so without worrying about what is happening to their children. I challenge this Congress to send me a bipartisan welfare reform bill that will really move people from welfare to work and do the right thing by our children. I will sign it immediately. Let us be candid about this difficult problem. Passing a law, even the best possible law, is only a first step. The next step is to make it work. I challenge people on welfare to make the most of this opportunity for independence. I challenge American businesses to give people on welfare the chance to move into the work force. I applaud the work of religious groups and others who care for the poor. More than anyone else in our society, they know the true difficulty of the task before us, and they are in a position to help. Every one of us should join them. That is the only way we can make real welfare reform a reality in the lives of the American people. To strengthen the family we must do everything we can to keep the teen pregnancy rate going down. I am gratified, as I'm sure all Americans are, that it has dropped for 2 years in a row. But we all know it is still far too high. Tonight I am pleased to announce that a group of prominent Americans is responding to that challenge by forming an organization that will support grassroots community efforts all across our country in a national campaign against teen pregnancy. And I challenge all of us and every American to join their efforts. I call on American men and women in families to give greater respect to one another. We must end the deadly scourge of domestic violence in our country. And I challenge America's families to work harder to stay together. For families who stay together not only do better economically, their children do better as well. In particular, I challenge the fathers of this country to love and care for their children. If your family has separated, you must pay your child support. We're doing more than ever to make sure you do, and we're going to do more. But let's all admit something about that, too: A check will never substitute for a parent's love and guidance. And only youóonly you can make the decision to help raise your children. No matter who you are, how low or high your station in life, it is the most basic human duty of every American to do that job to the best of his or her ability. Our second challenge is to provide Americans with the educational opportunities we'll all need for this new century. In our schools, every classroom in America must be connected to the information superhighway, with computers and good software and well-trained teachers. We are working with the telecommunications industry, educators, and parents to connect 20 percent of California's classrooms by this spring, and every classroom and every library in the entire United States by the year 2000. I ask Congress to support this education technology initiative so that we can make sure this national partnership succeeds. Every diploma ought to mean something. I challenge every community, every school, and every State to adopt national standards of excellence, to measure whether schools are meeting those standards, to cut bureaucratic redtape so that schools and teachers have more flexibility for grassroots reform, and to hold them accountable for results. That's what our Goals 2000 initiative is all about. I challenge every State to give all parents the right to choose which public school their children will attend and to let teachers form new schools with a charter they can keep only if they do a good job. I challenge all our schools to teach character education, to teach good values and good citizenship. And if it means that teenagers will stop killing each other over designer jackets, then our public schools should be able to require their students to wear school uniforms. I challenge our parents to become their children's first teachers. Turn off the TV. See that the homework is done. And visit your children's classroom. No program, no teacher, no one else can do that for you. My fellow Americans, higher education is more important today than ever before. We've created a new student loan program that's made it easier to borrow and repay those loans, and we have dramatically cut the student loan default rate. That's something we should all be proud of because it was unconscionably high just a few years ago. Through AmeriCorps, our national service program, this year 25,000 young people will earn college money by serving their local communities to improve the lives of their friends and neighbors. These initiatives are right for America, and we should keep them going. And we should also work hard to open the doors of college even wider. I challenge Congress to expand work-study and help one million young Americans work their way through college by the year 2000, to provide a $1,000 merit scholarship for the top 5 percent of graduates in every high school in the United States, to expand Pell grant scholarships for deserving and needy students, and to make up to $10,000 a year of college tuition tax deductible. It's a good idea for America. Our third challenge is to help every American who is willing to work for it achieve economic security in this new age. People who work hard still need support to get ahead in the new economy. They need education and training for a lifetime. They need more support for families raising children. They need retirement security. They need access to health care. More and more Americans are finding that the education of their childhood simply doesn't last a lifetime. So I challenge Congress to consolidate 70 overlapping, antiquated job training programs into a simple voucher worth $2,600 for unemployed or underemployed workers to use as they please for community college tuition or other training. This is a 'GI bill' for America's workers we should all be able to agree on. More and more Americans are working hard without a raise. Congress sets the minimum wage. Within a year, the minimum wage will fall to a 40-year low in purchasing power. Four dollars and 25 cents an hour is no longer a minimum wage, but millions of Americans and their children are trying to live on it. I challenge you to raise their minimum wage. In 1993, Congress cut the taxes of 15 million hard-pressed working families to make sure that no parents who work full time would have to raise their children in poverty and to encourage people to move from welfare to work. This expanded earned-income tax credit is now worth about $1,800 a year to a family of four living on $20,000. The budget bill I vetoed would have reversed this achievement and raised taxes on nearly 8 million of these people. We should not do that. We should not do that. But I also agree that the people who are helped under this initiative are not all those in our country who are working hard to do a good job raising their children and at work. I agree that we need a tax credit for working families with children. That's one of the things most of us in this Chamber, I hope, can agree on. I know it is strongly supported by the Republican majority. And it should be part of any final budget agreement. I want to challenge every business that can possibly afford it to provide pensions for your employees. And I challenge Congress to pass a proposal recommended by the White House Conference on Small Business that would make it easier for small businesses and farmers to establish their own pension plans. That is something we should all agree on. We should also protect existing pension plans. Two years ago, with bipartisan support that was almost unanimous on both sides of the aisle, we moved to protect the pensions of 8 million working people and to stabilize the pensions of 32 million more. Congress should not now let companies endanger those workers' pension funds. I know the proposal to liberalize the ability of employers to take money out of pension funds for other purposes would raise money for the Treasury, but I believe it is false economy. I vetoed that proposal last year, and I would have to do so again. Finally, if our working families are going to succeed in the new economy, they must be able to buy health insurance policies that they do not lose when they change jobs or when someone in their family gets sick. Over the past 2 years, over one million Americans in working families have lost their health insurance. We have to do more to make health care available to every American. And Congress should start by passing the bipartisan bill sponsored by Senator Kennedy and Senator Kassebaum that would require insurance companies to stop dropping people when they switch jobs and stop denying coverage for preexisting conditions. Let's all do that. And even as we enact savings in these programs, we must have a common commitment to preserve the basic protections of Medicare and Medicaid, not just to the poor but to people in working families, including children, people with disabilities, people with AIDS, senior citizens in nursing homes. In the past 3 years, we've saved $15 billion just by fighting health care fraud and abuse. We have all agreed to save much more. We have all agreed to stabilize the Medicare Trust Fund. But we must not abandon our fundamental obligations to the people who need Medicare and Medicaid. America cannot become stronger if they become weaker. The 'GI bill' for workers, tax relief for education and childrearing, pension availability and protection, access to health care, preservation of Medicare and Medicaid, these things, along with the Family and Medical Leave Act passed in 1993, these things will help responsible, hardworking American families to make the most of their own lives. But employers and employees must do their part as well, as they are doing in so many of our finest companies, working together, putting the long-term prosperity ahead of the short-term gain. As workers increase their hours and their productivity, employers should make sure they get the skills they need and share the benefits of the good years as well as the burdens of the bad ones. When companies and workers work as a team they do better, and so does America. Our fourth great challenge is to take our streets back from crime and gangs and drugs. At last we have begun to find a way to reduce crime, forming community partnerships with local police forces to catch criminals and prevent crime. This strategy, called community policing, is clearly working. Violent crime is coming down all across America. In New York City, murders are down 25 percent; in St. Louis, 18 percent; in Seattle, 32 percent. But we still have a long way to go before our streets are safe and our people are free from fear. The crime bill of 1994 is critical to the success of community policing. It provides funds for 100,000 new police in communities of all sizes. We're already a third of the way there. And I challenge the Congress to finish the job. Let us stick with a strategy that's working and keep the crime rate coming down. Community policing also requires bonds of trust between citizens and police. I ask all Americans to respect and support our law enforcement officers. And to our police, I say, our children need you as role models and heroes. Don't let them down. The Brady bill has already stopped 44,000 people with criminal records from buying guns. The assault weapons ban is keeping 19 kinds of assault weapons out of the hands of violent gangs. I challenge the Congress to keep those laws on the books. Our next step in the fight against crime is to take on gangs the way we once took on the mob. I'm directing the FBI and other investigative agencies to target gangs that involve juveniles in violent crime, and to seek authority to prosecute as adults teenagers who maim and kill like adults. And I challenge local housing authorities and tenant associations: Criminal gang members and drug dealers are destroying the lives of decent tenants. From now on, the rule for residents who commit crime and peddle drugs should be 'one strike and you're out.' I challenge every State to match Federal policy to assure that serious violent criminals serve at least 85 percent of their sentence. More police and punishment are important, but they're not enough. We have got to keep more of our young people out of trouble, with prevention strategies not dictated by Washington but developed in communities. I challenge all of our communities, all of our adults, to give our children futures to say yes to. And I challenge Congress not to abandon the crime bill's support of these grassroots prevention efforts. Finally, to reduce crime and violence we have to reduce the drug problem. The challenge begins in our homes, with parents talking to their children openly and firmly. It embraces our churches and synagogues, our youth groups and our schools. I challenge Congress not to cut our support for drug-free schools. People like the D.A.R.E. officers are making a real impression on grade-school children that will give them the strength to say no when the time comes. Meanwhile, we continue our efforts to cut the flow of drugs into America. For the last 2 years, one man in particular has been on the front lines of that effort. Tonight I am nominating him, a hero of the Persian Gulf war and the commander in chief of the United States Military Southern Command, General Barry McCaffrey, as America's new drug czar. General McCaffrey has earned three Purple Hearts and two Silver Stars fighting for this country. Tonight I ask that he lead our Nation's battle against drugs at home and abroad. To succeed, he needs a force far larger than he has ever commanded before. He needs all of us. Every one of us has a role to play on this team. Thank you, General McCaffrey, for agreeing to serve your country one more time. Our fifth challenge: to leave our environment safe and clean for the next generation. Because of a generation of bipartisan effort we do have cleaner water and air, lead levels in children's blood has been cut by 70 percent, toxic emissions from factories cut in half. Lake Erie was dead, and now it's a thriving resource. But 10 million children under 12 still live within 4 miles of a toxic waste dump. A third of us breathe air that endangers our health. And in too many communities the water is not safe to drink. We still have much to do. Yet Congress has voted to cut environmental enforcement by 25 percent. That means more toxic chemicals in our water, more smog in our air, more pesticides in our food. Lobbyists for polluters have been allowed to write their own loopholes into bills to weaken laws that protect the health and safety of our children. Some say that the taxpayer should pick up the tab for toxic waste and let polluters who can afford to fix it off the hook. I challenge Congress to reexamine those policies and to reverse them. This issue has not been a partisan issue. The most significant environmental gains in the last 30 years were made under a Democratic Congress and President Richard Nixon. We can work together. We have to believe some basic things. Do you believe we can expand the economy without hurting the environment? I do. Do you believe we can create more jobs over the long run by cleaning the environment up? I know we can. That should be our commitment. We must challenge businesses and communities to take more initiative in protecting the environment, and we have to make it easier for them to do it. To businesses this administration is saying, if you can find a cheaper, more efficient way than Government regulations require to meet tough pollution standards, do it, as long as you do it right. To communities we say, we must strengthen community right-toknow laws requiring polluters to disclose their emissions, but you have to use the information to work with business to cut pollution. People do have a right to know that their air and their water are safe. Our sixth challenge is to maintain America's leadership in the fight for freedom and peace throughout the world. Because of American leadership, more people than ever before live free and at peace. And Americans have known 50 years of prosperity and security. We owe thanks especially to our veterans of World War II. I would like to say to Senator Bob Dole and to all others in this Chamber who fought in World War II, and to all others on both sides of the aisle who have fought bravely in all our conflicts since: I salute your service, and so do the American people. All over the world, even after the cold war, people still look to us and trust us to help them seek the blessings of peace and freedom. But as the cold war fades into memory, voices of isolation say America should retreat from its responsibilities. I say they are wrong. The threats we face today as Americans respect no nation's borders. Think of them: terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, organized crime, drug trafficking, ethnic and religious hatred, aggression by rogue states, environmental degradation. If we fail to address these threats today, we will suffer the consequences in all our tomorrows. Of course, we can't be everywhere. Of course, we can't do everything. But where our interests and our values are at stake, and where we can make a difference, America must lead. We must not be isolationist. We must not be the world's policeman. But we can and should be the world's very best peacemaker. By keeping our military strong, by using diplomacy where we can and force where we must, by working with others to share the risk and the cost of our efforts, America is making a difference for people here and around the world. For the first time since the dawn of the nuclear ageófor the first time since the dawn of the nuclear ageóthere is not a single Russian missile pointed at America's children. North Korea has now frozen its dangerous nuclear weapons program. In Haiti, the dictators are gone, democracy has a new day, the flow of desperate refugees to our shores has subsided. Through tougher trade deals for America, over 80 of them, we have opened markets abroad, and now exports are at an all-time high, growing faster than imports and creating good American jobs. We stood with those taking risks for peace: in Northern Ireland, where Catholic and Protestant children now tell their parents violence must never return; in the Middle East, where Arabs and Jews who once seemed destined to fight forever now share knowledge and resources and even dreams. And we stood up for peace in Bosnia. Remember the skeletal prisoners, the mass graves, the campaign to rape and torture, the endless lines of refugees, the threat of a spreading war. All these threats, all these horrors have now begun to give way to the promise of peace. Now our troops and a strong NATO, together with our new partners from central Europe and elsewhere, are helping that peace to take hold. As all of you know, I was just there with a bipartisan congressional group, and I was so proud not only of what our troops were doing but of the pride they evidenced in what they were doing. They knew what America's mission in this world is, and they were proud to be carrying it out. Through these efforts, we have enhanced the security of the American people, but make no mistake about it: Important challenges remain. The START II treaty with Russia will cut our nuclear stockpiles by another 25 percent. I urge the Senate to ratify it now. We must end the race to create new nuclear weapons by signing a truly comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty this year. As we remember what happened in the Japanese subway, we can outlaw poison gas forever if the Senate ratifies the Chemical Weapons Convention this year. We can intensify the fight against terrorists and organized criminals at home and abroad if Congress passes the antiterrorism legislation I proposed after the Oklahoma City bombing, now. We can help more people move from hatred to hope all across the world in our own interest if Congress gives us the means to remain the world's leader for peace. My fellow Americans, the six challenges I have just discussed are for all of us. Our seventh challenge is really America's challenge to those of us in this hallowed Hall tonight: to reinvent our Government and make our democracy work for them. Last year this Congress applied to itself the laws it applies to everyone else. This Congress banned gifts and meals from lobbyists. This Congress forced lobbyists to disclose who pays them and what legislation they are trying to pass or kill. This Congress did that, and I applaud you for it. Now I challenge Congress to go further, to curb special interest influence in politics by passing the first truly bipartisan campaign finance reform bill in a generation. You, Republicans and Democrats alike, can show the American people that we can limit spending and we can open the airwaves to all candidates. I also appeal to Congress to pass the line item veto you promised the American people. Our administration is working hard to give the American people a Government that works better and costs less. Thanks to the work of Vice President Gore, we are eliminating 16,000 pages of unnecessary rules and regulations, shifting more decisionmaking out of Washington, back to States and local communities. As we move into the era of balanced budgets and smaller Government, we must work in new ways to enable people to make the most of their own lives. We are helping America's communities, not with more bureaucracy but with more opportunities. Through our successful empowerment zones and community development banks, we're helping people to find jobs, to start businesses. And with tax incentives for companies that clean up abandoned industrial property, we can bring jobs back to places that desperately, desperately need them. But there are some areas that the Federal Government should not leave and should address and address strongly. One of these areas is the problem of illegal immigration. After years of neglect, this administration has taken a strong stand to stiffen the protection of our borders. We are increasing border controls by 50 percent. We are increasing inspections to prevent the hiring of illegal immigrants. And tonight I announce I will sign an Executive order to deny Federal contracts to businesses that hire illegal immigrants. Let me be very clear about this: We are still a nation of immigrants; we should be proud of it. We should honor every legal immigrant here, working hard to be a good citizen, working hard to become a new citizen. But we are also a nation of laws. I want to say a special word now to those who work for our Federal Government. Today the Federal work force is 200,000 employees smaller than it was the day I took office as President. Our Federal Government today is the smallest it has been in 30 years, and it's getting smaller every day. Most of our fellow Americans probably don't know that. And there's a good reasonóa good reason: The remaining Federal work force is composed of hard-working Americans who are now working harder and working smarter than ever before to make sure the quality of our services does not decline. I'd like to give you one example. His name is Richard Dean. He's a 49-year-old Vietnam veteran who's worked for the Social Security Administration for 22 years now. Last year he was hard at work in the Federal Building in Oklahoma City when the blast killed 169 people and brought the rubble down all around him. He reentered that building four times. He saved the lives of three women. He's here with us this evening, and I want to recognize Richard and applaud both his public service and his extraordinary personal heroism. But Richard Dean's story doesn't end there. This last November, he was forced out of his office when the Government shut down. And the second time the Government shut down he continued helping Social Security recipients, but he was working without pay. On behalf of Richard Dean and his family, and all the other people who are out there working every day doing a good job for the American people, I challenge all of you in this Chamber: Let's never, ever shut the Federal Government down again. On behalf of all Americans, especially those who need their Social Security payments at the beginning of March, I also challenge the Congress to preserve the full faith and credit of the United States, to honor the obligations of this great Nation as we have for 220 years, to rise above partisanship and pass a straightforward extension of the debt limit and show people America keeps its word. I know that this evening I have asked a lot of Congress and even more from America. But I am confident: When Americans work together in their homes, their schools, their churches, their synagogues, their civic groups, their workplace, they can meet any challenge. I say again, the era of big Government is over. But we can't go back to the era of fending for yourself. We have to go forward to the era of working together as a community, as a team, as one America, with all of us reaching across these lines that divide usóthe division, the discrimination, the rancorówe have to reach across it to find common ground. We have got to work together if we want America to work. I want you to meet two more people tonight who do just that. Lucius Wright is a teacher in the Jackson, Mississippi, public school system. A Vietnam veteran, he has created groups to help inner-city children turn away from gangs and build futures they can believe in. Sergeant Jennifer Rodgers is a police officer in Oklahoma City. Like Richard Dean, she helped to pull her fellow citizens out of the rubble and deal with that awful tragedy. She reminds us that in their response to that atrocity the people of Oklahoma City lifted all of us with their basic sense of decency and community. Lucius Wright and Jennifer Rodgers are special Americans. And I have the honor to announce tonight that they are the very first of several thousand Americans who will be chosen to carry the Olympic torch on its long journey from Los Angeles to the centennial of the modern Olympics in Atlanta this summer, not because they are star athletes but because they are star citizens, community heroes meeting America's challenges. They are our real champions. Please stand up. [Applause] Now each of us must hold high the torch of citizenship in our own lives. None of us can finish the race alone. We can only achieve our destiny together, one hand, one generation, one American connecting to another. There have always been things we could do together, dreams we could make real which we could never have done on our own. We Americans have forged our identity, our very Union, from the very point of view that we can accommodate every point on the planet, every different opinion. But we must be bound together by a faith more powerful than any doctrine that divides us, by our belief in progress, our love of liberty, and our relentless search for common ground. America has always sought and always risen to every challenge. Who would say that having come so far together, we will not go forward from here? Who would say that this age of possibility is not for all Americans? Our country is and always has been a great and good nation. But the best is yet to come if we all do our parts. Thank you. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. Thank you. THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of the 105th Congress, distinguished guests, and my fellow Americans: I think I should start by saying, thanks for inviting me back. (Applause.) I come before you tonight with a challenge as great as any in our peacetime history, and a plan of action to meet that challenge, to prepare our people for the bold new world of the 21st century. We have much to be thankful for. With four years of growth, we have won back the basic strength of our economy. With crime and welfare rolls declining, we are winning back our optimism, the enduring faith that we can master any difficulty. With the Cold War receding and global commerce at record levels, we are helping to win unrivaled peace and prosperity all across the world. My fellow Americans, the state of our union is strong. (Applause.) But now we must rise to the decisive moment, to make a nation and a world better than any we have ever known. The new promise of the global economy, the Information Age, unimagined new work, life-enhancing technology -- all these are ours to seize. That is our honor and our challenge. We must be shapers of events, not observers. For if we do not act, the moment will pass -- and we will lose the best possibilities of our future. We face no imminent threat, but we do have an enemy -- the enemy of our time is inaction. So, tonight, I issue a call to action -- action by this Congress, action by our states, by our people, to prepare America for the 21st century. Action to keep our economy and our democracy strong and working for all our people; action to strengthen education and harness the forces of technology and science; action to build stronger families and stronger communities and a safer environment; action to keep America the world's strongest force for peace, freedom and prosperity. And above all, action to build a more perfect union here at home. The spirit we bring to our work will make all the difference. We must be committed to the pursuit of opportunity for all Americans, responsibility from all Americans, in a community of all Americans. And we must be committed to a new kind of government -- not to solve all our problems for us, but to give our people -- all our people -- the tools they need to make the most of their own lives. And we must work together. The people of this nation elected us all. They want us to be partners, not partisans. They put us all right here in the same boat, they gave us all oars, and they told us to row. Now, here is the direction I believe we should take. First, we must move quickly to complete the unfinished business of our country -- to balance our budget, renew our democracy, and finish the job of welfare reform. Over the last four years, we have brought new economic growth by investing in our people, expanding our exports, cutting our deficits, creating over 11 million new jobs, a four-year record. (Applause.) Now we must keep our economy the strongest in the world. We here tonight have an historic opportunity. Let this Congress be the Congress that finally balances the budget. (Applause.) In two days, I will propose a detailed plan to balance the budget by 2002. This plan will balance the budget and invest in our people while protecting Medicare, Medicaid, education, and the environment. It will balance the budget and build on the Vice President's efforts to make our government work better, even as it costs less. It will balance the budget and provide middle class tax relief to pay for education and health care, to help to raise a child, to buy and sell a home. Balancing the budget requires only your vote and my signature. It does not require us to rewrite our Constitution. (Applause.) I believe it is both unnecessary and unwise to adopt a balanced budget amendment that could cripple our country in time of crisis, and force unwanted results, such as judges halting Social Security checks or increasing taxes. Let us at least agree, we should not pass any measure -- no measure should be passed that threatens Social Security. (Applause.) Whatever your view on that, we all must concede we don't need a constitutional amendment, we need action. (Applause.) Whatever our differences, we should balance the budget now. And then, for the long-term health of our society, we must agree to a bipartisan process to preserve Social Security and reform Medicare for the long run, so that these fundamental programs will be as strong for our children as they are for our parents. And let me say something that's not in my script tonight. I know this is not going to be easy. But I really believe one of the reasons the American people gave me a second term was to take the tough decisions in the next four years that will carry our country through the next 50 years. I know it is easier for me than for you to say or do. But another reason I was elected is to support all of you, without regard to party, to give you what is necessary to join in these decisions. We owe it to our country and to our future. (Applause.) Our second piece of unfinished business requires us to commit ourselves tonight, before the eyes of America, to finally enacting bipartisan campaign finance reform. (Applause.) Now, Senators McCain and Feingold, Representatives Shays and Meehan, have reached across party lines here to craft tough and fair reform. Their proposal would curb spending, reduce the role of special interests, create a level playing field between challengers and incumbents, and ban contributions from noncitizens, all corporate sources, and the other large soft money contributions that both parties receive. You know and I know that this can be delayed. And you know and I know the delay will mean the death of reform. So let's set our own deadline. Let's work together to write bipartisan campaign finance reform into law and pass McCain-Feingold by the day we celebrate the birth of our democracy -- July the 4th. (Applause.) There is a third piece of unfinished business. Over the last four years, we moved a record 2.25 million people off the welfare rolls. Then last year, Congress enacted landmark welfare reform legislation, demanding that all able-bodied recipients assume the responsibility of moving from welfare to work. Now each and every one of us has to fulfill our responsibility -- indeed, our moral obligation -- to make sure that people who now must work, can work. (Applause.) Now we must act to meet a new goal: 2 million more people off the welfare rolls by the year 2000. Here is my plan: Tax credits and other incentives for businesses that hire people off welfare; incentives for job placement firms and states to create more jobs for welfare recipients; training, transportation, and child care to help people go to work. Now I challenge every state: Turn those welfare checks into private sector paychecks. I challenge every religious congregation, every community nonprofit, every business to hire someone off welfare. And I'd like to say especially to every employer in our country who ever criticized the old welfare system, you can't blame that old system anymore, we have torn it down. Now do your part. Give someone on welfare the chance to go to work. (Applause.) Tonight, I am pleased to announce that five major corporations -- Sprint, Monsanto, UPS, Burger King and United Airlines -- will be the first to join in a new national effort to marshal America's businesses, large and small, to create jobs so that people can move from welfare to work. (Applause.) We passed welfare reform. All of you know I believe we were right to do it. But no one can walk out of this chamber with a clear conscience unless you are prepared to finish the job. (Applause.) And we must join together to do something else, too -- something both Republican and Democratic governors have asked us to do -- to restore basic health and disability benefits when misfortune strikes immigrants who came to this country legally, who work hard, pay taxes and obey the law. To do otherwise is simply unworthy of a great nation of immigrants. (Applause.) Now, looking ahead, the greatest step of all -- the high threshold of the future we now must cross -- and my number one priority for the next four years is to ensure that all Americans have the best education in the world. (Applause.) Let's work together to meet these three goals: Every 8-year-old must be able to read; every 12-year-old must be able to log on to the Internet; every 18-year-old must be able to go to college; and every adult American must be able to keep on learning for a lifetime. (Applause.) My balanced budget makes an unprecedented commitment to these goals -- $51 billion next year. But far more than money is required. I have a plan, a Call to Action for American Education, based on these 10 principles. First, a national crusade for education standards -- not federal government standards, but national standards, representing what all our students must know to succeed in the knowledge economy of the 21st century. Every state and school must shape the curriculum to reflect these standards, and train teachers to lift students up to them. To help schools meet the standards and measure their progress, we will lead an effort over the next two years to develop national tests of student achievement in reading and math. Tonight, I issue a challenge to the nation: Every state should adopt high national standards, and by 1999, every state should test every 4th grader in reading and every 8th grader in math to make sure these standards are met. (Applause.) Raising standards will not be easy, and some of our children will not be able to meet them at first. The point is not to put our children down, but to lift them up. Good tests will show us who needs help, what changes in teaching to make, and which schools need to improve. They can help us to end social promotion. For no child should move from grade school to junior high, or junior high to high school until he or she is ready. Last month, our Secretary of Education Dick Riley and I visited Northern Illinois, where 8th grade students from 20 school districts, in a project aptly called 'First in the World,' took the Third International Math and Science Study. That's a test that reflects the world-class standards our children must meet for the new era. And those students in Illinois tied for first in the world in science and came in second in math. Two of them, Kristin Tanner and Chris Getsla, are here tonight, along with their teacher, Sue Winski; they're up there with the First Lady. And they prove that when we aim high and challenge our students, they will be the best in the world. Let's give them a hand. Stand up, please. (Applause.) Second, to have the best schools, we must have the best teachers. Most of us in this chamber would not be here tonight without the help of those teachers. I know that I wouldn't be here. For years, many of our educators, led by North Carolina's Governor Jim Hunt and the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, have worked very hard to establish nationally accepted credentials for excellence in teaching. Just 500 of these teachers have been certified since 1995. My budget will enable 100,000 more to seek national certification as master teachers. We should reward and recognize our best teachers. (Applause.) And as we reward them, we should quickly and fairly remove those few who don't measure up, and we should challenge more of our finest young people to consider teaching as a career. Third, we must do more to help all our children read. Forty percent -- forty percent -- of our 8-year-olds cannot read on their own. That's why we have just launched the America Reads initiative -- to build a citizen army of one million volunteer tutors to make sure every child can read independently by the end of the 3rd grade. We will use thousands of AmeriCorps volunteers to mobilize this citizen army. We want at least 100,000 college students to help. And tonight I am pleased that 60 college presidents have answered my call, pledging that thousands of their work-study students will serve for one year as reading tutors. (Applause.) This is also a challenge to every teacher and every principal. You must use these tutors to help students read. And it is especially a challenge to our parents. You must read with your children every night. This leads to the fourth principle: Learning begins in the first days of life. Scientists are now discovering how young children develop emotionally and intellectually from their very first days, and how important it is for parents to begin immediately talking, singing, even reading to their infants. The First Lady has spent years writing about this issue, studying it. And she and I are going to convene a White House Conference on Early Learning and the Brain this spring, to explore how parents and educators can best use these startling new findings. We already know we should start teaching children before they start school. That's why this balanced budget expands Head Start to one million children by 2002. (Applause.) And that is why the Vice President and Mrs. Gore will host their annual family conference this June on what we can do to make sure that parents are an active part of their children's learning all the way through school. They've done a great deal to highlight the importance of family in our life, and now they're turning their attention to getting more parents involved in their children's learning all the way through school. And I thank you, Mr. Vice President, and I thank you especially, Tipper, for what you do. (Applause.) Fifth, every state should give parents the power to choose the right public school for their children. Their right to choose will foster competition and innovation that can make public schools better. We should also make it possible for more parents and teachers to start charter schools, schools that set and meet the highest standards, and exist only as long as they do. Our plan will help America to create 3,000 of these charter schools by the next century -- nearly seven times as there are in the country today -- so that parents will have even more choices in sending their children to the best schools. Sixth: Character education must be taught in our schools. We must teach our children to be good citizens. (Applause.) And we must continue to promote order and discipline, supporting communities that introduce school uniforms, impose curfews enforce truancy laws, remove disruptive students from the classroom, and have zero tolerance for guns and drugs in school. (Applause.) Seventh: We cannot expect our children to raise themselves up in schools that are literally falling down. With the student population at an all-time high, and record numbers of school buildings falling into disrepair, this has now become a serious national concern. Therefore, my budget includes a new initiative --$5 billion to help communities finance $20 billion in school construction over the next four years. (Applause.) Eighth: We must make the 13th and 14th years of education -- at least two years of college -- just as universal in America by the 21st century as a high school education is today, and we must open the doors of college to Americans. (Applause.) To do that, I propose America's HOPE Scholarship, basedon Georgia's pioneering program: two years of a $1,500 tax credit for college tuition, enough to pay for the typical community college. I also propose a tax deduction of up to $10,000 a year for all tuition after high school; an expanded IRA you can withdraw from tax free for education; and the largest increase in Pell Grant scholarships in 20 years. (Applause.) Now, this plan will give most families the ability to pay no taxes on money they save for college tuition. I ask you to pass it -- and give every American who works hard the chance to go to college. Ninth: In the 21st century, we must expand the frontiers of learning across a lifetime. All our people, of whatever age, must have a chance to learn new skills. Most Americans live near a community college. The roads that take them there can be paths to a better future. My G.I. Bill for America's Workers will transform the confusing tangle of federal training programs into a simple skill grant to go directly into eligible workers' hands. For too long, this bill has been sitting on that desk there without action -- I ask you to pass it now. Let's give more of our workers the ability to learn and to earn for a lifetime. (Applause.) Tenth: We must bring the power of the Information Age into all our schools. Last year, I challenged America to connect every classroom and library to the Internet by the year 2000, so that, for the first time in our history, children in the most isolated rural towns, the most comfortable suburbs, the poorest inner city schools, will have the same access to the same universe of knowledge. (Applause.) That is my plan -- a Call to Action for American Education. Some may say that it is unusual for a President to pay this kind of attention to education. Some may say it is simply because the President and his wonderful wife have been obsessed with this subject for more years than they can recall. That is not what is driving these proposals. We must understand the significance of this endeavor: One of the greatest sources of our strength throughout the Cold War was a bipartisan foreign policy; because our future was at stake, politics stopped at the water's edge. Now I ask you -- and I ask all our nation's governors; I ask parents, teachers, and citizens all across America -- for a new nonpartisan commitment to education -- because education is a critical national security issue for our future, and politics must stop at the schoolhouse door. (Applause.) To prepare America for the 21st century we must harness the powerful forces of science and technology to benefit all Americans. This is the first State of the Union carried live in video over the Internet. But we've only begun to spread the benefits of a technology revolution that should become the modern birthright of every citizen. Our effort to connect every classroom is just the beginning. Now, we should connect every hospital to the Internet, so that doctors can instantly share data about their patients with the best specialists in the field. And I challenge the private sector tonight to start by connecting every children's hospital as soon as possible, so that a child in bed can stay in touch with school, family and friends. A sick child need no longer be a child alone. (Applause.) We must build the second generation of the Internet so that our leading universities and national laboratories can communicate in speeds 1,000 times faster than today, to develop new medical treatments, new sources of energy, new ways of working together. But we cannot stop there. As the Internet becomes our new town square, a computer in every home -- a teacher of all subjects, a connection to all cultures -- this will no longer be a dream, but a necessity. And over the next decade, that must be our goal. (Applause.) We must continue to explore the heavens -- pressing on with the Mars probes and the international space station, both of which will have practical applications for our everyday living. We must speed the remarkable advances in medical science. The human genome project is now decoding the genetic mysteries of life. American scientists have discovered genes linked to breast cancer and ovarian cancer, and medication that stops a stroke in progress and begins to reverse its effect, and treatments that dramatically lengthen the lives of people with HIV and AIDS. Since I took office, funding for AIDS research at the National Institutes of Health has increased dramatically -- to $1.5 billion. With new resources, NIH will now become the most powerful discovery engine for an AIDS vaccine, working with other scientists to finally end the threat of AIDS. (Applause.) Remember that every year -- every year we move up the discovery of an AIDS vaccine will save millions of lives around the world. We must reinforce our commitment to medical science. To prepare America for the 21st century, we must build stronger families. Over the past four years, the Family and Medical Leave law has helped millions of Americans to take time off to be with their families. With new pressures on people in the way they work and live, I believe we must expand family leave so that workers can take time off for teacher conferences and a child's medical checkup. We should pass flex-time, so workers can choose to be paid for overtime in income or trade it in for time off to be with their families. (Applause.) We must continue -- we must continue, step by step, to give more families access to affordable, quality health care. Forty million Americans still lack health insurance. Ten million children still lack health insurance -- 80 percent of them have working parents who pay taxes. That is wrong. (Applause.) My balanced budget will extend health coverage to up to 5 million of those children. Since nearly half of all children who lose their insurance do so because their parents lose or change a job, my budget will also ensure that people who temporarily lose their jobs can still afford to keep their health insurance. No child should be without a doctor just because a parent is without a job. (Applause.) My Medicare plan modernizes Medicare, increases the life of the trust fund to 10 years, provides support for respite care for the many families with loved ones afflicted with Alzheimer's. And for the first time, it would fully pay for annual mammograms. (Applause.) Just as we ended drive-through deliveries of babies last year, we must now end the dangerous and demeaning practice of forcing women home from the hospital only hours after a mastectomy. (Applause.) I ask your support for bipartisan legislation to guarantee that a woman can stay in the hospital for 48 hours after a mastectomy. With us tonight is Dr. Kristen Zarfos, a Connecticut surgeon whose outrage at this practice spurred a national movement and inspired this legislation. I'd like her to stand so we thank her for her efforts. Dr. Zarfos, thank you. (Applause.) In the last four years, we have increased child support collections by 50 percent. Now we should go further and do better by making it a felony for any parent to cross a state line in an attempt to flee from this, his or her most sacred obligation. (Applause.) Finally, we must also protect our children by standing firm in our determination to ban the advertising and marketing of cigarettes that endanger their lives. (Applause.) To prepare America for the 21st century, we must build stronger communities. We should start with safe streets. Serious crime has dropped five years in a row. The key has been community policing. We must finish the job of putting 100,000 community police on the streets of the United States. (Applause.) We should pass the Victims Rights Amendment to the Constitution. And I ask you to mount a full-scale assault on juvenile crime, with legislation that declares war on gangs, with new prosecutors and tougher penalties; extends the Brady Bill so violent teen criminals will not be able to buy handguns; requires child safety locks on handguns to prevent unauthorized use; and helps to keep our schools open after hours, on weekends, and in the summer, so our young people will have someplace to go and something to say yes to. (Applause.) This balanced budget includes the largest antidrug effort ever: to stop drugs at their source, punish those who push them, and teach our young people that drugs are wrong, drugs are illegal, and drugs will kill them. I hope you will support it. (Applause.) Our growing economy has helped to revive poor urban and rural neighborhoods. But we must do more to empower them to create the conditions in which all families can flourish and to create jobs through investment by business and loans by banks. We should double the number of empowerment zones. They've already brought so much hope to communities like Detroit, where the unemployment rate has been cut in half in four years. We should restore contaminated urban land and buildings to productive use. We should expand the network of community development banks. And together we must pledge tonight that we will use this empowerment approach -- including private sector tax incentives -- to renew our Capital City, so that Washington is a great place to work and live, and once again the proud face America shows to world. (Applause.) We must protect our environment in every community. In the last four years, we cleaned up 250 toxic waste sites, as many as in the previous 12. Now, we should clean up 500 more, so that our children grow up next to parks, not poison. I urge you to pass my proposal to make big polluters live by a simple rule: If you pollute our environment, you should pay to clean it up. (Applause.) In the last four years, we strengthened our nation's safe food and clean drinking water laws; we protected some of America's rarest, most beautiful land in Utah's Red Rocks region; created three new national parks in the California desert; and began to restore the Florida Everglades. Now we must be as vigilant with our rivers as we are with our lands. Tonight, I announce that this year I will designate 10 American Heritage Rivers, to help communities alongside them revitalize their waterfronts and clean up pollution in the rivers, proving once again that we can grow the economy as we protect the environment. (Applause.) We must also protect our global environment, working to ban the worst toxic chemicals and to reduce the greenhouse gases that challenge our health even as they change our climate. Now, we all know that in all of our communities, some of our children simply don't have what they need to grow and learn in their own homes, or schools or neighborhoods. And that means the rest of us must do more, for they are our children, too. That's why President Bush, General Colin Powell, former Housing Secretary Henry Cisneros will join the Vice President and me to lead the President's Summit of Service in Philadelphia in April. Our national service program, AmeriCorps, has already helped 70,000 young people to work their way through college as they serve America. Now we intend to mobilize millions of Americans to serve in thousands of ways. Citizen service is an American responsibility which all Americans should embrace, and I ask your support for that endeavor. (Applause.) I'd like to make just one last point about our national community. Our economy is measured in numbers and statistics, and it's very important. But the enduring worth of our nation lies in our shared values and our soaring spirit. So instead of cutting back on our modest efforts to support the arts and humanities, I believe we should stand by them and challenge our artists, musicians, and writers -- (applause) -- challenge our museums, libraries and theaters -- (applause) -- we should -- we should challenge all Americans in the arts and humanities to join with our fellow citizens to make the year 2000 a national celebration of the American spirit in every community -- a celebration of our common culture in the century that has passed, and in the new one to come in a new millennium, so that we can remain the world's beacon not only of liberty, but of creativity, long after the fireworks have faded. To prepare America for the 21st century we must master the forces of change in the world and keep American leadership strong and sure for an uncharted time. Fifty years ago, a farsighted America led in creating the institutions that secured victory in the Cold War and built a growing world economy. As a result, today more people than ever embrace our ideals and share our interests. Already, we have dismantled many of the blocs and barriers that divided our parents' world. For the first time, more people live under democracy than dictatorship, including every nation in our own hemisphere, but one -- and its day, too, will come. (Applause.) Now, we stand at another moment of change and choice --and another time to be farsighted, to bring America 50 more years of security and prosperity. In this endeavor, our first task is to help to build, for the first time, an undivided, democratic Europe. When Europe is stable, prosperous and at peace, America is more secure. To that end, we must expand NATO by 1999, so that countries that were once our adversaries can become our allies. At the special NATO summit this summer, that is what we will begin to do. We must strengthen NATO's Partnership for Peace with non-member allies. And we must build a stable partnership between NATO and a democratic Russia. (Applause.) An expanded NATO is good for America. And a Europe in which all democracies define their future not in terms of what they can do to each other, but in terms of what they can do together for the good of all -- that kind of Europe is good for America. Second, America must look to the East no less than to the West. Our security demands it. Americans fought three wars in Asia in this century. Our prosperity requires it. More than two million American jobs depend upon trade with Asia. There, too, we are helping to shape an Asian Pacific community of cooperation, not conflict. Let our progress there not mask the peril that remains. Together with South Korea, we must advance peace talks with North Korea and bridge the Cold War's last divide. And I call on Congress to fund our share of the agreement under which North Korea must continue to freeze and then dismantle its nuclear weapons program. (Applause.) We must pursue a deeper dialogue with China -- for the sake of our interests and our ideals. An isolated China is not good for America. A China playing its proper role in the world is. I will go to China, and I have invited China's President to come here, not because we agree on everything, but because engaging China is the best way to work on our common challenges like ending nuclear testing, and to deal frankly with our fundamental differences like human rights. (Applause.) The American people must prosper in the global economy. We've worked hard to tear down trade barriers abroad so that we can create good jobs at home. I am proud to say that today, America is once again the most competitive nation and the number one exporter in the world. (Applause.) Now we must act to expand our exports, especially to Asia and Latin America -- two of the fastest growing regions on Earth -- or be left behind as these emerging economies forge new ties with other nations. That is why we need the authority now to conclude new trade agreements that open markets to our goods and services even as we preserve our values. (Applause.) We need not shrink form the challenge of the global economy. After all, we have the best workers and the best products. In a truly open market, we can out-compete anyone, anywhere on Earth. But this is about more than economics. By expanding trade, we can advance the cause of freedom and democracy around the world. There is no better example of this truth than Latin America where democracy and open markets are on the march together. That is why I will visit there in the spring to reinforce our important tie. We should all be proud that America led the effort to rescue our neighbor, Mexico, from its economic crises. And we should all be proud that last month Mexico repaid the United States -- three full years ahead of schedule -- with half a billion dollar profit to us. (Applause.) America must continue to be an unrelenting force for peace --- from the Middle East to Haiti, from Northern Ireland to Africa. Taking reasonable risks for peace keeps us from being drawn into far more costly conflicts later. With American leadership, the killing has stopped in Bosnia. Now the habits of peace must take hold. The new NATO force will allow reconstruction and reconciliation to accelerate. Tonight, I ask Congress to continue its strong support for our troops. They are doing a remarkable job there for America, and America must do right by them. (Applause.) Fifth, we must move strongly against new threats to our security. In the past four years, we agreed to ban -- we led the way to a worldwide agreement to ban nuclear testing. With Russia, we dramatically cut nuclear arsenals and we stopped targeting each others citizens. We are acting to prevent nuclear materials from falling into the wrong hands and to rid the world of land mines. (Applause.) We are working with other nations with renewed intensity to fight drug traffickers and to stop terrorists before they act, and hold them fully accountable if they do. (Applause.) Now, we must rise to a new test of leadership: ratifying the Chemical Weapons Convention. (Applause.) Make no mistake about it, it will make our troops safer from chemical attack; it will help us to fight terrorism. We have no more important obligations -- especially in the wake of what we now know about the Gulf War. This treaty has been bipartisan from the beginning -- supported by Republican and Democratic administrations and Republican and Democratic members of Congress -- and already approved by 68 nations. But if we do not act by April the 29th -- when this Convention goes into force, with or without us -- we will lose the chance to have Americans leading and enforcing this effort. Together we must make the Chemical Weapons Convention law, so that at last we can begin to outlaw poison gas from the Earth. (Applause.) Finally, we must have the tools to meet all these challenges. We must maintain a strong and ready military. We must increase funding for weapons modernization by the year 2000, and we must take good care of our men and women in uniform. They are the world's finest. (Applause.) We must also renew our commitment to America's diplomacy, and pay our debts and dues to international financial institutions like the World Bank, and to a reforming United Nations. (Applause.) Every dollar we devote to preventing conflicts, to promoting democracy, to stopping the spread of disease and starvation, brings a sure return in security and savings. Yet international affairs spending today is just one percent of the federal budget -- a small fraction of what America invested in diplomacy to choose leadership over escapism at the start of the Cold War. If America is to continue to lead the world, we here who lead America simply must find the will to pay our way. A farsighted America moved the world to a better place over these last 50 years. And so it can be for another 50 years. But a shortsighted America will soon find its words falling on deaf ears all around the world. (Applause.) Almost exactly 50 years ago, in the first winter of the Cold War, President Truman stood before a Republican Congress and called upon our country to meet its responsibilities of leadership. This was his warning -- he said, 'If we falter, we may endanger the peace of the world, and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.' That Congress, led by Republicans like Senator Arthur Vandenberg, answered President Truman's call. Together, they made the commitments that strengthened our country for 50 years. Now let us do the same. Let us do what it takes to remain the indispensable nation -- to keep America strong, secure and prosperous for another 50 years. (Applause.) In the end, more than anything else, our world leadership grows out of the power of our example here at home, out of our ability to remain strong as one America. All over the world, people are being torn asunder by racial, ethnic, and religious conflicts that fuel fanaticism and terror. We are the world's most diverse democracy, and the world looks to us to show that it is possible to live and advance together across those kinds of differences. America has always been a nation of immigrants. From the start, a steady stream of people, in search of freedom and opportunity, have left their own lands to make this land their home. We started as an experiment in democracy fueled by Europeans. We have grown into an experiment in democratic diversity fueled by openness and promise. My fellow Americans, we must never, ever believe that our diversity is a weakness -- it is our greatest strength. (Applause.) Americans speak every language, know every county. People on every continent can look to us and see the reflection of their own great potential -- and they always will, as long as we strive to give all of our citizens, whatever their background, an opportunity to achieve their own greatness. We're not there yet. We still see evidence of abiding bigotry and intolerance, in ugly words and awful violence, in burned churches and bombed buildings. We must fight against this, in our country and in our hearts. Just a few days before my second Inauguration, one of country's best known pastors, Reverend Robert Schuller, suggested that I read Isaiah 58:12. Here's what it says: 'Thou shalt raise up the foundations of many generations, and thou shalt be called, the repairer of the breach, the restorer of paths to dwell in.' I placed my hand on that verse when I took the oath of office, on behalf of all Americans. For no matter what our differences -- in our faiths, our backgrounds, our politics -- we must all be repairers of the breach. I want to say a word about two other Americans who show us how. Congressman Frank Tejeda was buried yesterday, a proud American whose family came from Mexico. He was only 51 years old. He was awarded the Silver Star, the Bronze Star and the Purple Heart, fighting for his country in Vietnam. And he went on to serve Texas and America fighting for our future in this chamber. We are grateful for his service and honored that his mother, Lillie Tejeda, and his sister, Mary Alice, have come from Texas to be with us here tonight. And we welcome you. (Applause.) Gary Locke, the newly elected Governor of Washington State, is the first Chinese-American governor in the history of our country. He's the proud son of two of the millions of Asian-American immigrants who have strengthened America with their hard work, family values and good citizenship. He represents the future we can all achieve. Thank you, Governor, for being here. Please stand up. (Applause.) Reverend Schuller, Congressman Tejeda, Governor Locke, along with Kristin Tanner and Chris Getsla, Sue Winski and Dr. Kristen Zarfos -- they're all Americans from different roots, whose lives reflect the best of what we can become when we are one America. We may not share a common past, but we surely do share a common future. Building one America is our most important mission -- 'the foundation for many generations,' of every other strength we must build for this new century. Money cannot buy it. Power cannot compel it. Technology cannot create it. It can only come from the human spirit. America is far more than a place. It is an idea, the most powerful idea in the history of nations. And all of us in this chamber, we are now the bearers of that idea, leading a great people into a new world. A child born tonight will have almost no memory of the 20th century. Everything that child will know about America will be because of what we do now to build a new century. We don't have a moment to waste. Tomorrow there will be just over 1,000 days until the year 2000. One thousand days to prepare our people. One thousand days to work together. One thousand days to build a bridge to a land of new promise. My fellow Americans, we have work to do. Let us seize those days and the century. Thank you, God bless you and God bless America. (Applause.) The President. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 105th Congress, distinguished guests, my fellow Americans: Since the last time we met in this Chamber, America has lost two patriots and fine public servants. Though they sat on opposite sides of the aisle, Representatives Walter Capps and Sonny Bono shared a deep love for this House and an unshakable commitment to improving the lives of all our people. In the past few weeks, they've both been eulogized. Tonight I think we should begin by sending a message to their families and their friends that we celebrate their lives and give thanks for their service to our Nation. For 209 years, it has been the President's duty to report to you on the state of the Union. Because of the hard work and high purpose of the American people, these are good times for America. We have more than 14 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 24 years, the lowest core inflation in 30 years; incomes are rising; and we have the highest homeownership in history. Crime has dropped for a record 5 years in a row, and the welfare rolls are at their lowest levels in 27 years. Our leadership in the world is unrivaled. Ladies and gentlemen, the state of our Union is strong. But with barely 700 days left in the 20th century, this is not a time to rest. It is a time to build, to build the America within reach, an America where everybody has a chance to get ahead with hard work; where every citizen can live in a safe community; where families are strong, schools are good, and all our young people can go on to college; an America where scientists find cures for diseases from diabetes to Alzheimer's to AIDS; an America where every child can stretch a hand across a keyboard and reach every book ever written, every painting ever painted, every symphony ever composed; where government provides opportunity and citizens honor the responsibility to give something back to their communities; an America which leads the world to new heights of peace and prosperity. This is the America we have begun to build; this is the America we can leave to our children if we join together to finish the work at hand. Let us strengthen our Nation for the 21st century. Rarely have Americans lived through so much change in so many ways in so short a time. Quietly, but with gathering force, the ground has shifted beneath our feet as we have moved into an information age, a global economy, a truly new world. For 5 years now, we have met the challenge of these changes, as Americans have at every turning point in our history, by renewing the very idea of America: widening the circle of opportunity, deepening the meaning of our freedom, forging a more perfect Union. We shaped a new kind of Government for the information age. I thank the Vice President for his leadership and the Congress for its support in building a Government that is leaner, more flexible, a catalyst for new ideas, and most of all, a Government that gives the American people the tools they need to make the most of their own lives. We have moved past the sterile debate between those who say government is the enemy and those who say government is the answer. My fellow Americans, we have found a third way. We have the smallest Government in 35 years, but a more progressive one. We have a smaller Government, but a stronger Nation. We are moving steadily toward an even stronger America in the 21st century: an economy that offers opportunity, a society rooted in responsibility, and a nation that lives as a community. First, Americans in this Chamber and across our Nation have pursued a new strategy for prosperity: fiscal discipline to cut interest rates and spur growth; investments in education and skills, in science and technology and transportation, to prepare our people for the new economy; new markets for American products and American workers. When I took office, the deficit for 1998 was projected to be $357 billion and heading higher. This year, our deficit is projected to be $10 billion and heading lower. For three decades, six Presidents have come before you to warn of the damage deficits pose to our Nation. Tonight I come before you to announce that the Federal deficit, once so incomprehensibly large that it had 11 zeros, will be, simply, zero. I will submit to Congress for 1999 the first balanced budget in 30 years. And if we hold fast to fiscal discipline, we may balance the budget this yearó4 years ahead of schedule. You can all be proud of that, because turning a sea of red ink into black is no miracle. It is the product of hard work by the American people and of two visionary actions in Congress: the courageous vote in 1993 that led to a cut in the deficit of 90 percent, and the truly historic bipartisan balanced budget agreement passed by this Congress. Here's the really good news: If we maintain our resolve, we will produce balanced budgets as far as the eye can see. We must not go back to unwise spending or untargeted tax cuts that risk reopening the deficit. Last year, together, we enacted targeted tax cuts so that the typical middle class family will now have the lowest tax rates in 20 years. My plan to balance the budget next year includes both new investments and new tax cuts targeted to the needs of working families, for education, for child care, for the environment. But whether the issue is tax cuts or spending, I ask all of you to meet this test: Approve only those priorities that can actually be accomplished without adding a dime to the deficit. Now, if we balance the budget for next year, it is projected that we'll then have a sizable surplus in the years that immediately follow. What should we do with this projected surplus? I have a simple four-word answer: Save Social Security first. Tonight I propose that we reserve 100 percent of the surplusóthat's every penny of any surplusóuntil we have taken all the necessary measures to strengthen the Social Security system for the 21st century. Let us say to all Americans watching tonightówhether you're 70 or 50 or whether you just started paying into the systemóSocial Security will be there when you need it. Let us make this commitment: Social Security first. Let's do that together. I also want to say that all the American people who are watching us tonight should be invited to join in this discussion, in facing these issues squarely and forming a true consensus on how we should proceed. We'll start by conducting nonpartisan forums in every region of the country, and I hope that lawmakers of both parties will participate. We'll hold a White House conference on Social Security in December. And one year from now, I will convene the leaders of Congress to craft historic, bipartisan legislation to achieve a landmark for our generation: a Social Security system that is strong in the 21st century. In an economy that honors opportunity, all Americans must be able to reap the rewards of prosperity. Because these times are good, we can afford to take one simple, sensible step to help millions of workers struggling to provide for their families: We should raise the minimum wage. The information age is, first and foremost, an education age, in which education must start at birth and continue throughout a lifetime. Last year, from this podium, I said that education has to be our highest priority. I laid out a 10point plan to move us forward and urged all of us to let politics stop at the schoolhouse door. Since then, this Congressóacross party linesó and the American people have responded, in the most important year for education in a generation, expanding public school choice, opening the way to 3,000 new charter schools, working to connect every classroom in the country to the information superhighway, committing to expand Head Start to a million children, launching America Reads, sending literally thousands of college students into our elementary schools to make sure all our 8-year-olds can read. Last year I proposed and you passed 220,000 new Pell grant scholarships for deserving students. Student loans, already less expensive and easier to repayónow you get to deduct the interest. Families all over America now can put their savings into new tax-free education IRA's. And this year, for the first 2 years of college, families will get a $1,500 tax creditóa HOPE scholarship that will cover the cost of most community college tuition. And for junior and senior year, graduate school, and job training, there is a lifetime learning credit. You did that, and you should be very proud of it. And because of these actions, I have something to say to every family listening to us tonight: Your children can go on to college. If you know a child from a poor family, tell her not to give up; she can go on to college. If you know a young couple struggling with bills, worried they won't be able to send their children to college, tell them not to give up; their children can go on to college. If you know somebody who's caught in a dead-end job and afraid he can't afford the classes necessary to get better jobs for the rest of his life, tell him not to give up; he can go on to college. Because of the things that have been done, we can make college as universal in the 21st century as high school is today. And my friends, that will change the face and future of America. We have opened wide the doors of the world's best system of higher education. Now we must make our public elementary and secondary schools the world's best, as well, by raising standards, raising expectations, and raising accountability. Thanks to the actions of this Congress last year, we will soon have, for the very first time, a voluntary national test based on national standards in fourth grade reading and eighth grade math. Parents have a right to know whether their children are mastering the basics. And every parent already knows the key: good teachers and small classes. Tonight I propose the first ever national effort to reduce class size in the early grades. My balanced budget will help to hire 100,000 new teachers who've passed a State competency test. Now, with these teachersólistenówith these teachers, we will actually be able to reduce class size in the first, second, and third grades to an average of 18 students a class, all across America. If I've got the math right, more teachers teaching smaller classes requires more classrooms. So I also propose a school construction tax cut to help communities modernize or build 5,000 schools. We must also demand greater accountability. When we promote a child from grade to grade who hasn't mastered the work, we don't do that child any favors. It is time to end social promotion in America's schools. Last year, in Chicago, they made that decisionónot to hold our children back but to lift them up. Chicago stopped social promotion and started mandatory summer school to help students who are behind to catch up. I propose to help other communities follow Chicago's lead. Let's say to them: Stop promoting children who don't learn, and we will give you the tools to make sure they do. I also ask this Congress to support our efforts to enlist colleges and universities to reach out to disadvantaged children, starting in the sixth grade, so that they can get the guidance and hope they need so they can know that they, too, will be able to go on to college. As we enter the 21st century, the global economy requires us to seek opportunity not just at home but in all the markets of the world. We must shape this global economy, not shrink from it. In the last 5 years, we have led the way in opening new markets, with 240 trade agreements that remove foreign barriers to products bearing the proud stamp 'Made in the USA.' Today, record high exports account for fully one-third of our economic growth. I want to keep them going, because that's the way to keep America growing and to advance a safer, more stable world. All of you know, whatever your views are, that I think this is a great opportunity for America. I know there is opposition to more comprehensive trade agreements. I have listened carefully, and I believe that the opposition is rooted in two fears: first, that our trading partners will have lower environmental and labor standards which will give them an unfair advantage in our market and do their own people no favors, even if there's more business; and, second, that if we have more trade, more of our workers will lose their jobs and have to start over. I think we should seek to advance worker and environmental standards around the world. I have made it abundantly clear that it should be a part of our trade agenda. But we cannot influence other countries' decisions if we send them a message that we're backing away from trade with them. This year I will send legislation to Congress, and ask other nations to join us, to fight the most intolerable labor practice of all: abusive child labor. We should also offer help and hope to those Americans temporarily left behind by the global marketplace or by the march of technology, which may have nothing to do with trade. That's why we have more than doubled funding for training dislocated workers since 1993. And if my new budget is adopted, we will triple funding. That's why we must do more, and more quickly, to help workers who lose their jobs for whatever reason. You know, we help communities in a special way when their military base closes; we ought to help them in the same way if their factory closes. Again, I ask the Congress to continue its bipartisan work to consolidate the tangle of training programs we have today into one single 'GI bill' for workers, a simple skills grant so people can, on their own, move quickly to new jobs, to higher incomes, and brighter futures. We all know, in every way in life, change is not always easy, but we have to decide whether we're going to try to hold it back and hide from it or reap its benefits. And remember the big picture here: While we've been entering into hundreds of new trade agreements, we've been creating millions of new jobs. So this year we will forge new partnerships with Latin America, Asia, and Europe. And we should pass the new 'African Trade Act'; it has bipartisan support. I will also renew my request for the fast-track negotiating authority necessary to open more new markets, create more new jobs, which every President has had for two decades. You know, whether we like it or not, in ways that are mostly positive, the world's economies are more and more interconnected and interdependent. Today, an economic crisis anywhere can affect economies everywhere. Recent months have brought serious financial problems to Thailand, Indonesia, South Korea, and beyond. Now, why should Americans be concerned about this? First, these countries are our customers. If they sink into recession, they won't be able to buy the goods we'd like to sell them. Second, they're also our competitors. So if their currencies lose their value and go down, then the price of their goods will drop, flooding our market and others with much cheaper goods, which makes it a lot tougher for our people to compete. And finally, they are our strategic partners. Their stability bolsters our security. The American economy remains sound and strong, and I want to keep it that way. But because the turmoil in Asia will have an impact on all the world's economies, including ours, making that negative impact as small as possible is the right thing to do for America and the right thing to do for a safer world. Our policy is clear: No nation can recover if it does not reform itself. But when nations are willing to undertake serious economic reform, we should help them do it. So I call on Congress to renew America's commitment to the International Monetary Fund. And I think we should say to all the people we're trying to represent here that preparing for a far-off storm that may reach our shores is far wiser than ignoring the thunder till the clouds are just overhead. A strong nation rests on the rock of responsibility. A society rooted in responsibility must first promote the value of work, not welfare. We can be proud that after decades of fingerpointing and failure, together we ended the old welfare system. And we're now replacing welfare checks with paychecks. Last year, after a record 4-year decline in welfare rolls, I challenged our Nation to move 2 million more Americans off welfare by the year 2000. I'm pleased to report we have also met that goal, 2 full years ahead of schedule. This is a grand achievement, the sum of many acts of individual courage, persistence, and hope. For 13 years, Elaine Kinslow of Indianapolis, Indiana, was on and off welfare. Today, she's a dispatcher with a van company. She's saved enough money to move her family into a good neighborhood, and she's helping other welfare recipients go to work. Elaine Kinslow and all those like her are the real heroes of the welfare revolution. There are millions like her all across America. And I'm happy she could join the First Lady tonight. Elaine, we're very proud of you. Please stand up. [Applause] We still have a lot more to do, all of us, to make welfare reform a successóproviding child care, helping families move closer to available jobs, challenging more companies to join our welfare-to-work partnership, increasing child support collections from deadbeat parents who have a duty to support their own children. I also want to thank Congress for restoring some of the benefits to immigrants who are here legally and working hard, and I hope you will finish that job this year. We have to make it possible for all hardworking families to meet their most important responsibilities. Two years ago we helped guarantee that Americans can keep their health insurance when they change jobs. Last year we extended health care to up to 5 million children. This year I challenge Congress to take the next historic steps. A hundred and sixty million of our fellow citizens are in managed care plans. These plans save money, and they can improve care. But medical decisions ought to be made by medical doctors, not insurance company accountants. I urge this Congress to reach across the aisle and write into law a consumer bill of rights that says this: You have the right to know all your medical options, not just the cheapest. You have the right to choose the doctor you want for the care you need. You have the right to emergency room care, wherever and whenever you need it. You have the right to keep your medical records confidential. Traditional care or managed care, every American deserves quality care. Millions of Americans between the ages of 55 and 65 have lost their health insurance. Some are retired; some are laid off; some lose their coverage when their spouses retire. After a lifetime of work, they are left with nowhere to turn. So I ask the Congress, let these hardworking Americans buy into the Medicare system. It won't add a dime to the deficit, but the peace of mind it will provide will be priceless. Next, we must help parents protect their children from the gravest health threat that they face: an epidemic of teen smoking, spread by multimillion-dollar marketing campaigns. I challenge Congress: Let's pass bipartisan, comprehensive legislation that will improve public health, protect our tobacco farmers, and change the way tobacco companies do business forever. Let's do what it takes to bring teen smoking down. Let's raise the price of cigarettes by up to a dollar and a half a pack over the next 10 years, with penalties on the tobacco industry if it keeps marketing to our children. Tomorrow, like every day, 3,000 children will start smoking, and 1,000 will die early as a result. Let this Congress be remembered as the Congress that saved their lives. In the new economy, most parents work harder than ever. They face a constant struggle to balance their obligations to be good workers and their even more important obligations to be good parents. The Family and Medical Leave Act was the very first bill I was privileged to sign into law as President in 1993. Since then, about 15 million people have taken advantage of it, and I've met a lot of them all across this country. I ask you to extend that law to cover 10 million more workers and to give parents time off when they have to go see their children's teachers or take them to the doctor. Child care is the next frontier we must face to enable people to succeed at home and at work. Last year I cohosted the very first White House Conference on Child Care with one of our foremost experts, America's First Lady. From all corners of America, we heard the same message, without regard to region or income or political affiliation: We've got to raise the quality of child care. We've got to make it safer. We've got to make it more affordable. So here's my plan: Help families to pay for child care for a million more children; scholarships and background checks for child care workers, and a new emphasis on early learning; tax credits for businesses that provide child care for their employees; and a larger child care tax credit for working families. Now, if you pass my plan, what this means is that a family of four with an income of $35,000 and high child care costs will no longer pay a single penny of Federal income tax. I think this is such a big issue with me because of my own personal experience. I have often wondered how my mother, when she was a young widow, would have been able to go away to school and get an education and come back and support me if my grandparents hadn't been able to take care of me. She and I were really very lucky. How many other families have never had that same opportunity? The truth is, we don't know the answer to that question. But we do know what the answer should be: Not a single American family should ever have to choose between the job they need and the child they love. A society rooted in responsibility must provide safe streets, safe schools, and safe neighborhoods. We pursued a strategy of more police, tougher punishment, smarter prevention, with crimefighting partnerships with local law enforcement and citizen groups, where the rubber hits the road. I can report to you tonight that it's working. Violent crime is down; robbery is down; assault is down; burglary is downófor 5 years in a row, all across America. We need to finish the job of putting 100,000 more police on our streets. Again, I ask Congress to pass a juvenile crime bill that provides more prosecutors and probation officers, to crack down on gangs and guns and drugs, and bar violent juveniles from buying guns for life. And I ask you to dramatically expand our support for after-school programs. I think every American should know that most juvenile crime is committed between the hours of 3 in the afternoon and 8 at night. We can keep so many of our children out of trouble in the first place if we give them someplace to go other than the streets, and we ought to do it. Drug use is on the decline. I thank General McCaffrey for his leadership, and I thank this Congress for passing the largest antidrug budget in history. Now I ask you to join me in a groundbreaking effort to hire 1,000 new Border Patrol agents and to deploy the most sophisticated available new technologies to help close the door on drugs at our borders. Police, prosecutors, and prevention programs, as good as they are, they can't work if our court system doesn't work. Today, there are large numbers of vacancies in our Federal courts. Here is what the Chief Justice of the United States wrote: 'Judicial vacancies cannot remain at such high levels indefinitely without eroding the quality of justice.' I simply ask the United States Senate to heed this plea and vote on the highly qualified judicial nominees before you, up or down. We must exercise responsibility not just at home but around the world. On the eve of a new century, we have the power and the duty to build a new era of peace and security. But make no mistake about it; today's possibilities are not tomorrow's guarantees. America must stand against the poisoned appeals of extreme nationalism. We must combat an unholy axis of new threats from terrorists, international criminals, and drug traffickers. These 21st century predators feed on technology and the free flow of information and ideas and people. And they will be all the more lethal if weapons of mass destruction fall into their hands. To meet these challenges, we are helping to write international rules of the road for the 21st century, protecting those who join the family of nations and isolating those who do not. Within days, I will ask the Senate for its advice and consent to make Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic the newest members of NATO. For 50 years, NATO contained communism and kept America and Europe secure. Now, these three formerly Communist countries have said yes to democracy. I ask the Senate to say yes to them, our new allies. By taking in new members and working closely with new partners, including Russia and Ukraine, NATO can help to assure that Europe is a stronghold for peace in the 21st century. Next, I will ask Congress to continue its support of our troops and their mission in Bosnia. This Christmas, Hillary and I traveled to Sarajevo with Senator and Mrs. Dole and a bipartisan congressional delegation. We saw children playing in the streets, where 2 years ago they were hiding from snipers and shells. The shops are filled with food; the cafes were alive with conversation. The progress there is unmistakable, but it is not yet irreversible. To take firm root, Bosnia's fragile peace still needs the support of American and allied troops when the current NATO mission ends in June. I think Senator Dole actually said it best. He said, 'This is like being ahead in the fourth quarter of a football game. Now is not the time to walk off the field and forfeit the victory.' I wish all of you could have seen our troops in Tuzla. They're very proud of what they're doing in Bosnia, and we're all very proud of them. One of those brave soldiers is sitting with the First Lady tonight: Army Sergeant Michael Tolbert. His father was a decorated Vietnam vet. After college in Colorado, he joined the Army. Last year he led an infantry unit that stopped a mob of extremists from taking over a radio station that is a voice of democracy and tolerance in Bosnia. Thank you very much, Sergeant, for what you represent. Please stand up. [Applause] In Bosnia and around the world, our men and women in uniform always do their mission well. Our mission must be to keep them welltrained and ready, to improve their quality of life, and to provide the 21st century weapons they need to defeat any enemy. I ask Congress to join me in pursuing an ambitious agenda to reduce the serious threat of weapons of mass destruction. This year, four decades after it was first proposed by President Eisenhower, a comprehensive nuclear test ban is within reach. By ending nuclear testing, we can help to prevent the development of new and more dangerous weapons and make it more difficult for non-nuclear states to build them. I'm pleased to announce that four former Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of StaffóGenerals John Shalikashvili, Colin Powell, and David Jones and Admiral William Croweóhave endorsed this treaty. And I ask the Senate to approve it this year. Together, we must confront the new hazards of chemical and biological weapons and the outlaw states, terrorists, and organized criminals seeking to acquire them. Saddam Hussein has spent the better part of this decade and much of his nation's wealth not on providing for the Iraqi people but on developing nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them. The United Nations weapons inspectors have done a truly remarkable job finding and destroying more of Iraq's arsenal than was destroyed during the entire Gulf war. Now Saddam Hussein wants to stop them from completing their mission. I know I speak for everyone in this chamber, Republicans and Democrats, when I say to Saddam Hussein, 'You cannot defy the will of the world,' and when I say to him, 'You have used weapons of mass destruction before. We are determined to deny you the capacity to use them again.' Last year the Senate ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention to protect our soldiers and citizens from poison gas. Now we must act to prevent the use of disease as a weapon of war and terror. The Biological Weapons Convention has been in effect for 23 years now. The rules are good, but the enforcement is weak. We must strengthen it with a new international inspection system to detect and deter cheating. In the months ahead, I will pursue our security strategy with old allies in Asia and Europe and new partners from Africa to India and Pakistan, from South America to China. And from Belfast to Korea to the Middle East, America will continue to stand with those who stand for peace. Finally, it's long past time to make good on our debt to the United Nations. More and more, we are working with other nations to achieve common goals. If we want America to lead, we've got to set a good example. As we see so clearly in Bosnia, allies who share our goals can also share our burdens. In this new era, our freedom and independence are actually enriched, not weakened, by our increasing interdependence with other nations. But we have to do our part. Our Founders set America on a permanent course toward a more perfect Union. To all of you I say, it is a journey we can only make together, living as one community. First, we have to continue to reform our Government, the instrument of our national community. Everyone knows elections have become too expensive, fueling a fundraising arms race. This year, by March 6th, at long last the Senate will actually vote on bipartisan campaign finance reform proposed by Senators McCain and Feingold. Let's be clear: A vote against McCain-Feingold is a vote for soft money and for the status quo. I ask you to strengthen our democracy and pass campaign finance reform this year. At least equally important, we have to address the real reason for the explosion in campaign costs: the high cost of media advertising. [At this point, audience members responded.] The President. To the folks watching at home, those were the groans of pain in the audience. [Laughter] I will formally request that the Federal Communications Commission act to provide free or reduced-cost television time for candidates who observe spending limits voluntarily. The airwaves are a public trust, and broadcasters also have to help us in this effort to strengthen our democracy. Under the leadership of Vice President Gore, we've reduced the Federal payroll by 300,000 workers, cut 16,000 pages of regulation, eliminated hundreds of programs, and improved the operations of virtually every Government agency. But we can do more. Like every taxpayer, I'm outraged by the reports of abuses by the IRS. We need some changes there: new citizen advocacy panels, a stronger taxpayer advocate, phone lines open 24 hours a day, relief for innocent taxpayers. Last year, by an overwhelming bipartisan margin, the House of Representatives passed sweeping IRS reforms. This bill must not now languish in the Senate. Tonight I ask the Senate: Follow the House; pass the bipartisan package as your first order of business. I hope to goodness before I finish I can think of something to say 'follow the Senate' on, so I'll be out of trouble. [Laughter] A nation that lives as a community must value all its communities. For the past 5 years, we have worked to bring the spark of private enterprise to inner city and poor rural areas, with community development banks, more commercial loans in the poor neighborhoods, cleanup of polluted sites for development. Under the continued leadership of the Vice President, we propose to triple the number of empowerment zones to give business incentives to invest in those areas. We should also give poor families more help to move into homes of their own, and we should use tax cuts to spur the construction of more low-income housing. Last year, this Congress took strong action to help the District of Columbia. Let us renew our resolve to make our Capital City a great city for all who live and visit here. Our cities are the vibrant hubs of great metropolitan areas. They are still the gateways for new immigrants from every continent, who come here to work for their own American dreams. Let's keep our cities going strong into the 21st century; they're a very important part of our future. Our communities are only as healthy as the air our children breathe, the water they drink, the Earth they will inherit. Last year we put in place the toughest-ever controls on smog and soot. We moved to protect Yellowstone, the Everglades, Lake Tahoe. We expanded every community's right to know about the toxins that threaten their children. Just yesterday, our food safety plan took effect, using new science to protect consumers from dangers like E. coli and salmonella. Tonight I ask you to join me in launching a new clean water initiative, a far-reaching effort to clean our rivers, our lakes, and our coastal waters for our children. Our overriding environmental challenge tonight is the worldwide problem of climate change, global warming, the gathering crisis that requires worldwide action. The vast majority of scientists have concluded unequivocally that if we don't reduce the emission of greenhouse gases, at some point in the next century, we'll disrupt our climate and put our children and grandchildren at risk. This past December, America led the world to reach a historic agreement committing our Nation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions through market forces, new technologies, energy efficiency. We have it in our power to act right here, right now. I propose $6 billion in tax cuts and research and development to encourage innovation, renewable energy, fuel-efficient cars, energy-efficient homes. Every time we have acted to heal our environment, pessimists have told us it would hurt the economy. Well, today, our economy is the strongest in a generation, and our environment is the cleanest in a generation. We have always found a way to clean the environment and grow the economy at the same time. And when it comes to global warming, we'll do it again. Finally, community means living by the defining American value, the ideal heard 'round the world, that we are all created equal. Throughout our history, we haven't always honored that ideal and we've never fully lived up to it. Often it's easier to believe that our differences matter more than what we have in common. It may be easier, but it's wrong. What we have to do in our day and generation to make sure that America becomes truly one nationówhat do we have to do? We're becoming more and more and more diverse. Do you believe we can become one nation? The answer cannot be to dwell on our differences but to build on our shared values. We all cherish family and faith, freedom and responsibility. We all want our children to grow up in a world where their talents are matched by their opportunities. I've launched this national initiative on race to help us recognize our common interests and to bridge the opportunity gaps that are keeping us from becoming one America. Let us begin by recognizing what we still must overcome. Discrimination against any American is un-American. We must vigorously enforce the laws that make it illegal. I ask your help to end the backlog at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Sixty thousand of our fellow citizens are waiting in line for justice, and we should act now to end their wait. We also should recognize that the greatest progress we can make toward building one America lies in the progress we make for all Americans, without regard to race. When we open the doors of college to all Americans, when we rid all our streets of crime, when there are jobs available to people from all our neighborhoods, when we make sure all parents have the child care they need, we're helping to build one nation. We, in this Chamber and in this Government, must do all we can to address the continuing American challenge to build one America. But we'll only move forward if all our fellow citizens, including every one of you at home watching tonight, is also committed to this cause. We must work together, learn together, live together, serve together. On the forge of common enterprise, Americans of all backgrounds can hammer out a common identity. We see it today in the United States military, in the Peace Corps, in AmeriCorps. Wherever people of all races and backgrounds come together in a shared endeavor and get a fair chance, we do just fine. With shared values and meaningful opportunities and honest communication and citizen service, we can unite a diverse people in freedom and mutual respect. We are many; we must be one. In that spirit, let us lift our eyes to the new millennium. How will we mark that passage? It just happens once every 1,000 years. This year Hillary and I launched the White House Millennium Program to promote America's creativity and innovation, and to preserve our heritage and culture into the 21st century. Our culture lives in every community, and every community has places of historic value that tell our stories as Americans. We should protect them. I am proposing a public-private partnership to advance our arts and humanities and to celebrate the millennium by saving American's treasures, great and small. And while we honor the past, let us imagine the future. Now, think about this: The entire store of human knowledge now doubles every 5 years. In the 1980's, scientists identified the gene causing cystic fibrosis; it took 9 years. Last year scientists located the gene that causes Parkinson's disease in only 9 days. Within a decade, 'gene chips' will offer a roadmap for prevention of illnesses throughout a lifetime. Soon we'll be able to carry all the phone calls on Mother's Day on a single strand of fiber the width of a human hair. A child born in 1998 may well live to see the 22d century. Tonight, as part of our gift to the millennium, I propose a 21st century research fund for pathbreaking scientific inquiry, the largest funding increase in history for the National Institutes of Health, the National Science Foundation, the National Cancer Institute. We have already discovered genes for breast cancer and diabetes. I ask you to support this initiative so ours will be the generation that finally wins the war against cancer and begins a revolution in our fight against all deadly diseases. As important as all this scientific progress is, we must continue to see that science serves humanity, not the other way around. We must prevent the misuse of genetic tests to discriminate against any American. And we must ratify the ethical consensus of the scientific and religious communities and ban the cloning of human beings. We should enable all the world's people to explore the far reaches of cyberspace. Think of this: The first time I made a State of the Union speech to you, only a handful of physicists used the World Wide Webóliterally, just a handful of people. Now, in schools, in libraries, homes, and businesses, millions and millions of Americans surf the Net every day. We must give parents the tools they need to help protect their children from inappropriate material on the Internet, but we also must make sure that we protect the exploding global commercial potential of the Internet. We can do the kinds of things that we need to do and still protect our kids. For one thing, I ask Congress to step up support for building the next generation Internet. It's getting kind of clogged, you know, and the next generation Internet will operate at speeds up to 1,000 times faster than today. Even as we explore this inner space in the new millennium, we're going to open new frontiers in outer space. Throughout all history, humankind has had only one place to call home, our planet, Earth. Beginning this year, 1998, men and women from 16 countries will build a foothold in the heavens, the international space station. With its vast expanses, scientists and engineers will actually set sail on an uncharted sea of limitless mystery and unlimited potential. And this October, a true American hero, a veteran pilot of 149 combat missions and one 5-hour space flight that changed the world, will return to the heavens. Godspeed, John Glenn. [Applause] John, you will carry with you America's hopes. And on your uniform, once again, you will carry America's flag, marking the unbroken connection between the deeds of America's past and the daring of America's future. Nearly 200 years ago, a tattered flag, its broad stripes and bright stars still gleaming through the smoke of a fierce battle, moved Francis Scott Key to scribble a few words on the back of an envelope, the words that became our national anthem. Today, that Star-Spangled Banner, along with the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, are on display just a short walk from here. They are America's treasures, and we must also save them for the ages. I ask all Americans to support our project to restore all our treasures so that the generations of the 21st century can see for themselves the images and the words that are the old and continuing glory of America, an America that has continued to rise through every age, against every challenge, a people of great works and greater possibilities, who have always, always found the wisdom and strength to come together as one nation to widen the circle of opportunity, to deepen the meaning of our freedom, to form that more perfect Union. Let that be our gift to the 21st century. God bless you, and God bless the United States. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, honored guests, my fellow Americans: Tonight I have the honor of reporting to you on the State of the Union. Let me begin by saluting the new Speaker of the House and thanking him especially tonight for extending an invitation to two guests sitting in the gallery with Mrs. Hastert: Lyn Gibson and Wenling Chestnut are the widows of the two brave Capitol Hill police officers who gave their lives to defend freedom's house. Mr. Speaker, at your swearing-in, you asked us all to work together in a spirit of civility and bipartisanship. Mr. Speaker, let's do exactly that. Tonight I stand before you to report that America has created the longest peacetime economic expansion in our history with nearly 18 million new jobs, wages rising at more than twice the rate of inflation, the highest homeownership in history, the smallest welfare rolls in 30 years, and the lowest peacetime unemployment since 1957. For the first time in three decades, the budget is balanced. From a deficit of $290 billion in 1992, we had a surplus of $70 billion last year. And now we are on course for budget surpluses for the next 25 years. Thanks to the pioneering leadership of all of you, we have the lowest violent crime rate in a quarter century and the cleanest environment in a quarter century. America is a strong force for peace from Northern Ireland to Bosnia to the Middle East. Thanks to the leadership of Vice President Gore, we have a Government for the information age, once again, a Government that is a progressive instrument of the common goodó rooted in our oldest values of opportunity, responsibility, and community; devoted to fiscal responsibility; determined to give our people the tools they need to make the most of their own lives in the 21st centuryóa 21st century Government for 21st century America. My fellow Americans, I stand before you tonight to report that the state of our Union is strong. Now, America is working again. The promise of our future is limitless. But we cannot realize that promise if we allow the hum of our prosperity to lull us into complacency. How we fare as a nation far into the 21st century depends upon what we do as a nation today. So with our budget surplus growing, our economy expanding, our confidence rising, now is the moment for this generation to meet our historic responsibility to the 21st century. Our fiscal discipline gives us an unsurpassed opportunity to address a remarkable new challenge, the aging of America. With the number of elderly Americans set to double by 2030, the baby boom will become a senior boom. So first, and above all, we must save Social Security for the 21st century. Early in this century, being old meant being poor. When President Roosevelt created Social Security, thousands wrote to thank him for eliminating what one woman called 'the stark terror of penniless, helpless old age.' Even today, without Social Security, half our Nation's elderly would be forced into poverty. Today, Social Security is strong. But by 2013, payroll taxes will no longer be sufficient to cover monthly payments. By 2032, the Trust Fund will be exhausted and Social Security will be unable to pay the full benefits older Americans have been promised. The best way to keep Social Security a rocksolid guarantee is not to make drastic cuts in benefits, not to raise payroll tax rates, not to drain resources from Social Security in the name of saving it. Instead, I propose that we make the historic decision to invest the surplus to save Social Security. Specifically, I propose that we commit 60 percent of the budget surplus for the next 15 years to Social Security, investing a small portion in the private sector, just as any private or State Government pension would do. This will earn a higher return and keep Social Security sound for 55 years. But we must aim higher. We should put Social Security on a sound footing for the next 75 years. We should reduce poverty among elderly women, who are nearly twice as likely to be poor as our other seniors. And we should eliminate the limits on what seniors on Social Security can earn. Now, these changes will require difficult but fully achievable choices, over and above the dedication of the surplus. They must be made on a bipartisan basis. They should be made this year. So let me say to you tonight, I reach out my hand to all of you in both Houses, in both parties, and ask that we join together in saying to the American people: We will save Social Security now. Now, last year we wisely reserved all of the surplus until we knew what it would take to save Social Security. Again, I say, we shouldn't spend any of it, not any of it, until after Social Security is truly saved. First things first. Second, once we have saved Social Security, we must fulfill our obligation to save and improve Medicare. Already, we have extended the life of the Medicare Trust Fund by 10 years, but we should extend it for at least another decade. Tonight I propose that we use one out of every $6 in the surplus for the next 15 years to guarantee the soundness of Medicare until the year 2020. But again, we should aim higher. We must be willing to work in a bipartisan way and look at new ideas, including the upcoming report of the bipartisan Medicare Commission. If we work together, we can secure Medicare for the next two decades and cover the greatest growing need of seniors, affordable prescription drugs. Third, we must help all Americans, from their first day on the job, to save, to invest, to create wealth. From its beginning, Americans have supplemented Social Security with private pensions and savings. Yet today, millions of people retire with little to live on other than Social Security. Americans living longer than ever simply must save more than ever. Therefore, in addition to saving Social Security and Medicare, I propose a new pension initiative for retirement security in the 21st century. I propose that we use a little over 11 percent of the surplus to establish universal savings accountsóUSA accountsóto give all Americans the means to save. With these new accounts, Americans can invest as they choose and receive funds to match a portion of their savings, with extra help for those least able to save. USA accounts will help all Americans to share in our Nation's wealth and to enjoy a more secure retirement. I ask you to support them. Fourth, we must invest in long-term care. I propose a tax credit of $1,000 for the aged, ailing or disabled, and the families who care for them. Long-term care will become a bigger and bigger challenge with the aging of America, and we must do more to help our families deal with it. I was born in 1946, the first year of the baby boom. I can tell you that one of the greatest concerns of our generation is our absolute determination not to let our growing old place an intolerable burden on our children and their ability to raise our grandchildren. Our economic success and our fiscal discipline now give us an opportunity to lift that burden from their shoulders, and we should take it. Saving Social Security, Medicare, creating USA accounts, this is the right way to use the surplus. If we do soóif we do soówe will still have resources to meet critical needs in education and defense. And I want to point out that this proposal is fiscally sound. Listen to this: If we set aside 60 percent of the surplus for Social Security and 16 percent for Medicare, over the next 15 years, that saving will achieve the lowest level of publicly held debt since right before World War I, in 1917. So with these four measuresósaving Social Security, strengthening Medicare, establishing the USA accounts, supporting long-term careó we can begin to meet our generation's historic responsibility to establish true security for 21st century seniors. Now, there are more children from more diverse backgrounds in our public schools than at any time in our history. Their education must provide the knowledge and nurture the creativity that will allow our entire Nation to thrive in the new economy. Today we can say something we couldn't say 6 years ago: With tax credits and more affordable student loans, with more work-study grants and more Pell grants, with education IRA's and the new HOPE scholarship tax cut that more than 5 million Americans will receive this year, we have finally opened the doors of college to all Americans. With our support, nearly every State has set higher academic standards for public schools, and a voluntary national test is being developed to measure the progress of our students. With over $1 billion in discounts available this year, we are well on our way to our goal of connecting every classroom and library to the Internet. Last fall, you passed our proposal to start hiring 100,000 new teachers to reduce class size in the early grades. Now I ask you to finish the job. You know, our children are doing better. SAT scores are up; math scores have risen in nearly all grades. But there's a problem. While our fourth graders outperform their peers in other countries in math and science, our eighth graders are around average, and our twelfth graders rank near the bottom. We must do better. Now, each year the National Government invests more than $15 billion in our public schools. I believe we must change the way we invest that money, to support what works and to stop supporting what does not work. First, later this year, I will send to Congress a plan that, for the first time, holds States and school districts accountable for progress and rewards them for results. My 'Education Accountability Act' will require every school district receiving Federal help to take the following five steps. First, all schools must end social promotion. No child should graduate from high school with a diploma he or she can't read. We do our children no favors when we allow them to pass from grade to grade without mastering the material. But we can't just hold students back because the system fails them. So my balanced budget triples the funding for summer school and after-school programs, to keep a million children learning. Now, if you doubt this will work, just look at Chicago, which ended social promotion and made summer school mandatory for those who don't master the basics. Math and reading scores are up 3 years running, with some of the biggest gains in some of the poorest neighborhoods. It will work, and we should do it. Second, all States and school districts must turn around their worst performing schools or shut them down. That's the policy established in North Carolina by Governor Jim Hunt. North Carolina made the biggest gains in test scores in the Nation last year. Our budget includes $200 million to help States turn around their own failing schools. Third, all States and school districts must be held responsible for the quality of their teachers. The great majority of our teachers do a fine job. But in too many schools, teachers don't have college majors or even minors in the subjects they teach. New teachers should be required to pass performance exams, and all teachers should know the subjects they're teaching. This year's balanced budget contains resources to help them reach higher standards. And to attract talented young teachers to the toughest assignments, I recommend a sixfold increase in our program for college scholarships for students who commit to teach in the inner cities and isolated rural areas and in Indian communities. Let us bring excellence to every part of America. Fourth, we must empower parents with more information and more choices. In too many communities, it's easier to get information on the quality of the local restaurants than on the quality of the local schools. Every school district should issue report cards on every school. And parents should be given more choices in selecting their public school. When I became President, there was just one independent public charter school in all America. With our support, on a bipartisan basis, today there are 1,100. My budget assures that early in the next century, there will be 3,000. Fifth, to assure that our classrooms are truly places of learning and to respond to what teachers have been asking us to do for years, we should say that all States and school districts must both adopt and implement sensible discipline policies. Now, let's do one more thing for our children. Today, too many schools are so old they're falling apart, or so over-crowded students are learning in trailers. Last fall, Congress missed the opportunity to change that. This year, with 53 million children in our schools, Congress must not miss that opportunity again. I ask you to help our communities build or modernize 5,000 schools. If we do these thingsóend social promotion; turn around failing schools; build modern ones; support qualified teachers; promote innovation, competition and disciplineóthen we will begin to meet our generation's historic responsibility to create 21st century schools. Now, we also have to do more to support the millions of parents who give their all every day at home and at work. The most basic tool of all is a decent income. So let's raise the minimum wage by a dollar an hour over the next 2 years. And let's make sure that women and men get equal pay for equal work by strengthening enforcement of equal pay laws. [Applause] That was encouraging, you know. [Laughter] There was more balance on the seesaw. I like that. Let's give them a hand. That's great. [Applause] Working parents also need quality child care. So again this year, I ask Congress to support our plan for tax credits and subsidies for working families, for improved safety and quality, for expanded after-school programs. And our plan also includes a new tax credit for stayat-home parents, too. They need support, as well. Parents should never have to worry about choosing between their children and their work. Now, the Family and Medical Leave Act, the very first bill I signed into law, has now, since 1993, helped millions and millions of Americans to care for a newborn baby or an ailing relative without risking their jobs. I think it's time, with all the evidence that it has been so little burdensome to employers, to extend family leave to 10 million more Americans working for smaller companies. And I hope you will support it. Finally on the matter of work, parents should never have to face discrimination in the workplace. So I want to ask Congress to prohibit companies from refusing to hire or promote workers simply because they have children. That is not right. America's families deserve the world's best medical care. Thanks to bipartisan Federal support for medical research, we are now on the verge of new treatments to prevent or delay diseases, from Parkinson's to Alzheimer's to arthritis to cancer. But as we continue our advances in medical science, we can't let our medical system lag behind. Managed care has literally transformed medicine in America, driving down costs but threatening to drive down quality as well. I think we ought to say to every American: You should have the right to know all your medical options, not just the cheapest. If you need a specialist, you should have a right to see one. You have a right to the nearest emergency care if you're in an accident. These are things that we ought to say. And I think we ought to say: You should have a right to keep your doctor during a period of treatment, whether it's a pregnancy or a chemotherapy treatment, or anything else. I believe this. Now, I've ordered these rights to be extended to the 85 million Americans served by Medicare, Medicaid, and other Federal health programs. But only Congress can pass a Patients' Bill of Rights for all Americans. Now, last year, Congress missed that opportunity, and we must not miss that opportunity again. For the sake of our families, I ask us to join together across party lines and pass a strong, enforceable Patients' Bill of Rights. As more of our medical records are stored electronically, the threats to all our privacy increase. Because Congress has given me the authority to act if it does not do so by August, one way or another, we can all say to the American people, 'We will protect the privacy of medical records, and we will do it this year.' Now 2 years ago, the Congress extended health coverage to up to 5 million children. Now we should go beyond that. We should make it easier for small businesses to offer health insurance. We should give people between the ages of 55 and 65 who lose their health insurance the chance to buy into Medicare. And we should continue to ensure access to family planning. No one should have to choose between keeping health care and taking a job. And therefore, I especially ask you tonight to join hands to pass the landmark bipartisan legislation proposed by Senators Kennedy and Jeffords, Roth, and Moynihan to allow people with disabilities to keep their health insurance when they go to work. We need to enable our public hospitals, our community, our university health centers to provide basic, affordable care for all the millions of working families who don't have any insurance. They do a lot of that today, but much more can be done. And my balanced budget makes a good downpayment toward that goal. I hope you will think about them and support that provision. Let me say we must step up our efforts to treat and prevent mental illness. No American should ever be afraidóeveróto address this disease. This year we will host a White House Conference on Mental Health. With sensitivity, commitment, and passion, Tipper Gore is leading our efforts here, and I'd like to thank her for what she's done. Thank you. [Applause] Thank you. As everyone knows, our children are targets of a massive media campaign to hook them on cigarettes. Now, I ask this Congress to resist the tobacco lobby, to reaffirm the FDA's authority to protect our children from tobacco, and to hold tobacco companies accountable while protecting tobacco farmers. Smoking has cost taxpayers hundreds of billions of dollars under Medicare and other programs. You know, the States have been right about this: Taxpayers shouldn't pay for the cost of lung cancer, emphysema, and other smokingrelated illnesses; the tobacco companies should. So tonight I announce that the Justice Department is preparing a litigation plan to take the tobacco companies to court and, with the funds we recover, to strengthen Medicare. Now, if we act in these areasóminimum wage, family leave, child care, health care, the safety of our childrenóthen we will begin to meet our generation's historic responsibility to strengthen our families for the 21st century. Today, America is the most dynamic, competitive, job-creating economy in history. But we can do even better in building a 21st century economy that embraces all Americans. Today's income gap is largely a skills gap. Last year, the Congress passed a law enabling workers to get a skills grant to choose the training they need. And I applaud all of you here who were part of that. This year, I recommend a 5-year commitment to the new system so that we can provide, over the next 5 years, appropriate training opportunities for all Americans who lose their jobs and expand rapid response teams to help all towns which have been really hurt when businesses close. I hope you will support this. Also, I ask your support for a dramatic increase in Federal support for adult literacy, to mount a national campaign aimed at helping the millions and millions of working people who still read at less than a fifth grade level. We need to do this. Here's some good news: In the past 6 years, we have cut the welfare rolls nearly in half. You can all be proud of that. Two years ago, from this podium, I asked five companies to lead a national effort to hire people off welfare. Tonight, our Welfare to Work Partnership includes 10,000 companies who have hired hundreds of thousands of people. And our balanced budget will help another 200,000 people move to the dignity and pride of work. I hope you will support it. We must do more to bring the spark of private enterprise to every corner of America, to build a bridge from Wall Street to Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta to our Native American communities, with more support for community development banks, for empowerment zones, for 100,000 more vouchers for affordable housing. And I ask Congress to support our bold new plan to help businesses raise up to $15 billion in private sector capital to bring jobs and opportunities to our inner cities and rural areas with tax credits, loan guarantees, including the new 'American Private Investment Company' modeled on the Overseas Private Investment Company. For years and years and years, we've had this OPIC, this Overseas Private Investment Corporation, because we knew we had untapped markets overseas. But our greatest untapped markets are not overseas; they are right here at home. And we should go after them. We must work hard to help bring prosperity back to the family farm. As this Congress knows very well, dropping prices and the loss of foreign markets have devastated too many family farms. Last year, the Congress provided substantial assistance to help stave off a disaster in American agriculture. And I am ready to work with lawmakers of both parties to create a farm safety net that will include crop insurance reform and farm income assistance. I ask you to join with me and do this. This should not be a political issue. Everyone knows what an economic problem is going on out there in rural America today, and we need an appropriate means to address it. We must strengthen our lead in technology. It was Government investment that led to the creation of the Internet. I propose a 28-percent increase in long-term computing research. We also must be ready for the 21st century from its very first moment, by solving the so-called Y2K computer problem. We had one Member of Congress stand up and applaud. [Laughter] And we may have about that ratio out there applauding at home, in front of their television sets. But remember, this is a big, big problem. And we've been working hard on it. Already, we've made sure that the Social Security checks will come on time. But I want all the folks at home listening to this to know that we need every State and local government, every business, large and small, to work with us to make sure that this Y2K computer bug will be remembered as the last headache of the 20th century, not the first crisis of the 21st. For our own prosperity, we must support economic growth abroad. You know, until recently, a third of our economic growth came from exports. But over the past year and a half, financial turmoil overseas has put that growth at risk. Today, much of the world is in recession, with Asia hit especially hard. This is the most serious financial crisis in half a century. To meet it, the United States and other nations have reduced interest rates and strengthened the International Monetary Fund. And while the turmoil is not over, we have worked very hard with other nations to contain it. At the same time, we have to continue to work on the long-term project, building a global financial system for the 21st century that promotes prosperity and tames the cycle of boom and bust that has engulfed so much of Asia. This June I will meet with other world leaders to advance this historic purpose, and I ask all of you to support our endeavors. I also ask you to support creating a freer and fairer trading system for 21st century America. I'd like to say something really serious to everyone in this Chamber in both parties. I think trade has divided us, and divided Americans outside this Chamber, for too long. Somehow we have to find a common ground on which business and workers and environmentalists and farmers and Government can stand together. I believe these are the things we ought to all agree on. So let me try. First, we ought to tear down barriers, open markets, and expand trade. But at the same time, we must ensure that ordinary citizens in all countries actually benefit from trade, a trade that promotes the dignity of work and the rights of workers and protects the environment. We must insist that international trade organizations be more open to public scrutiny, instead of mysterious, secret things subject to wild criticism. When you come right down to it, now that the world economy is becoming more and more integrated, we have to do in the world what we spent the better part of this century doing here at home. We have got to put a human face on the global economy. We must enforce our trade laws when imports unlawfully flood our Nation. I have already informed the Government of Japan that if that nation's sudden surge of steel imports into our country is not reversed, America will respond. We must help all manufacturers hit hard by the present crisis with loan guarantees and other incentives to increase American exports by nearly $2 billion. I'd like to believe we can achieve a new consensus on trade, based on these principles. And I ask the Congress again to join me in this common approach and to give the President the trade authority long used and now overdue and necessary to advance our prosperity in the 21st century. Tonight I issue a call to the nations of the world to join the United States in a new round of global trade negotiations to expand exports of services, manufactures, and farm products. Tonight I say we will work with the International Labor Organization on a new initiative to raise labor standards around the world. And this year, we will lead the international community to conclude a treaty to ban abusive child labor everywhere in the world. If we do these thingsóinvest in our people, our communities, our technology, and lead in the global economyóthen we will begin to meet our historic responsibility to build a 21st century prosperity for America. You know, no nation in history has had the opportunity and the responsibility we now have to shape a world that is more peaceful, more secure, more free. All Americans can be proud that our leadership helped to bring peace in Northern Ireland. All Americans can be proud that our leadership has put Bosnia on the path to peace. And with our NATO allies, we are pressing the Serbian Government to stop its brutal repression in Kosovo, to bring those responsible to justice, and to give the people of Kosovo the self-government they deserve. All Americans can be proud that our leadership renewed hope for lasting peace in the Middle East. Some of you were with me last December as we watched the Palestinian National Council completely renounce its call for the destruction of Israel. Now I ask Congress to provide resources so that all parties can implement the Wye agreement to protect Israel's security, to stimulate the Palestinian economy, to support our friends in Jordan. We must notówe dare notólet them down. I hope you will help. As we work for peace, we must also meet threats to our Nation's security, including increased dangers from outlaw nations and terrorism. We will defend our security wherever we are threatened, as we did this summer when we struck at Usama bin Ladin's network of terror. The bombing of our Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania reminds us again of the risks faced every day by those who represent America to the world. So let's give them the support they need, the safest possible workplaces, and the resources they must have so America can continue to lead. We must work to keep terrorists from disrupting computer networks. We must work to prepare local communities for biological and chemical emergencies, to support research into vaccines and treatments. We must increase our efforts to restrain the spread of nuclear weapons and missiles, from Korea to India and Pakistan. We must expand our work with Russia, Ukraine, and other former Soviet nations to safeguard nuclear materials and technology so they never fall into the wrong hands. Our balanced budget will increase funding for these critical efforts by almost two-thirds over the next 5 years. With Russia, we must continue to reduce our nuclear arsenals. The START II treaty and the framework we have already agreed to for START III could cut them by 80 percent from their cold war height. It's been 2 years since I signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. If we don't do the right thing, other nations won't either. I ask the Senate to take this vital step: Approve the treaty now, to make it harder for other nations to develop nuclear arms, and to make sure we can end nuclear testing forever. For nearly a decade, Iraq has defied its obligations to destroy its weapons of terror and the missiles to deliver them. America will continue to contain Saddam, and we will work for the day when Iraq has a Government worthy of its people. Now, last month in our action over Iraq, our troops were superb. Their mission was so flawlessly executed that we risk taking for granted the bravery and the skill it required. Captain Jeff Taliaferro, a 10-year veteran of the Air Force, flew a B-1B bomber over Iraq as we attacked Saddam's war machine. He's here with us tonight. I'd like to ask you to honor him and all the 33,000 men and women of Operation Desert Fox. Captain Taliaferro. [Applause] It is time to reverse the decline in defense spending that began in 1985. Since April, together we have added nearly $6 billion to maintain our military readiness. My balanced budget calls for a sustained increase over the next 6 years for readiness, for modernization, and for pay and benefits for our troops and their families. We are the heirs of a legacy of bravery represented in every community in America by millions of our veterans. America's defenders today still stand ready at a moment's notice to go where comforts are few and dangers are many, to do what needs to be done as no one else can. They always come through for America. We must come through for them. The new century demands new partnerships for peace and security. The United Nations plays a crucial role, with allies sharing burdens America might otherwise bear alone. America needs a strong and effective U.N. I want to work with this new Congress to pay our dues and our debts. We must continue to support security and stability in Europe and Asia, expanding NATO and defining its new missions, maintaining our alliance with Japan, with Korea, with our other Asian allies, and engaging China. In China, last year, I said to the leaders and the people what I'd like to say again tonight: Stability can no longer be bought at the expense of liberty. But I'd also like to say again to the American people: It's important not to isolate China. The more we bring China into the world, the more the world will bring change and freedom to China. Last spring, with some of you, I traveled to Africa, where I saw democracy and reform rising but still held back by violence and disease. We must fortify African democracy and peace by launching Radio Democracy for Africa, supporting the transition to democracy now beginning to take place in Nigeria, and passing the 'African Trade and Development Act.' We must continue to deepen our ties to the Americas and the Caribbean, our common work to educate children, fight drugs, strengthen democracy and increase trade. In this hemisphere, every government but one is freely chosen by its people. We are determined that Cuba, too, will know the blessings of liberty. The American people have opened their hearts and their arms to our Central American and Caribbean neighbors who have been so devastated by the recent hurricanes. Working with Congress, I am committed to help them rebuild. When the First Lady and Tipper Gore visited the region, they saw thousands of our troops and thousands of American volunteers. In the Dominican Republic, Hillary helped to rededicate a hospital that had been rebuilt by Dominicans and Americans working side by side. With her was someone else who has been very important to the relief efforts. You know, sports records are made, and sooner or later they're broken. But making other people's lives better and showing our children the true meaning of brotherhood, that lasts forever. So, for far more than baseball, Sammy Sosa, you're a hero in two countries tonight. [Applause] Thank you. So I say to all of you, if we do these thingsó if we pursue peace, fight terrorism, increase our strength, renew our alliancesówe will begin to meet our generation's historic responsibility to build a stronger 21st century America in a freer, more peaceful world. As the world has changed, so have our own communities. We must make them safer, more livable, and more united. This year, we will reach our goal of 100,000 community police officers ahead of schedule and under budget. The Brady bill has stopped a quarter million felons, fugitives, and stalkers from buying handguns. And now, the murder rate is the lowest in 30 years and the crime rate has dropped for 6 straight years. Tonight I propose a 21st century crime bill to deploy the latest technologies and tactics to make our communities even safer. Our balanced budget will help put up to 50,000 more police on the street in the areas hardest hit by crime and then to equip them with new tools, from crime-mapping computers to digital mug shots. We must break the deadly cycle of drugs and crime. Our budget expands support for drug testing and treatment, saying to prisoners: If you stay on drugs, you have to stay behind bars; and to those on parole: If you want to keep your freedom, you must stay free of drugs. I ask Congress to restore the 5-day waiting period for buying a handgun and extend the Brady bill to prevent juveniles who commit violent crimes from buying a gun. We must do more to keep our schools the safest places in our communities. Last year, every American was horrified and heartbroken by the tragic killings in Jonesboro, Paducah, Pearl, Edinboro, Springfield. We were deeply moved by the courageous parents now working to keep guns out of the hands of children and to make other efforts so that other parents don't have to live through their loss. After she lost her daughter, Suzann Wilson of Jonesboro, Arkansas, came here to the White House with a powerful plea. She said, 'Please, please, for the sake of your children, lock up your guns. Don't let what happened in Jonesboro happen in your town.' It's a message she is passionately advocating every day. Suzann is here with us tonight, with the First Lady. I'd like to thank her for her courage and her commitment. [Applause] Thank you. In memory of all the children who lost their lives to school violence, I ask you to strengthen the Safe and Drug-Free School Act, to pass legislation to require child trigger locks, to do everything possible to keep our children safe. A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt defined our 'great, central task' as 'leaving this land even a better land for our descendants than it is for us.' Today, we're restoring the Florida Everglades, saving Yellowstone, preserving the red rock canyons of Utah, protecting California's redwoods and our precious coasts. But our most fateful new challenge is the threat of global warming; 1998 was the warmest year ever recorded. Last year's heat waves, floods, and storms are but a hint of what future generations may endure if we do not act now. Tonight I propose a new clean air fund to help communities reduce greenhouse and other pollution, and tax incentives and investments to spur clean energy technology. And I want to work with Members of Congress in both parties to reward companies that take early, voluntary action to reduce greenhouse gases. All our communities face a preservation challenge, as they grow and green space shrinks. Seven thousand acres of farmland and open space are lost every day. In response, I propose two major initiatives: First, a $1-billion livability agenda to help communities save open space, ease traffic congestion, and grow in ways that enhance every citizen's quality of life; and second, a $1-billion lands legacy initiative to preserve places of natural beauty all across America, from the most remote wilderness to the nearest city park. These are truly landmark initiatives, which could not have been developed without the visionary leadership of the Vice President, and I want to thank him very much for his commitment here. Now, to get the most out of your community, you have to give something back. That's why we created AmeriCorps, our national service program that gives today's generation a chance to serve their communities and earn money for college. So far, in just 4 years, 100,000 young Americans have built low-income homes with Habitat for Humanity, helped to tutor children with churches, worked with FEMA to ease the burden of natural disasters, and performed countless other acts of service that have made America better. I ask Congress to give more young Americans the chance to follow their lead and serve America in AmeriCorps. Now, we must work to renew our national community as well for the 21st century. Last year the House passed the bipartisan campaign finance reform legislation sponsored by Representatives Shays and Meehan and Senators McCain and Feingold. But a partisan minority in the Senate blocked reform. So I'd like to say to the House: Pass it again, quickly. And I'd like to say to the Senate: I hope you will say yes to a stronger American democracy in the year 2000. Since 1997, our initiative on race has sought to bridge the divides between and among our people. In its report last fall, the initiative's advisory board found that Americans really do want to bring our people together across racial lines. We know it's been a long journey. For some, it goes back to before the beginning of our Republic; for others, back since the Civil War; for others, throughout the 20th century. But for most of us alive today, in a very real sense, this journey began 43 years ago, when a woman named Rosa Parks sat down on a bus in Alabama and wouldn't get up. She's sitting down with the First Lady tonight, and she may get up or not, as she chooses. We thank her. [Applause] Thank you, Rosa. We know that our continuing racial problems are aggravated, as the Presidential initiative said, by opportunity gaps. The initiative I've outlined tonight will help to close them. But we know that the discrimination gap has not been fully closed either. Discrimination or violence because of race or religion, ancestry or gender, disability or sexual orientation, is wrong, and it ought to be illegal. Therefore, I ask Congress to make the 'Employment Non-Discrimination Act' and the 'Hate Crimes Prevention Act' the law of the land. Now, since every person in America counts, every American ought to be counted. We need a census that uses modern scientific methods to do that. Our new immigrants must be part of our One America. After all, they're revitalizing our cities; they're energizing our culture; they're building up our economy. We have a responsibility to make them welcome here, and they have a responsibility to enter the mainstream of American life. That means learning English and learning about our democratic system of government. There are now long waiting lines of immigrants that are trying to do just that. Therefore, our budget significantly expands our efforts to help them meet their responsibility. I hope you will support it. Whether our ancestors came here on the Mayflower, on slave ships, whether they came to Ellis Island or LAX in Los Angeles, whether they came yesterday or walked this land a thousand years ago, our great challenge for the 21st century is to find a way to be one America. We can meet all the other challenges if we can go forward as one America. You know, barely more than 300 days from now, we will cross that bridge into the new millennium. This is a moment, as the First Lady has said, 'to honor the past and imagine the future.' I'd like to take just a minute to honor her. For leading our Millennium Project, for all she's done for our children, for all she has done in her historic role to serve our Nation and our best ideals at home and abroad, I honor her. [Applause] Last year, I called on Congress and every citizen to mark the millennium by saving America's treasures. Hillary has traveled all across the country to inspire recognition and support for saving places like Thomas Edison's invention factory or Harriet Tubman's home. Now we have to preserve our treasures in every community. And tonight, before I close, I want to invite every town, every city, every community to become a nationally recognized 'millennium community' by launching projects that save our history, promote our arts and humanities, prepare our children for the 21st century. Already, the response has been remarkable. And I want to say a special word of thanks to our private sector partners and to Members in Congress of both parties for their support. Just one example: Because of you, the Star-Spangled Banner will be preserved for the ages. In ways large and small, as we look to the millennium we are keeping alive what George Washington called 'the sacred fire of liberty.' Six years ago, I came to office in a time of doubt for America, with our economy troubled, our deficit high, our people divided. Some even wondered whether our best days were behind us. But across this country, in a thousand neighborhoods, I have seen, even amidst the pain and uncertainty of recession, the real heart and character of America. I knew then that we Americans could renew this country. Tonight, as I deliver the last State of the Union Address of the 20th century, no one anywhere in the world can doubt the enduring resolve and boundless capacity of the American people to work toward that 'more perfect Union' of our Founders' dream. We're now at the end of a century when generation after generation of Americans answered the call to greatness, overcoming depression, lifting up the disposed, bringing down barriers to racial prejudice, building the largest middle class in history, winning two World Wars and the long twilight struggle of the cold war. We must all be profoundly grateful for the magnificent achievement of our forebears in this century. Yet perhaps, in the daily press of events, in the clash of controversy, we don't see our own time for what it truly is, a new dawn for America. A hundred years from tonight, another American President will stand in this place and report on the state of the Union. Heóor sheóhe or she will look back on a 21st century shaped in so many ways by the decisions we make here and now. So let it be said of us then that we were thinking not only of our time but of their time, that we reached as high as our ideals, that we put aside our divisions and found a new hour of healing and hopefulness, that we joined together to serve and strengthen the land we love. My fellow Americans, this is our moment. Let us lift our eyes as one Nation, and from the mountaintop of this American Century, look ahead to the next one, asking God's blessing on our endeavors and on our beloved country. Thank you, and good evening. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, honored guests, my fellow Americans: We are fortunate to be alive at this moment in history. Never before has our Nation enjoyed, at once, so much prosperity and social progress with so little internal crisis and so few external threats. Never before have we had such a blessed opportunity and, therefore, such a profound obligation to build the more perfect Union of our Founders' dreams. We begin the new century with over 20 million new jobs; the fastest economic growth in more than 30 years; the lowest unemployment rates in 30 years; the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the lowest African-American and Hispanic unemployment rates on record; the first back-to-back surpluses in 42 years; and next month, America will achieve the longest period of economic growth in our entire history. We have built a new economy. And our economic revolution has been matched by a revival of the American spirit: crime down by 20 percent, to its lowest level in 25 years; teen births down 7 years in a row; adoptions up by 30 percent; welfare rolls cut in half, to their lowest levels in 30 years. My fellow Americans, the state of our Union is the strongest it has ever been. As always, the real credit belongs to the American people. My gratitude also goes to those of you in this Chamber who have worked with us to put progress over partisanship. Eight years ago, it was not so clear to most Americans there would be much to celebrate in the year 2000. Then our Nation was gripped by economic distress, social decline, political gridlock. The title of a best-selling book asked: 'America: What Went Wrong?' In the best traditions of our Nation, Americans determined to set things right. We restored the vital center, replacing outmoded ideologies with a new vision anchored in basic, enduring values: opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a community of all Americans. We reinvented Government, transforming it into a catalyst for new ideas that stress both opportunity and responsibility and give our people the tools they need to solve their own problems. With the smallest Federal work force in 40 years, we turned record deficits into record surpluses and doubled our investment in education. We cut crime with 100,000 community police and the Brady law, which has kept guns out of the hands of half a million criminals. We ended welfare as we knew it, requiring work while protecting health care and nutrition for children and investing more in child care, transportation, and housing to help their parents go to work. We've helped parents to succeed at home and at work with family leave, which 20 million Americans have now used to care for a newborn child or a sick loved one. We've engaged 150,000 young Americans in citizen service through AmeriCorps, while helping them earn money for college. In 1992, we just had a roadmap. Today, we have results. Even more important, America again has the confidence to dream big dreams. But we must not let this confidence drift into complacency. For we, all of us, will be judged by the dreams and deeds we pass on to our children. And on that score, we will be held to a high standard, indeed, because our chance to do good is so great. My fellow Americans, we have crossed the bridge we built to the 21st century. Now, we must shape a 21st century American revolution of opportunity, responsibility, and community. We must be now, as we were in the beginning, a new nation. At the dawn of the last century, Theodore Roosevelt said, 'The one characteristic more essential than any other is foresight . . . it should be the growing Nation with a future that takes the long look ahead.' So tonight let us take our long look ahead and set great goals for our Nation. To 21st century America, let us pledge these things: Every child will begin school ready to learn and graduate ready to succeed. Every family will be able to succeed at home and at work, and no child will be raised in poverty. We will meet the challenge of the aging of America. We will assure quality, affordable health care, at last, for all Americans. We will make America the safest big country on Earth. We will pay off our national debt for the first time since 1835.* We will bring prosperity to every American community. We will reverse the course of climate change and leave a safer, cleaner planet. America will lead the world toward shared peace and prosperity and the far frontiers of science and technology. And we will become at last what our Founders pledged us to be so long ago: One Nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. These are great goals, worthy of a great nation. We will not reach them all this year, not even in this decade. But we will reach them. Let us remember that the first American Revolution was not won with a single shot; the continent was not settled in a single year. The lesson of our history and the lesson of the last 7 years is that great goals are reached step by step, always building on our progress, always gaining ground. Of course, you can't gain ground if you're standing still. And for too long this Congress has been standing still on some of our most pressing national priorities. So let's begin tonight with them. Again, I ask you to pass a real Patients' Bill of Rights. I ask you to pass commonsense gun safety legislation. I ask you to pass campaign finance reform. I ask you to vote up or down on judicial nominations and other important appointees. And again, I ask youóI implore you to raise the minimum wage. Now, 2 years agoólet me try to balance the seesaw hereó[laughter]ó2 years ago, as we reached across party lines to reach our first balanced budget, I asked that we meet our responsibility to the next generation by maintaining our fiscal discipline. Because we refused to stray from that path, we are doing something that would have seemed unimaginable 7 years ago. We are actually paying down the national debt. Now, if we stay on this path, we can pay down the debt entirely in just 13 years now and make America debt-free for the first time since Andrew Jackson was President in 1835. In 1993 we began to put our fiscal house in order with the Deficit Reduction Act, which you'll all remember won passages in both Houses by just a single vote. Your former colleague, my first Secretary of the Treasury, led that effort and sparked our long boom. He's here with us tonight. Lloyd Bentsen, you have served America well, and we thank you. Beyond paying off the debt, we must ensure that the benefits of debt reduction go to preserving two of the most important guarantees we make to every American, Social Security and Medicare. Tonight I ask you to work with me to make a bipartisan downpayment on Social Security reform by crediting the interest savings from debt reduction to the Social Security Trust Fund so that it will be strong and sound for the next 50 years. But this is just the start of our journey. We must also take the right steps toward reaching our great goals. First and foremost, we need a 21st century revolution in education, guided by our faith that every single child can learn. Because education is more important than ever, more than ever the key to our children's future, we must make sure all our children have that key. That means quality preschool and afterschool, the best trained teachers in the classroom, and college opportunities for all our children. For 7 years now, we've worked hard to improve our schools, with opportunity and responsibility, investing more but demanding more in turn. Reading, math, college entrance scores are up. Some of the most impressive gains are in schools in very poor neighborhoods. But all successful schools have followed the same proven formula: higher standards, more accountability, and extra help so children who need it can get it to reach those standards. I have sent Congress a reform plan based on that formula. It holds States and school districts accountable for progress and rewards them for results. Each year, our National Government invests more than $15 billion in our schools. It is time to support what works and stop supporting what doesn't. Now, as we demand more from our schools, we should also invest more in our schools. Let's double our investment to help States and districts turn around their worst performing schools or shut them down. Let's double our investments in after-school and summer school programs, which boost achievement and keep people off the streets and out of trouble. If we do this, we can give every single child in every failing school in Americaóeveryoneóthe chance to meet high standards. Since 1993, we've nearly doubled our investment in Head Start and improved its quality. Tonight I ask you for another $1 billion for Head Start, the largest increase in the history of the program. We know that children learn best in smaller classes with good teachers. For 2 years in a row, Congress has supported my plan to hire 100,000 new qualified teachers to lower class size in the early grades. I thank you for that, and I ask you to make it 3 in a row. And to make sure all teachers know the subjects they teach, tonight I propose a new teacher quality initiative, to recruit more talented people into the classroom, reward good teachers for staying there, and give all teachers the training they need. We know charter schools provide real public school choice. When I became President, there was just one independent public charter school in all America. Today, thanks to you, there are 1,700. I ask you now to help us meet our goal of 3,000 charter schools by next year. We know we must connect all our classrooms to the Internet, and we're getting there. In 1994, only 3 percent of our classrooms were connected. Today, with the help of the Vice President's E-rate program, more than half of them are, and 90 percent of our schools have at least one Internet connection. But we cannot finish the job when a third of all our schools are in serious disrepair. Many of them have walls and wires so old, they're too old for the Internet. So tonight I propose to help 5,000 schools a year make immediate and urgent repairs and, again, to help build or modernize 6,000 more, to get students out of trailers and into high-tech classrooms. I ask all of you to help me double our bipartisan GEAR UP program, which provides mentors for disadvantaged young people. If we double it, we can provide mentors for 1.4 million of them. Let's also offer these kids from disadvantaged backgrounds the same chance to take the same college test-prep courses wealthier students use to boost their test scores. To make the American dream achievable for all, we must make college affordable for all. For 7 years, on a bipartisan basis, we have taken action toward that goal: larger Pell grants, more affordable student loans, education IRA's, and our HOPE scholarships, which have already benefited 5 million young people. Now, 67 percent of high school graduates are going on to college. That's up 10 percent since 1993. Yet millions of families still strain to pay college tuition. They need help. So I propose a landmark $30 billion college opportunity tax cut, a middle class tax deduction for up to $10,000 in college tuition costs. The previous actions of this Congress have already made 2 years of college affordable for all. It's time make 4 years of college affordable for all. If we take all these steps, we'll move a long way toward making sure every child starts school ready to learn and graduates ready to succeed. We also need a 21st century revolution to reward work and strengthen families by giving every parent the tools to succeed at work and at the most important work of all, raising children. That means making sure every family has health care and the support to care for aging parents, the tools to bring their children up right, and that no child grows up in poverty. From my first days as President, we've worked to give families better access to better health care. In 1997, we passed the Children's Health Insurance ProgramóCHIPóso that workers who don't have coverage through their employers at least can get it for their children. So far, we've enrolled 2 million children. We're well on our way to our goal of 5 million. But there are still more than 40 million of our fellow Americans without health insurance, more than there were in 1993. Tonight I propose that we follow Vice President Gore's suggestion to make low income parents eligible for the insurance that covers their children. Together with our children's initiativeóthink of thisótogether with our children's initiative, this action would enable us to cover nearly a quarter of all the uninsured people in America. Again, I want to ask you to let people between the ages of 55 and 65, the fastest growing group of uninsured, buy into Medicare. And this year I propose to give them a tax credit to make that choice an affordable one. I hope you will support that, as well. When the baby boomers retire, Medicare will be faced with caring for twice as many of our citizens; yet, it is far from ready to do so. My generation must not ask our children's generation to shoulder our burden. We simply must act now to strengthen and modernize Medicare. My budget includes a comprehensive plan to reform Medicare, to make it more efficient and more competitive. And it dedicates nearly $400 billion of our budget surplus to keep Medicare solvent past 2025. And at long last, it also provides funds to give every senior a voluntary choice of affordable coverage for prescription drugs. Lifesaving drugs are an indispensable part of modern medicine. No one creating a Medicare program today would even think of excluding coverage for prescription drugs. Yet more than three in five of our seniors now lack dependable drug coverage which can lengthen and enrich their lives. Millions of older Americans, who need prescription drugs the most, pay the highest prices for them. In good conscience, we cannot let another year pass without extending to all our seniors this lifeline of affordable prescription drugs. Record numbers of Americans are providing for aging or ailing loved ones at home. It's a loving but a difficult and often very expensive choice. Last year, I proposed a $1,000 tax credit for long-term care. Frankly, it wasn't enough. This year, let's triple it to $3,000. But this year, let's pass it. We also have to make needed investments to expand access to mental health care. I want to take a moment to thank the person who led our first White House Conference on Mental Health last year and who for 7 years has led all our efforts to break down the barriers to decent treatment of people with mental illness. Thank you, Tipper Gore. Taken together, these proposals would mark the largest investment in health care in the 35 years since Medicare was createdóthe largest investment in 35 years. That would be a big step toward assuring quality health care for all Americans, young and old. And I ask you to embrace them and pass them. We must also make investments that reward work and support families. Nothing does that better than the earned-income tax credit, the EITC. The 'E' in the EITC is about earning, working, taking responsibility, and being rewarded for it. In my very first address to you, I asked Congress to greatly expand this credit, and you did. As a result, in 1998 alone, the EITC helped more than 4.3 million Americans work their way out of poverty toward the middle class. That's double the number in 1993. Tonight I propose another major expansion of the EITC: to reduce the marriage penalty, to make sure it rewards marriage as it rewards work, and also to expand the tax credit for families that have more than two children. It punishes people with more than two children today. Our proposal would allow families with three or more children to get up to $1,100 more in tax relief. These are working families; their children should not be in poverty. We also can't reward work and family unless men and women get equal pay for equal work. Today the female unemployment rate is the lowest it has been in 46 years. Yet, women still only earn about 75 cents for every dollar men earn. We must do better, by providing the resources to enforce present equal pay laws, training more women for high-paying, high-tech jobs, and passing the 'Paycheck Fairness Act.' Many working parents spend up to a quarteróa quarteróof their income on child care. Last year, we helped parents provide child care for about 2 million children. My child care initiative before you now, along with funds already secured in welfare reform, would make child care better, safer, and more affordable for another 400,000 children. I ask you to pass that. They need it out there. For hard-pressed middle income families, we should also expand the child care tax credit. And I believe strongly we should take the next big step and make that tax credit refundable for low income families. For people making under $30,000 a year, that could mean up to $2,400 for child care costs. You know, we all say we're pro-work and pro-family. Passing this proposal would prove it. Ten of millions of Americans live from paycheck to paycheck. As hard as they work, they still don't have the opportunity to save. Too few can make use of IRA's and 401k plans. We should do more to help all working families save and accumulate wealth. That's the idea behind the Individual Development Accounts, the IDA's. I ask you to take that idea to a new level, with new retirement savings accounts that enable every low and moderate income family in America to save for retirement, a first home, a medical emergency, or a college education. I propose to match their contributions, however small, dollar for dollar, every year they save. And I propose to give a major new tax credit to any small business that will provide a meaningful pension to its workers. Those people ought to have retirement as well as the rest of us. Nearly one in three American children grows up without a father. These children are 5 times more likely to live in poverty than children with both parents at home. Clearly, demanding and supporting responsible fatherhood is critical to lifting all our children out of poverty. We've doubled child support collections since 1992. And I'm proposing to you tough new measures to hold still more fathers responsible. But we should recognize that a lot of fathers want to do right by their children but need help to do it. Carlos Rosas of St. Paul, Minnesota, wanted to do right by his son, and he got the help to do it. Now he's got a good job, and he supports his little boy. My budget will help 40,000 more fathers make the same choices Carlos Rosas did. I thank him for being here tonight. Stand up, Carlos. [Applause] Thank you. If there is any single issue on which we should be able to reach across party lines, it is in our common commitment to reward work and strengthen families. Just remember what we did last year. We came together to help people with disabilities keep their health insurance when they go to work. And I thank you for that. Thanks to overwhelming bipartisan support from this Congress, we have improved foster care. We've helped those young people who leave it when they turn 18, and we have dramatically increased the number of foster care children going into adoptive homes. I thank all of you for all of that. Of course, I am forever grateful to the person who has led our efforts from the beginning and who's worked so tirelessly for children and families for 30 years now, my wife, Hillary, and I thank her. If we take the steps just discussed, we can go a long, long way toward empowering parents to succeed at home and at work and ensuring that no child is raised in poverty. We can make these vital investments in health care, education, support for working families, and still offer tax cuts to help pay for college, for retirement, to care for aging parents, to reduce the marriage penalty. We can do these things without forsaking the path of fiscal discipline that got us to this point here tonight. Indeed, we must make these investments and these tax cuts in the context of a balanced budget that strengthens and extends the life of Social Security and Medicare and pays down the national debt. Crime in America has dropped for the past 7 yearsóthat's the longest decline on recordó thanks to a national consensus we helped to forge on community police, sensible gun safety laws, and effective prevention. But nobody, nobody here, nobody in America believes we're safe enough. So again, I ask you to set a higher goal. Let's make this country the safest big country in the world. Last fall, Congress supported my plan to hire, in addition to the 100,000 community police we've already funded, 50,000 more, concentrated in high-crime neighborhoods. I ask your continued support for that. Soon after the Columbine tragedy, Congress considered commonsense gun legislation, to require Brady background checks at the gun shows, child safety locks for new handguns, and a ban on the importation of large capacity ammunition clips. With courage and a tie-breaking vote by the Vice Presidentó[laughter]óthe Senate faced down the gun lobby, stood up for the American people, and passed this legislation. But the House failed to follow suit. Now, we have all seen what happens when guns fall into the wrong hands. Daniel Mauser was only 15 years old when he was gunned down at Columbine. He was an amazing kid, a straight-A student, a good skier. Like all parents who lose their children, his father, Tom, has borne unimaginable grief. Somehow he has found the strength to honor his son by transforming his grief into action. Earlier this month, he took a leave of absence from his job to fight for tougher gun safety laws. I pray that his courage and wisdom will at long last move this Congress to make commonsense gun legislation the very next order of business. Tom Mauser, stand up. We thank you for being here tonight. Tom. Thank you, Tom. [Applause] We must strengthen our gun laws and enforce those already on the books better. Federal gun crime prosecutions are up 16 percent since I took office. But we must do more. I propose to hire more Federal and local gun prosecutors and more ATF agents to crack down on illegal gun traffickers and bad-apple dealers. And we must give them the enforcement tools that they need, tools to trace every gun and every bullet used in every gun crime in the United States. I ask you to help us do that. Every State in this country already requires hunters and automobile drivers to have a license. I think they ought to do the same thing for handgun purchases. Now, specifically, I propose a plan to ensure that all new handgun buyers must first have a photo license from their State showing they passed the Brady background check and a gun safety course, before they get the gun. I hope you'll help me pass that in this Congress. Listen to thisólisten to this. The accidental gun rateóthe accidental gun death rate of children under 15 in the United States is 9 times higher than in the other 25 industrialized countries combined. Now, technologies now exist that could lead to guns that can only be fired by the adults who own them. I ask Congress to fund research into smart gun technology to save these children's lives. I ask responsible leaders in the gun industry to work with us on smart guns and other steps to keep guns out of the wrong hands, to keep our children safe. You know, every parent I know worries about the impact of violence in the media on their children. I want to begin by thanking the entertainment industry for accepting my challenge to put voluntary ratings on TV programs and video and Internet games. But frankly, the ratings are too numerous, diverse, and confusing to be really useful to parents. So tonight I ask the industry to accept the First Lady's challenge to develop a single voluntary rating system for all children's entertainment that is easier for parents to understand and enforce. The steps I outline will take us well on our way to making America the safest big country in the world. Now, to keep our historic economic expansion going, the subject of a lot of discussion in this community and others, I believe we need a 21st century revolution to open new markets, start new businesses, hire new workers right here in America, in our inner cities, poor rural areas, and Native American reservations. Our Nation's prosperity hasn't yet reached these places. Over the last 6 months, I've traveled to a lot of them, joined by many of you and many far-sighted business people, to shine a spotlight on the enormous potential in communities from Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta, from Watts to the Pine Ridge Reservation. Everywhere I go, I meet talented people eager for opportunity and able to work. Tonight I ask you, let's put them to work. For business, it's the smart thing to do. For America, it's the right thing to do. And let me ask you something: If we don't do this now, when in the wide world will we ever get around to it? So I ask Congress to give businesses the same incentives to invest in America's new markets they now have to invest in markets overseas. Tonight I propose a large new markets tax credit and other incentives to spur $22 billion in private-sector capital to create new businesses and new investments in our inner cities and rural areas. Because empowerment zones have been creating these opportunities for 5 years now, I also ask you to increase incentives to invest in them and to create more of them. And let me say to all of you again what I have tried to say at every turn: This is not a Democratic or a Republican issue. Giving people a chance to live their dreams is an American issue. Mr. Speaker, it was a powerful moment last November when you joined Reverend Jesse Jackson and me in your home State of Illinois and committed to working toward our common goal by combining the best ideas from both sides of the aisle. I want to thank you again and to tell you, Mr. Speaker, I look forward to working with you. This is a worthy joint endeavor. Thank you. I also ask you to make special efforts to address the areas of our Nation with the highest rates of poverty, our Native American reservations and the Mississippi Delta. My budget includes a $110 million initiative to promote economic development in the Delta and a billion dollars to increase economic opportunity, health care, education, and law enforcement for our Native American communities. We should begin this new century by honoring our historic responsibility to empower the first Americans. And I want to thank tonight the leaders and the members from both parties who've expressed to me an interest in working with us on these efforts. They are profoundly important. There's another part of our American community in trouble tonight, our family farmers. When I signed the farm bill in 1996, I said there was great danger it would work well in good times but not in bad. Well, droughts, floods, and historically low prices have made these times very bad for the farmers. We must work together to strengthen the farm safety net, invest in land conservation, and create some new markets for them by expanding our programs for bio-based fuels and products. Please, they need help. Let's do it together. Opportunity for all requires something else today, having access to a computer and knowing how to use it. That means we must close the digital divide between those who've got the tools and those who don't. Connecting classrooms and libraries to the Internet is crucial, but it's just a start. My budget ensures that all new teachers are trained to teach 21st century skills, and it creates technology centers in 1,000 communities to serve adults. This spring, I'll invite high-tech leaders to join me on another new markets tour, to close the digital divide and open opportunity for our people. I want to thank the high-tech companies that already are doing so much in this area. I hope the new tax incentives I have proposed will get all the rest of them to join us. This is a national crusade. We have got to do this and do it quickly. Now, again I say to you, these are steps, but step by step, we can go a long way toward our goal of bringing opportunity to every community. To realize the full possibilities of this economy, we must reach beyond our own borders to shape the revolution that is tearing down barriers and building new networks among nations and individuals and economies and cultures: globalization. It's the central reality of our time. Of course, change this profound is both liberating and threatening to people. But there's no turning back. And our open, creative society stands to benefit more than any other if we understand and act on the realities of interdependence. We have to be at the center of every vital global network, as a good neighbor and a good partner. We have to recognize that we cannot build our future without helping others to build theirs. The first thing we have got to do is to forge a new consensus on trade. Now, those of us who believe passionately in the power of open trade, we have to ensure that it lifts both our living standards and our values, never tolerating abusive child labor or a race to the bottom in the environment and worker protection. But others must recognize that open markets and rule-based trade are the best engines we know of for raising living standards, reducing global poverty and environmental destruction, and assuring the free flow of ideas. I believe, as strongly tonight as I did the first day I got here, the only direction forward for America on tradeóthe only direction for America on trade is to keep going forward. I ask you to help me forge that consensus. We have to make developing economies our partners in prosperity. That's why I would like to ask you again to finalize our groundbreaking African and Caribbean Basin trade initiatives. But globalization is about more than economics. Our purpose must be to bring together the world around freedom and democracy and peace and to oppose those who would tear it apart. Here are the fundamental challenges I believe America must meet to shape the 21st century world. First, we must continue to encourage our former adversaries, Russia and China, to emerge as stable, prosperous, democratic nations. Both are being held back today from reaching their full potential: Russia by the legacy of communism, an economy in turmoil, a cruel and self-defeating war in Chechnya; China by the illusion that it can buy stability at the expense of freedom. But think how much has changed in the past decade: 5,000 former Soviet nuclear weapons taken out of commission; Russian soldiers actually serving with ours in the Balkans; Russian people electing their leaders for the first time in 1,000 years; and in China, an economy more open to the world than ever before. Of course, no one, not a single person in this Chamber tonight can know for sure what direction these great nations will take. But we do know for sure that we can choose what we do. And we should do everything in our power to increase the chance that they will choose wisely, to be constructive members of our global community. That's why we should support those Russians who are struggling for a democratic, prosperous future; continue to reduce both our nuclear arsenals; and help Russia to safeguard weapons and materials that remain. And that's why I believe Congress should support the agreement we negotiated to bring China into the WTO, by passing permanent normal trade relations with China as soon as possible this year. I think you ought to do it for two reasons: First of all, our markets are already open to China; this agreement will open China's markets to us. And second, it will plainly advance the cause of peace in Asia and promote the cause of change in China. No, we don't know where it's going. All we can do is decide what we're going to do. But when all is said and done, we need to know we did everything we possibly could to maximize the chance that China will choose the right future. A second challenge we've got is to protect our own security from conflicts that pose the risk of wider war and threaten our common humanity. We can't prevent every conflict or stop every outrage. But where our interests are at stake and we can make a difference, we should be, and we must be, peacemakers. We should be proud of our role in bringing the Middle East closer to a lasting peace, building peace in Northern Ireland, working for peace in East Timor and Africa, promoting reconciliation between Greece and Turkey and in Cyprus, working to defuse these crises between India and Pakistan, in defending human rights and religious freedom. And we should be proud of the men and women of our Armed Forces and those of our allies who stopped the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, enabling a million people to return to their homes. When Slobodan Milosevic unleashed his terror on Kosovo, Captain John Cherrey was one of the brave airmen who turned the tide. And when another American plane was shot down over Serbia, he flew into the teeth of enemy air defenses to bring his fellow pilot home. Thanks to our Armed Forces' skill and bravery, we prevailed in Kosovo without losing a single American in combat. I want to introduce Captain Cherrey to you. We honor Captain Cherrey, and we promise you, Captain, we'll finish the job you began. Stand up so we can see you. [Applause] A third challenge we have is to keep this inexorable march of technology from giving terrorists and potentially hostile nations the means to undermine our defenses. Keep in mind, the same technological advances that have shrunk cell phones to fit in the palms of our hands can also make weapons of terror easier to conceal and easier to use. We must meet this threat by making effective agreements to restrain nuclear and missile programs in North Korea, curbing the flow of lethal technology to Iran, preventing Iraq from threatening its neighbors, increasing our preparedness against chemical and biological attack, protecting our vital computer systems from hackers and criminals, and developing a system to defend against new missile threats, while working to preserve our ABM missile treaty with Russia. We must do all these things. I predict to you, when most of us are long gone but some time in the next 10 to 20 years, the major security threat this country will face will come from the enemies of the nation-state, the narcotraffickers and the terrorists and the organized criminals who will be organized together, working together, with increasing access to ever more sophisticated chemical and biological weapons. And I want to thank the Pentagon and others for doing what they're doing right now to try to help protect us and plan for that, so that our defenses will be strong. I ask for your support to ensure they can succeed. I also want to ask you for a constructive bipartisan dialog this year to work to build a consensus which I hope will eventually lead to the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. I hope we can also have a constructive effort to meet the challenge that is presented to our planet by the huge gulf between rich and poor. We cannot accept a world in which part of humanity lives on the cutting edge of a new economy and the rest live on the bare edge of survival. I think we have to do our part to change that with expanded trade, expanded aid, and the expansion of freedom. This is interesting: From Nigeria to Indonesia, more people got the right to choose their leaders in 1999 than in 1989, when the Berlin Wall fell. We've got to stand by these democracies, including and especially tonight Colombia, which is fighting narcotraffickers, for its own people's lives and our children's lives. I have proposed a strong 2-year package to help Colombia win this fight. I want to thank the leaders in both parties in both Houses for listening to me and the President of Colombia about it. We have got to pass this. I want to ask your help. A lot is riding on it. And it's so important for the long-term stability of our country and for what happens in Latin America. I also want you to know I'm going to send you new legislation to go after what these drug barons value the most, their money. And I hope you'll pass that as well. In a world where over a billion people live on less than a dollar a day, we also have got to do our part in the global endeavor to reduce the debts of the poorest countries, so they can invest in education, health care, and economic growth. That's what the Pope and other religious leaders have urged us to do. And last year, Congress made a downpayment on America's share. I ask you to continue that. I thank you for what you did and ask you to stay the course. I also want to say that America must help more nations to break the bonds of disease. Last year in Africa, 10 times as many people died from AIDS as were killed in warsó10 times. The budget I give you invests $150 million more in the fight against this and other infectious killers. And today I propose a tax credit to speed the development of vaccines for diseases like malaria, TB, and AIDS. I ask the private sector and our partners around the world to join us in embracing this cause. We can save millions of lives together, and we ought to do it. I also want to mention our final challenge, which, as always, is the most important. I ask you to pass a national security budget that keeps our military the best trained and best equipped in the world, with heightened readiness and 21st century weapons, which raises salaries for our service men and women, which protects our veterans, which fully funds the diplomacy that keeps our soldiers out of war, which makes good on our commitment to our U.N. dues and arrears. I ask you to pass this budget. I also want to say something, if I might, very personal tonight. The American people watching us at home, with the help of all the commentators, can tell, from who stands and who sits and who claps and who doesn't, that there's still modest differences of opinion in this room. [Laughter] But I want to thank you for something, every one of you. I want to thank you for the extraordinary support you have given, Republicans and Democrats alike, to our men and women in uniform. I thank you for that. I also want to thank, especially, two people. First, I want to thank our Secretary of Defense, Bill Cohen, for symbolizing our bipartisan commitment to national security. Thank you, sir. Even more, I want to thank his wife, Janet, who, more than any other American citizen, has tirelessly traveled this world to show the support we all feel for our troops. Thank you, Janet Cohen. I appreciate that. Thank you. These are the challenges we have to meet so that we can lead the world toward peace and freedom in an era of globalization. I want to tell you that I am very grateful for many things as President. But one of the things I'm grateful for is the opportunity that the Vice President and I have had to finally put to rest the bogus idea that you cannot grow the economy and protect the environment at the same time. As our economy has grown, we've rid more than 500 neighborhoods of toxic waste, ensured cleaner air and water for millions of people. In the past 3 months alone, we've helped preserve 40 million acres of roadless lands in the national forests, created three new national monuments. But as our communities grow, our commitment to conservation must continue to grow. Tonight I propose creating a permanent conservation fund, to restore wildlife, protect coastlines, save natural treasures, from the California redwoods to the Florida Everglades. This lands legacy endowment would represent by far the most enduring investment in land preservation ever proposed in this House. I hope we can get together with all the people with different ideas and do this. This is a gift we should give to our children and our grandchildren for all time, across party lines. We can make an agreement to do this. Last year the Vice President launched a new effort to make communities more liberalólivableó[laughter]óliberal, I know. [Laughter] Wait a minute, I've got a punchline now. That's this year's agenda; last year was livable, right? [Laughter] That's what Senator Lott is going to say in the commentary afterwardsó[laughter]óto make our communities more livable. This is big business. This is a big issue. What does that mean? You ask anybody that lives in an unlivable community, and they'll tell you. They want their kids to grow up next to parks, not parking lots; the parents don't have to spend all their time stalled in traffic when they could be home with their children. Tonight I ask you to support new funding for the following things, to make American communities more liberalólivable. [Laughter] I've done pretty well with this speech, but I can't say that. One, I want you to help us to do three things. We need more funding for advanced transit systems. We need more funding for saving open spaces in places of heavy development. And we need more fundingóthis ought to have bipartisan appealówe need more funding for helping major cities around the Great Lakes protect their waterways and enhance their quality of life. We need these things, and I want you to help us. The greatest environmental challenge of the new century is global warming. The scientists tell us the 1990's were the hottest decade of the entire millennium. If we fail to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases, deadly heat waves and droughts will become more frequent, coastal areas will flood, and economies will be disrupted. That is going to happen, unless we act. Many people in the United States, some people in this Chamber, and lots of folks around the world still believe you cannot cut greenhouse gas emissions without slowing economic growth. In the industrial age, that may well have been true. But in this digital economy, it is not true anymore. New technologies make it possible to cut harmful emissions and provide even more growth. For example, just last week, automakers unveiled cars that get 70 to 80 miles a gallon, the fruits of a unique research partnership between Government and industry. And before you know it, efficient production of bio-fuels will give us the equivalent of hundreds of miles from a gallon of gasoline. To speed innovation in these kind of technologies, I think we should give a major tax incentive to business for the production of clean energy and to families for buying energy-saving homes and appliances and the next generation of superefficient cars when they hit the showroom floor. I also ask the auto industry to use the available technologies to make all new cars more fuel-efficient right away. And I ask this Congress to do something else. Please help us make more of our clean energy technology available to the developing world. That will create cleaner growth abroad and a lot more new jobs here in the United States of America. In the new century, innovations in science and technology will be key not only to the health of the environment but to miraculous improvements in the quality of our lives and advances in the economy. Later this year, researchers will complete the first draft of the entire human genome, the very blueprint of life. It is important for all our fellow Americans to recognize that Federal tax dollars have funded much of this research and that this and other wise investments in science are leading to a revolution in our ability to detect, treat, and prevent disease. For example, researchers have identified genes that cause Parkinson's, diabetes, and certain kinds of cancer. They are designing precision therapies that will block the harmful effect of these genes for good. Researchers already are using this new technique to target and destroy cells that cause breast cancer. Soon, we may be able to use it to prevent the onset of Alzheimer's. Scientists are also working on an artificial retina to help many blind people to see andólisten to thisómicrochips that would actually directly stimulate damaged spinal cords in a way that could allow people now paralyzed to stand up and walk. These kinds of innovations are also propelling our remarkable prosperity. Information technology only includes 8 percent of our employment but now accounts for a third of our economic growth along with jobs that pay, by the way, about 80 percent above the private sector average. Again, we ought to keep in mind, Government-funded research brought supercomputers, the Internet, and communications satellites into being. Soon researchers will bring us devices that can translate foreign languages as fast as you can talk, materials 10 times stronger than steel at a fraction of the weight, andó this is unbelievable to meómolecular computers the size of a teardrop with the power of today's fastest supercomputers. To accelerate the march of discovery across all these disciplines in science and technology, I ask you to support my recommendation of an unprecedented $3 billion in the 21st century research fund, the largest increase in civilian research in a generation. We owe it to our future. Now, these new breakthroughs have to be used in ways that reflect our values. First and foremost, we have to safeguard our citizens' privacy. Last year we proposed to protect every citizen's medical record. This year we will finalize those rules. We've also taken the first steps to protect the privacy of bank and credit card records and other financial statements. Soon I will send legislation to you to finish that job. We must also act to prevent any genetic discrimination whatever by employers or insurers. I hope you will support that. These steps will allow us to lead toward the far frontiers of science and technology. They will enhance our health, the environment, the economy in ways we can't even imagine today. But we all know that at a time when science, technology, and the forces of globalization are bringing so many changes into all our lives, it's more important than ever that we strengthen the bonds that root us in our local communities and in our national community. No tie binds different people together like citizen service. There's a new spirit of service in America, a movement we've tried to support with AmeriCorps, expanded Peace Corps, unprecedented new partnerships with businesses, foundations, community groups; partnerships, for example, like the one that enlisted 12,000 companies which have now moved 650,000 of our fellow citizens from welfare to work; partnerships to battle drug abuse, AIDS, teach young people to read, save America's treasures, strengthen the arts, fight teen pregnancy, prevent violence among young people, promote racial healing. The American people are working together. But we should do more to help Americans help each other. First, we should help faithbased organizations to do more to fight poverty and drug abuse and help people get back on the right track, with initiatives like Second Chance Homes that do so much to help unwed teen mothers. Second, we should support Americans who tithe and contribute to charities but don't earn enough to claim a tax deduction for it. Tonight I propose new tax incentives that would allow low and middle income citizens who don't itemize to get that deduction. It's nothing but fair, and it will get more people to give. We should do more to help new immigrants to fully participate in our community. That's why I recommend spending more to teach them civics and English. And since everybody in our community counts, we've got to make sure everyone is counted in this year's census. Within 10 yearsójust 10 yearsóthere will be no majority race in our largest State of California. In a little more than 50 years, there will be no majority race in America. In a more interconnected world, this diversity can be our greatest strength. Just look around this Chamber. Look around. We have Members in this Congress from virtually every racial, ethnic, and religious background. And I think you would agree that America is stronger because of it. [Applause] You also have to agree that all those differences you just clapped for all too often spark hatred and division even here at home. Just in the last couple of years, we've seen a man dragged to death in Texas just because he was black. We saw a young man murdered in Wyoming just because he was gay. Last year we saw the shootings of African-Americans, Asian-Americans, and Jewish children just because of who they were. This is not the American way, and we must draw the line. I ask you to draw that line by passing without delay the 'Hate Crimes Prevention Act' and the 'Employment Non-Discrimination Act.' And I ask you to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act. Finally tonight, I propose the largest ever investment in our civil rights laws for enforcement, because no American should be subjected to discrimination in finding a home, getting a job, going to school, or securing a loan. Protections in law should be protections in fact. Last February, because I thought this was so important, I created the White House Office of One America to promote racial reconciliation. That's what one of my personal heroes, Hank Aaron, has done all his life. From his days as our all-time home run king to his recent acts of healing, he has always brought people together. We should follow his example, and we're honored to have him with us tonight. Stand up, Hank Aaron. [Applause] I just want to say one more thing about this, and I want every one of you to think about this the next time you get mad at one of your colleagues on the other side of the aisle. This fall, at the White House, Hillary had one of her millennium dinners, and we had this very distinguished scientist there, who is an expert in this whole work in the human genome. And he said that we are all, regardless of race, genetically 99.9 percent the same. Now, you may find that uncomfortable when you look around here. [Laughter] But it is worth remembering. We can laugh about this, but you think about it. Modern science has confirmed what ancient faiths have always taught: the most important fact of life is our common humanity. Therefore, we should do more than just tolerate our diversity; we should honor it and celebrate it. My fellow Americans, every time I prepare for the State of the Union, I approach it with hope and expectation and excitement for our Nation. But tonight is very special, because we stand on the mountaintop of a new millennium. Behind us we can look back and see the great expanse of American achievement, and before us we can see even greater, grander frontiers of possibility. We should, all of us, be filled with gratitude and humility for our present progress and prosperity. We should be filled with awe and joy at what lies over the horizon. And we should be filled with absolute determination to make the most of it. You know, when the Framers finished crafting our Constitution in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin stood in Independence Hall, and he reflected on the carving of the Sun that was on the back of a chair he saw. The Sun was low on the horizon. So he said thisóhe said, 'I've often wondered whether that Sun was rising or setting. Today,' Franklin said, 'I have the happiness to know it's a rising Sun.' Today, because each succeeding generation of Americans has kept the fire of freedom burning brightly, lighting those frontiers of possibility, we all still bask in the glow and the warmth of Mr. Franklin's rising Sun. After 224 years, the American revolution continues. We remain a new nation. And as long as our dreams outweigh our memories, America will be forever young. That is our destiny. And this is our moment. Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America. Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, fellow citizens: As we gather tonight, our Nation is at war; our economy is in recession; and the civilized world faces unprecedented dangers. Yet, the state of our Union has never been stronger. We last met in an hour of shock and suffering. In 4 short months, our Nation has comforted the victims, begun to rebuild New York and the Pentagon, rallied a great coalition, captured, arrested, and rid the world of thousands of terrorists, destroyed Afghanistan's terrorist training camps, saved a people from starvation, and freed a country from brutal oppression. The American flag flies again over our Embassy in Kabul. Terrorists who once occupied Afghanistan now occupy cells at Guantanamo Bay. And terrorist leaders who urged followers to sacrifice their lives are running for their own. America and Afghanistan are now allies against terror. We'll be partners in rebuilding that country. And this evening we welcomed the distinguished interim leader of a liberated Afghanistan, Chairman Hamid Karzai. The last time we met in this Chamber, the mothers and daughters of Afghanistan were captives in their own homes, forbidden from working or going to school. Today, women are free and are part of Afghanistan's new Government. And we welcome the new Minister of Women's Affairs, Dr. Sima Samar. Our progress is a tribute to the spirit of the Afghan people, to the resolve of our coalition, and to the might of the United States military. When I called our troops into action, I did so with complete confidence in their courage and skill. And tonight, thanks to them, we are winning the war on terror. The men and women of our Armed Forces have delivered a message now clear to every enemy of the United States: Even 7,000 miles away, across oceans and continents, on mountaintops and in caves, you will not escape the justice of this Nation. For many Americans, these 4 months have brought sorrow and pain that will never completely go away. Every day a retired firefighter returns to Ground Zero to feel closer to his two sons who died there. At a memorial in New York, a little boy left his football with a note for his lost father: 'Dear Daddy, please take this to heaven. I don't want to play football until I can play with you again some day.' Last month, at the grave of her husband, Micheal, a CIA officer and marine who died in Mazar-e-Sharif, Shannon Spann said these words of farewell, 'Semper Fi, my love.' Shannon is with us tonight. Shannon, I assure you and all who have lost a loved one that our cause is just, and our country will never forget the debt we owe Micheal and all who gave their lives for freedom. Our cause is just, and it continues. Our discoveries in Afghanistan confirmed our worst fears and showed us the true scope of the task ahead. We have seen the depth of our enemies' hatred in videos where they laugh about the loss of innocent life. And the depth of their hatred is equaled by the madness of the destruction they design. We have found diagrams of American nuclear powerplants and public water facilities, detailed instructions for making chemical weapons, surveillance maps of American cities, and thorough descriptions of landmarks in America and throughout the world. What we have found in Afghanistan confirms that, far from ending there, our war against terror is only beginning. Most of the 19 men who hijacked planes on September the 11th were trained in Afghanistan's camps, and so were tens of thousands of others. Thousands of dangerous killers, schooled in the methods of murder, often supported by outlaw regimes, are now spread throughout the world like ticking timebombs, set to go off without warning. Thanks to the work of our law enforcement officials and coalition partners, hundreds of terrorists have been arrested. Yet, tens of thousands of trained terrorists are still at large. These enemies view the entire world as a battlefield, and we must pursue them wherever they are. So long as training camps operate, so long as nations harbor terrorists, freedom is at risk. And America and our allies must not and will not allow it. Our Nation will continue to be steadfast and patient and persistent in the pursuit of two great objectives. First, we will shut down terrorist camps, disrupt terrorist plans, and bring terrorists to justice. And second, we must prevent the terrorists and regimes who seek chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons from threatening the United States and the world. Our military has put the terror training camps of Afghanistan out of business, yet camps still exist in at least a dozen countries. A terrorist underworld, including groups like Hamas, Hizballah, Islamic Jihad, Jaish-e-Mohammed, operates in remote jungles and deserts and hides in the centers of large cities. While the most visible military action is in Afghanistan, America is acting elsewhere. We now have troops in the Philippines, helping to train that country's armed forces to go after terrorist cells that have executed an American and still hold hostages. Our soldiers, working with the Bosnian Government, seized terrorists who were plotting to bomb our Embassy. Our Navy is patrolling the coast of Africa to block the shipment of weapons and the establishment of terrorist camps in Somalia. My hope is that all nations will heed our call and eliminate the terrorist parasites who threaten their countries and our own. Many nations are acting forcefully. Pakistan is now cracking down on terror, and I admire the strong leadership of President Musharraf. But some governments will be timid in the face of terror. And make no mistake about it: If they do not act, America will. Our second goal is to prevent regimes that sponsor terror from threatening America or our friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction. Some of these regimes have been pretty quiet since September the 11th, but we know their true nature. North Korea is a regime arming with missiles and weapons of mass destruction, while starving its citizens. Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror, while an unelected few repress the Iranian people's hope for freedom. Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support terror. The Iraqi regime has plotted to develop anthrax and nerve gas and nuclear weapons for over a decade. This is a regime that has already used poison gas to murder thousands of its own citizens, leaving the bodies of mothers huddled over their dead children. This is a regime that agreed to international inspections, then kicked out the inspectors. This is a regime that has something to hide from the civilized world. States like these and their terrorist allies constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world. By seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to terrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred. They could attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United States. In any of these cases, the price of indifference would be catastrophic. We will work closely with our coalition to deny terrorists and their state sponsors the materials, technology, and expertise to make and deliver weapons of mass destruction. We will develop and deploy effective missile defenses to protect America and our allies from sudden attack. And all nations should know: America will do what is necessary to ensure our Nation's security. We'll be deliberate; yet, time is not on our side. I will not wait on events while dangers gather. I will not stand by as peril draws closer and closer. The United States of America will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructive weapons. Our war on terror is well begun, but it is only begun. This campaign may not be finished on our watch; yet, it must be and it will be waged on our watch. We can't stop short. If we stop now, leaving terror camps intact and terrorist states unchecked, our sense of security would be false and temporary. History has called America and our allies to action, and it is both our responsibility and our privilege to fight freedom's fight. Our first priority must always be the security of our Nation, and that will be reflected in the budget I send to Congress. My budget supports three great goals for America: We will win this war; we will protect our homeland; and we will revive our economy. September the 11th brought out the best in America and the best in this Congress. And I join the American people in applauding your unity and resolve. Now Americans deserve to have this same spirit directed toward addressing problems here at home. I'm a proud member of my party. Yet as we act to win the war, protect our people, and create jobs in America, we must act, first and foremost, not as Republicans, not as Democrats but as Americans. It costs a lot to fight this war. We have spent more than a billion dollars a month, over $30 million a day, and we must be prepared for future operations. Afghanistan proved that expensive precision weapons defeat the enemy and spare innocent lives, and we need more of them. We need to replace aging aircraft and make our military more agile to put our troops anywhere in the world quickly and safely. Our men and women in uniform deserve the best weapons, the best equipment, the best training, and they also deserve another pay raise. My budget includes the largest increase in defense spending in two decades, because while the price of freedom and security is high, it is never too high. Whatever it costs to defend our country, we will pay. The next priority of my budget is to do everything possible to protect our citizens and strengthen our Nation against the ongoing threat of another attack. Time and distance from the events of September the 11th will not make us safer unless we act on its lessons. America is no longer protected by vast oceans. We are protected from attack only by vigorous action abroad and increased vigilance at home. My budget nearly doubles funding for a sustained strategy of homeland security, focused on four key areas: bioterrorism, emergency response, airport and border security, and improved intelligence. We will develop vaccines to fight anthrax and other deadly diseases. We'll increase funding to help States and communities train and equip our heroic police and firefighters. We will improve intelligence collection and sharing, expand patrols at our borders, strengthen the security of air travel, and use technology to track the arrivals and departures of visitors to the United States. Homeland security will make America not only stronger but, in many ways, better. Knowledge gained from bioterrorism research will improve public health. Stronger police and fire departments will mean safer neighborhoods. Stricter border enforcement will help combat illegal drugs. And as government works to better secure our homeland, America will continue to depend on the eyes and ears of alert citizens. A few days before Christmas, an airline flight attendant spotted a passenger lighting a match. The crew and passengers quickly subdued the man, who had been trained by Al Qaida and was armed with explosives. The people on that plane were alert and, as a result, likely saved nearly 200 lives. And tonight we welcome and thank flight attendants Hermis Moutardier and Christina Jones. Once we have funded our national security and our homeland security, the final great priority of my budget is economic security for the American people. To achieve these great national objectivesóto win the war, protect the homeland, and revitalize our economyóour budget will run a deficit that will be small and short term, so long as Congress restrains spending and acts in a fiscally responsible manner. We have clear priorities, and we must act at home with the same purpose and resolve we have shown overseas. We'll prevail in the war, and we will defeat this recession. Americans who have lost their jobs need our help, and I support extending unemployment benefits and direct assistance for health care coverage. Yet, American workers want more than unemployment checks; they want a steady paycheck. When America works, America prospers, so my economic security plan can be summed up in one word: jobs. Good jobs begin with good schools, and here we've made a fine start. Republicans and Democrats worked together to achieve historic education reform so that no child is left behind. I was proud to work with members of both parties: Chairman John Boehner and Congressman George Miller; Senator Judd Gregg. And I was so proud of our work, I even had nice things to say about my friend Ted Kennedy. [Laughter] I know the folks at the Crawford coffee shop couldn't believe I'd say such a thingó [laughter]óbut our work on this bill shows what is possible if we set aside posturing and focus on results. There is more to do. We need to prepare our children to read and succeed in school with improved Head Start and early childhood development programs. We must upgrade our teacher colleges and teacher training and launch a major recruiting drive with a great goal for America, a quality teacher in every classroom. Good jobs also depend on reliable and affordable energy. This Congress must act to encourage conservation, promote technology, build infrastructure, and it must act to increase energy production at home so America is less dependent on foreign oil. Good jobs depend on expanded trade. Selling into new markets creates new jobs, so I ask Congress to finally approve trade promotion authority. On these two key issues, trade and energy, the House of Representatives has acted to create jobs, and I urge the Senate to pass this legislation. Good jobs depend on sound tax policy. Last year, some in this Hall thought my tax relief plan was too small; some thought it was too big. But when the checks arrived in the mail, most Americans thought tax relief was just about right. Congress listened to the people and responded by reducing tax rates, doubling the child credit, and ending the death tax. For the sake of long-term growth and to help Americans plan for the future, let's make these tax cuts permanent. The way out of this recession, the way to create jobs, is to grow the economy by encouraging investment in factories and equipment and by speeding up tax relief so people have more money to spend. For the sake of American workers, let's pass a stimulus package. Good jobs must be the aim of welfare reform. As we reauthorize these important reforms, we must always remember the goal is to reduce dependency on government and offer every American the dignity of a job. Americans know economic security can vanish in an instant without health security. I ask Congress to join me this year to enact a patients' bill of rights, to give uninsured workers credits to help buy health coverage, to approve an historic increase in the spending for veterans' health, and to give seniors a sound and modern Medicare system that includes coverage for prescription drugs. A good job should lead to security in retirement. I ask Congress to enact new safeguards for 401(k) and pension plans. Employees who have worked hard and saved all their lives should not have to risk losing everything if their company fails. Through stricter accounting standards and tougher disclosure requirements, corporate America must be made more accountable to employees and shareholders and held to the highest standards of conduct. Retirement security also depends upon keeping the commitments of Social Security, and we will. We must make Social Security financially stable and allow personal retirement accounts for younger workers who choose them. Members, you and I will work together in the months ahead on other issues: productive farm policy; a cleaner environment; broader homeownership, especially among minorities; and ways to encourage the good work of charities and faith-based groups. I ask you to join me on these important domestic issues in the same spirit of cooperation we've applied to our war against terrorism. During these last few months, I've been humbled and privileged to see the true character of this country in a time of testing. Our enemies believed America was weak and materialistic, that we would splinter in fear and selfishness. They were as wrong as they are evil. The American people have responded magnificently, with courage and compassion, strength and resolve. As I have met the heroes, hugged the families, and looked into the tired faces of rescuers, I have stood in awe of the American people. And I hope you will join meóI hope you will join me in expressing thanks to one American for the strength and calm and comfort she brings to our Nation in crisis, our First Lady, Laura Bush. None of us would ever wish the evil that was done on September the 11th. Yet, after America was attacked, it was as if our entire country looked into a mirror and saw our better selves. We were reminded that we are citizens with obligations to each other, to our country, and to history. We began to think less of the goods we can accumulate and more about the good we can do. For too long our culture has said, 'If it feels good, do it.' Now America is embracing a new ethic and a new creed, 'Let's roll.' In the sacrifice of soldiers, the fierce brotherhood of firefighters, and the bravery and generosity of ordinary citizens, we have glimpsed what a new culture of responsibility could look like. We want to be a nation that serves goals larger than self. We've been offered a unique opportunity, and we must not let this moment pass. My call tonight is for every American to commit at least 2 years, 4,000 hours over the rest of your lifetime, to the service of your neighbors and your Nation. Many are already serving, and I thank you. If you aren't sure how to help, I've got a good place to start. To sustain and extend the best that has emerged in America, I invite you to join the new USA Freedom Corps. The Freedom Corps will focus on three areas of need: responding in case of crisis at home; rebuilding our communities; and extending American compassion throughout the world. One purpose of the USA Freedom Corps will be homeland security. America needs retired doctors and nurses who can be mobilized in major emergencies, volunteers to help police and fire departments, transportation and utility workers well-trained in spotting danger. Our country also needs citizens working to rebuild our communities. We need mentors to love children, especially children whose parents are in prison. And we need more talented teachers in troubled schools. USA Freedom Corps will expand and improve the good efforts of AmeriCorps and Senior Corps to recruit more than 200,000 new volunteers. And America needs citizens to extend the compassion of our country to every part of the world. So we will renew the promise of the Peace Corps, double its volunteers over the next 5 years, and ask it to join a new effort to encourage development and education and opportunity in the Islamic world. This time of adversity offers a unique moment of opportunity, a moment we must seize to change our culture. Through the gathering momentum of millions of acts of service and decency and kindness, I know we can overcome evil with greater good. And we have a great opportunity during this time of war to lead the world toward the values that will bring lasting peace. All fathers and mothers, in all societies, want their children to be educated and live free from poverty and violence. No people on Earth yearn to be oppressed or aspire to servitude or eagerly await the midnight knock of the secret police. If anyone doubts this, let them look to Afghanistan, where the Islamic 'street' greeted the fall of tyranny with song and celebration. Let the skeptics look to Islam's own rich history, with its centuries of learning and tolerance and progress. America will lead by defending liberty and justice because they are right and true and unchanging for all people everywhere. No nation owns these aspirations, and no nation is exempt from them. We have no intention of imposing our culture. But America will always stand firm for the nonnegotiable demands of human dignity: the rule of law; limits on the power of the state; respect for women; private property; free speech; equal justice; and religious tolerance. America will take the side of brave men and women who advocate these values around the world, including the Islamic world, because we have a greater objective than eliminating threats and containing resentment. We seek a just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror. In this moment of opportunity, a common danger is erasing old rivalries. America is working with Russia and China and India, in ways we have never before, to achieve peace and prosperity. In every region, free markets and free trade and free societies are proving their power to lift lives. Together with friends and allies from Europe to Asia and Africa to Latin America, we will demonstrate that the forces of terror cannot stop the momentum of freedom. The last time I spoke here, I expressed the hope that life would return to normal. In some ways, it has. In others, it never will. Those of us who have lived through these challenging times have been changed by them. We've come to know truths that we will never question: Evil is real, and it must be opposed. Beyond all differences of race or creed, we are one country, mourning together and facing danger together. Deep in the American character, there is honor, and it is stronger than cynicism. And many have discovered again that even in tragedyóespecially in tragedyó God is near. In a single instant, we realized that this will be a decisive decade in the history of liberty, that we've been called to a unique role in human events. Rarely has the world faced a choice more clear or consequential. Our enemies send other people's children on missions of suicide and murder. They embrace tyranny and death as a cause and a creed. We stand for a different choice, made long ago on the day of our founding. We affirm it again today. We choose freedom and the dignity of every life. Steadfast in our purpose, we now press on. We have known freedom's price. We have shown freedom's power. And in this great conflict, my fellow Americans, we will see freedom's victory. Thank you all. May God bless. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished citizens and fellow citizens: Every year, by law and by custom, we meet here to consider the state of the Union. This year, we gather in this Chamber deeply aware of decisive days that lie ahead. You and I serve our country in a time of great consequence. During this session of Congress, we have the duty to reform domestic programs vital to our country. We have the opportunity to save millions of lives abroad from a terrible disease. We will work for a prosperity that is broadly shared, and we will answer every danger and every enemy that threatens the American people. In all these days of promise and days of reckoning, we can be confident. In a whirlwind of change and hope and peril, our faith is sure; our resolve is firm; and our Union is strong. This country has many challenges. We will not deny, we will not ignore, we will not pass along our problems to other Congresses, to other Presidents, and other generations. We will confront them with focus and clarity and courage. During the last 2 years, we have seen what can be accomplished when we work together. To lift the standards of our public schools, we achieved historic education reform, which must now be carried out in every school and in every classroom so that every child in America can read and learn and succeed in life. To protect our country, we reorganized our Government and created the Department of Homeland Security, which is mobilizing against the threats of a new era. To bring our economy out of recession, we delivered the largest tax relief in a generation. To insist on integrity in American business, we passed tough reforms, and we are holding corporate criminals to account. Some might call this a good record. I call it a good start. Tonight I ask the House and the Senate to join me in the next bold steps to serve our fellow citizens. Our first goal is clear: We must have an economy that grows fast enough to employ every man and woman who seeks a job. After recession, terrorist attacks, corporate scandals, and stock market declines, our economy is recovering. Yet, it's not growing fast enough or strongly enough. With unemployment rising, our Nation needs more small businesses to open, more companies to invest and expand, more employers to put up the sign that says 'Help Wanted.' Jobs are created when the economy grows. The economy grows when Americans have more money to spend and invest, and the best and fairest way to make sure Americans have that money is not to tax it away in the first place. I am proposing that all the income-tax reductions set for 2004 and 2006 be made permanent and effective this year. And under my plan, as soon as I've signed the bill, this extra money will start showing up in workers' paychecks. Instead of gradually reducing the marriage penalty, we should do it now. Instead of slowly raising the child credit to $1,000, we should send the checks to American families now. The tax relief is for everyone who pays income taxes, and it will help our economy immediately. Ninety-two million Americans will keep, this year, an average of almost $1,100 more of their own money. A family of four with an income of $40,000 would see their Federal income taxes fall from $1,178 to $45 per year. Our plan will improve the bottom line for more than 23 million small businesses. You, the Congress, have already passed all these reductions and promised them for future years. If this tax relief is good for Americans 3 or 5 or 7 years from now, it is even better for Americans today. We should also strengthen the economy by treating investors equally in our tax laws. It's fair to tax a company's profits. It is not fair to again tax the shareholder on the same profits. To boost investor confidence and to help the nearly 10 million seniors who receive dividend income, I ask you to end the unfair double taxation of dividends. Lower taxes and greater investment will help this economy expand. More jobs mean more taxpayers and higher revenues to our Government. The best way to address the deficit and move toward a balanced budget is to encourage economic growth and to show some spending discipline in Washington, DC. We must work together to fund only our most important priorities. I will send you a budget that increases discretionary spending by 4 percent next year, about as much as the average family's income is expected to grow. And that is a good benchmark for us. Federal spending should not rise any faster than the paychecks of American families. A growing economy and a focus on essential priorities will be crucial to the future of Social Security. As we continue to work together to keep Social Security sound and reliable, we must offer younger workers a chance to invest in retirement accounts that they will control and they will own. Our second goal is high quality, affordable health for all Americans. The American system of medicine is a model of skill and innovation, with a pace of discovery that is adding good years to our lives. Yet for many people, medical care costs too much, and many have no health coverage at all. These problems will not be solved with a nationalized health care system that dictates coverage and rations care. Instead, we must work toward a system in which all Americans have a good insurance policy, choose their own doctors, and seniors and low-income Americans receive the help they need. Instead of bureaucrats and trial lawyers and HMOs, we must put doctors and nurses and patients back in charge of American medicine. Health care reform must begin with Medicare. Medicare is the binding commitment of a caring society. We must renew that commitment by giving seniors access to preventive medicine and new drugs that are transforming health care in America. Seniors happy with the current Medicare system should be able to keep their coverage just the way it is. And just like you, the Members of Congress, and your staffs and other Federal employees, all seniors should have the choice of a health care plan that provides prescription drugs. My budget will commit an additional $400 billion over the next decade to reform and strengthen Medicare. Leaders of both political parties have talked for years about strengthening Medicare. I urge the Members of this new Congress to act this year. To improve our health care system, we must address one of the prime causes of higher cost, the constant threat that physicians and hospitals will be unfairly sued. Because of excessive litigation, everybody pays more for health care, and many parts of America are losing fine doctors. No one has ever been healed by a frivolous lawsuit. I urge the Congress to pass medical liability reform. Our third goal is to promote energy independence for our country while dramatically improving the environment. I have sent you a comprehensive energy plan to promote energy efficiency and conservation, to develop cleaner technology, and to produce more energy at home. I have sent you Clear Skies legislation that mandates a 70-percent cut in air pollution from powerplants over the next 15 years. I have sent you a Healthy Forests Initiative, to help prevent the catastrophic fires that devastate communities, kill wildlife, and burn away millions of acres of treasured forests. I urge you to pass these measures, for the good of both our environment and our economy. Even more, I ask you to take a crucial step and protect our environment in ways that generations before us could not have imagined. In this century, the greatest environmental progress will come about not through endless lawsuits or command-and-control regulations but through technology and innovation. Tonight I'm proposing $1.2 billion in research funding so that America can lead the world in developing clean, hydrogen-powered automobiles. A simple chemical reaction between hydrogen and oxygen generates energy which can be used to power a car, producing only water, not exhaust fumes. With a new national commitment, our scientists and engineers will overcome obstacles to taking these cars from laboratory to showroom, so that the first car driven by a child born today could be powered by hydrogen and pollution-free. Join me in this important innovation to make our air significantly cleaner and our country much less dependent on foreign sources of energy. Our fourth goal is to apply the compassion of America to the deepest problems of America. For so many in our country, the homeless and the fatherless, the addicted, the need is great. Yet there's power, wonder-working power, in the goodness and idealism and faith of the American people. Americans are doing the work of compassion every day, visiting prisoners, providing shelter for battered women, bringing companionship to lonely seniors. These good works deserve our praise. They deserve our personal support, and when appropriate, they deserve the assistance of the Federal Government. I urge you to pass both my Faith-Based Initiative and the 'Citizen Service Act,' to encourage acts of compassion that can transform America, one heart and one soul at a time. Last year, I called on my fellow citizens to participate in the USA Freedom Corps, which is enlisting tens of thousands of new volunteers across America. Tonight I ask Congress and the American people to focus the spirit of service and the resources of Government on the needs of some of our most vulnerable citizens, boys and girls trying to grow up without guidance and attention and children who have to go through a prison gate to be hugged by their mom or dad. I propose a $450 million initiative to bring mentors to more than a million disadvantaged junior high students and children of prisoners. Government will support the training and recruiting of mentors. Yet it is the men and women of America who will fill the need. One mentor, one person, can change a life forever, and I urge you to be that one person. Another cause of hopelessness is addiction to drugs. Addiction crowds out friendship, ambition, moral conviction and reduces all the richness of life to a single destructive desire. As a government, we are fighting illegal drugs by cutting off supplies and reducing demand through antidrug education programs. Yet for those already addicted, the fight against drugs is a fight for their own lives. Too many Americans in search of treatment cannot get it. So tonight I propose a new $600 million program to help an additional 300,000 Americans receive treatment over the next 3 years. Our Nation is blessed with recovery programs that do amazing work. One of them is found at the Healing Place Church in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. A man in the program said, 'God does miracles in people's lives, and you never think it could be you.' Tonight let us bring to all Americans who struggle with drug addiction this message of hope: The miracle of recovery is possible, and it could be you. By caring for children who need mentors and for addicted men and women who need treatment, we are building a more welcoming society, a culture that values every life. And in this work, we must not overlook the weakest among us. I ask you to protect infants at the very hour of their birth and end the practice of partial-birth abortion. And because no human life should be started or ended as the object of an experiment, I ask you to set a high standard for humanity and pass a law against all human cloning. The qualities of courage and compassion that we strive for in America also determine our conduct abroad. The American flag stands for more than our power and our interests. Our Founders dedicated this country to the cause of human dignity, the rights of every person, and the possibilities of every life. This conviction leads us into the world to help the afflicted and defend the peace and confound the designs of evil men. In Afghanistan, we helped to liberate an oppressed people. And we will continue helping them secure their country, rebuild their society, and educate all their children, boys and girls. In the Middle East, we will continue to seek peace between a secure Israel and a democratic Palestine. Across the Earth, America is feeding the hungry. More than 60 percent of international food aid comes as a gift from the people of the United States. As our Nation moves troops and builds alliances to make our world safer, we must also remember our calling as a blessed country is to make the world better. Today, on the continent of Africa, nearly 30 million people have the AIDS virus, including 3 million children under the age 15. There are whole countries in Africa where more than one-third of the adult population carries the infection. More than 4 million require immediate drug treatment. Yet across that continent, only 50,000 AIDS victimsóonly 50,000óare receiving the medicine they need. Because the AIDS diagnosis is considered a death sentence, many do not seek treatment. Almost all who do are turned away. A doctor in rural South Africa describes his frustration. He says, 'We have no medicines. Many hospitals tell people, ëYou've got AIDS. We can't help you. Go home and die.'' In an age of miraculous medicines, no person should have to hear those words. AIDS can be prevented. Antiretroviral drugs can extend life for many years. And the cost of those drugs has dropped from $12,000 a year to under $300 a year, which places a tremendous possibility within our grasp. Ladies and gentlemen, seldom has history offered a greater opportunity to do so much for so many. We have confronted and will continue to confront HIV/AIDS in our own country. And to meet a severe and urgent crisis abroad, tonight I propose the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, a work of mercy beyond all current international efforts to help the people of Africa. This comprehensive plan will prevent 7 million new AIDS infections, treat at least 2 million people with life-extending drugs, and provide humane care for millions of people suffering from AIDS and for children orphaned by AIDS. I ask the Congress to commit $15 billion over the next 5 years, including nearly $10 billion in new money, to turn the tide against AIDS in the most afflicted nations of Africa and the Caribbean. This Nation can lead the world in sparing innocent people from a plague of nature. And this Nation is leading the world in confronting and defeating the manmade evil of international terrorism. There are days when our fellow citizens do not hear news about the war on terror. There's never a day when I do not learn of another threat or receive reports of operations in progress or give an order in this global war against a scattered network of killers. The war goes on, and we are winning. To date, we've arrested or otherwise dealt with many key commanders of Al Qaida. They include a man who directed logistics and funding for the September the 11th attacks, the chief of Al Qaida operations in the Persian Gulf who planned the bombings of our embassies in east Africa and the U.S.S. Cole, an Al Qaida operations chief from Southeast Asia, a former director of Al Qaida's training camps in Afghanistan, a key Al Qaida operative in Europe, a major Al Qaida leader in Yemen. All told, more than 3,000 suspected terrorists have been arrested in many countries. Many others have met a different fate. Let's put it this way: They are no longer a problem to the United States and our friends and allies. We are working closely with other nations to prevent further attacks. America and coalition countries have uncovered and stopped terrorist conspiracies targeting the Embassy in Yemen, the American Embassy in Singapore, a Saudi military base, ships in the Straits of Hormuz and the Straits of Gibraltar. We've broken Al Qaida cells in Hamburg, Milan, Madrid, London, Paris, as well as Buffalo, New York. We have the terrorists on the run. We're keeping them on the run. One by one, the terrorists are learning the meaning of American justice. As we fight this war, we will remember where it began: Here, in our own country. This Government is taking unprecedented measures to protect our people and defend our homeland. We've intensified security at the borders and ports of entry, posted more than 50,000 newly trained Federal screeners in airports, begun inoculating troops and first-responders against smallpox, and are deploying the Nation's first early warning network of sensors to detect biological attack. And this year, for the first time, we are beginning to field a defense to protect this Nation against ballistic missiles. I thank the Congress for supporting these measures. I ask you tonight to add to our future security with a major research and production effort to guard our people against bioterrorism, called Project Bio-Shield. The budget I send you will propose almost $6 billion to quickly make available effective vaccines and treatments against agents like anthrax, botulinum toxin, Ebola, and plague. We must assume that our enemies would use these diseases as weapons, and we must act before the dangers are upon us. Since September the 11th, our intelligence and law enforcement agencies have worked more closely than ever to track and disrupt the terrorists. The FBI is improving its ability to analyze intelligence and is transforming itself to meet new threats. Tonight I am instructing the leaders of the FBI, the CIA, the Homeland Security, and the Department of Defense to develop a Terrorist Threat Integration Center, to merge and analyze all threat information in a single location. Our Government must have the very best information possible, and we will use it to make sure the right people are in the right places to protect all our citizens. Our war against terror is a contest of will in which perseverance is power. In the ruins of two towers, at the western wall of the Pentagon, on a field in Pennsylvania, this Nation made a pledge, and we renew that pledge tonight: Whatever the duration of this struggle and whatever the difficulties, we will not permit the triumph of violence in the affairs of men; free people will set the course of history. Today, the gravest danger in the war on terror, the gravest danger facing America and the world, is outlaw regimes that seek and possess nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. These regimes could use such weapons for blackmail, terror, and mass murder. They could also give or sell those weapons to terrorist allies, who would use them without the least hesitation. This threat is new. America's duty is familiar. Throughout the 20th century, small groups of men seized control of great nations, built armies and arsenals, and set out to dominate the weak and intimidate the world. In each case, their ambitions of cruelty and murder had no limit. In each case, the ambitions of Hitlerism, militarism, and communism were defeated by the will of free peoples, by the strength of great alliances, and by the might of the United States of America. Now, in this century, the ideology of power and domination has appeared again and seeks to gain the ultimate weapons of terror. Once again, this Nation and all our friends are all that stand between a world at peace and a world of chaos and constant alarm. Once again, we are called to defend the safety of our people and the hopes of all mankind. And we accept this responsibility. America is making a broad and determined effort to confront these dangers. We have called on the United Nations to fulfill its charter and stand by its demand that Iraq disarm. We're strongly supporting the International Atomic Energy Agency in its mission to track and control nuclear materials around the world. We're working with other governments to secure nuclear materials in the former Soviet Union and to strengthen global treaties banning the production and shipment of missile technologies and weapons of mass destruction. In all these efforts, however, America's purpose is more than to follow a process; it is to achieve a result, the end of terrible threats to the civilized world. All free nations have a stake in preventing sudden and catastrophic attacks. And we're asking them to join us, and many are doing so. Yet the course of this Nation does not depend on the decisions of others. Whatever action is required, whenever action is necessary, I will defend the freedom and security of the American people. Different threats require different strategies. In Iran, we continue to see a Government that represses its people, pursues weapons of mass destruction, and supports terror. We also see Iranian citizens risking intimidation and death as they speak out for liberty and human rights and democracy. Iranians, like all people, have a right to choose their own Government and determine their own destiny, and the United States supports their aspirations to live in freedom. On the Korean Peninsula, an oppressive regime rules a people living in fear and starvation. Throughout the 1990s, the United States relied on a negotiated framework to keep North Korea from gaining nuclear weapons. We now know that that regime was deceiving the world and developing those weapons all along. And today, the North Korean regime is using its nuclear program to incite fear and seek concessions. America and the world will not be blackmailed. America is working with the countries of the region, South Korea, Japan, China, and Russia, to find a peaceful solution and to show the North Korean Government that nuclear weapons will bring only isolation, economic stagnation, and continued hardship. The North Korean regime will find respect in the world and revival for its people only when it turns away from its nuclear ambitions. Our Nation and the world must learn the lessons of the Korean Peninsula and not allow an even greater threat to rise up in Iraq. A brutal dictator, with a history of reckless aggression, with ties to terrorism, with great potential wealth, will not be permitted to dominate a vital region and threaten the United States. Twelve years ago, Saddam Hussein faced the prospect of being the last casualty in a war he had started and lost. To spare himself, he agreed to disarm of all weapons of mass destruction. For the next 12 years, he systematically violated that agreement. He pursued chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, even while inspectors were in his country. Nothing to date has restrained him from his pursuit of these weapons, not economic sanctions, not isolation from the civilized world, not even cruise missile strikes on his military facilities. Almost 3 months ago, the United Nations Security Council gave Saddam Hussein his final chance to disarm. He has shown instead utter contempt for the United Nations and for the opinion of the world. The 108 U.N. inspectors were sent to conductó were not sent to conduct a scavenger hunt for hidden materials across a country the size of California. The job of the inspectors is to verify that Iraq's regime is disarming. It is up to Iraq to show exactly where it is hiding its banned weapons, lay those weapons out for the world to see, and destroy them as directed. Nothing like this has happened. The United Nations concluded in 1999 that Saddam Hussein had biological weapons sufficient to produce over 25,000 liters of anthrax, enough doses to kill several million people. He hasn't accounted for that material. He's given no evidence that he has destroyed it. The United Nations concluded that Saddam Hussein had materials sufficient to produce more than 38,000 liters of botulinum toxin, enough to subject millions of people to death by respiratory failure. He hasn't accounted for that material. He's given no evidence that he has destroyed it. Our intelligence officials estimate that Saddam Hussein had the materials to produce as much as 500 tons of sarin, mustard, and VX nerve agent. In such quantities, these chemical agents could also kill untold thousands. He's not accounted for these materials. He has given no evidence that he has destroyed them. U.S. intelligence indicates that Saddam Hussein had upwards of 30,000 munitions capable of delivering chemical agents. Inspectors recently turned up 16 of them, despite Iraq's recent declaration denying their existence. Saddam Hussein has not accounted for the remaining 29,984 of these prohibited munitions. He's given no evidence that he has destroyed them. From three Iraqi defectors we know that Iraq, in the late 1990s, had several mobile biological weapons labs. These are designed to produce germ warfare agents and can be moved from place to a place to evade inspectors. Saddam Hussein has not disclosed these facilities. He's given no evidence that he has destroyed them. The International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed in the 1990s that Saddam Hussein had an advanced nuclear weapons development program, had a design for a nuclear weapon, and was working on five different methods of enriching uranium for a bomb. The British Government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. Our intelligence sources tell us that he has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear weapons production. Saddam Hussein has not credibly explained these activities. He clearly has much to hide. The dictator of Iraq is not disarming. To the contrary, he is deceiving. From intelligence sources we know, for instance, that thousands of Iraqi security personnel are at work hiding documents and materials from the U.N. inspectors, sanitizing inspection sites, and monitoring the inspectors themselves. Iraqi officials accompany the inspectors in order to intimidate witnesses. Iraq is blocking U-2 surveillance flights requested by the United Nations. Iraqi intelligence officers are posing as the scientists inspectors are supposed to interview. Real scientists have been coached by Iraqi officials on what to say. Intelligence sources indicate that Saddam Hussein has ordered that scientists who cooperate with U.N. inspectors in disarming Iraq will be killed, along with their families. Year after year, Saddam Hussein has gone to elaborate lengths, spent enormous sums, taken great risks to build and keep weapons of mass destruction. But why? The only possible explanation, the only possible use he could have for those weapons, is to dominate, intimidate, or attack. With nuclear arms or a full arsenal of chemical and biological weapons, Saddam Hussein could resume his ambitions of conquest in the Middle East and create deadly havoc in that region. And this Congress and the American people must recognize another threat. Evidence from intelligence sources, secret communications, and statements by people now in custody reveal that Saddam Hussein aids and protects terrorists, including members of Al Qaida. Secretly and without fingerprints, he could provide one of his hidden weapons to terrorists or help them develop their own. Before September the 11th, many in the world believed that Saddam Hussein could be contained. But chemical agents, lethal viruses, and shadowy terrorist networks are not easily contained. Imagine those 19 hijackers with other weapons and other plans, this time armed by Saddam Hussein. It would take one vial, one canister, one crate slipped into this country to bring a day of horror like none we have ever known. We will do everything in our power to make sure that that day never comes. Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in the sanity and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an option. The dictator who is assembling the world's most dangerous weapons has already used them on whole villages, leaving thousands of his own citizens dead, blind, or disfigured. Iraqi refugees tell us how forced confessions are obtained, by torturing children while their parents are made to watch. International human rights groups have cataloged other methods used in the torture chambers of Iraq: electric shock, burning with hot irons, dripping acid on the skin, mutilation with electric drills, cutting out tongues, and rape. If this is not evil, then evil has no meaning. And tonight I have a message for the brave and oppressed people of Iraq: Your enemy is not surrounding your country; your enemy is ruling your country. And the day he and his regime are removed from power will be the day of your liberation. The world has waited 12 years for Iraq to disarm. America will not accept a serious and mounting threat to our country and our friends and our allies. The United States will ask the U.N. Security Council to convene on February the 5th to consider the facts of Iraq's ongoing defiance of the world. Secretary of State Powell will present information and intelligence about Iraqi's legalóIraq's illegal weapons programs, its attempt to hide those weapons from inspectors, and its links to terrorist groups. We will consult. But let there be no misunderstanding: If Saddam Hussein does not fully disarm, for the safety of our people and for the peace of the world, we will lead a coalition to disarm him. Tonight I have a message for the men and women who will keep the peace, members of the American Armed Forces: Many of you are assembling in or near the Middle East, and some crucial hours may lay ahead. In those hours, the success of our cause will depend on you. Your training has prepared you. Your honor will guide you. You believe in America, and America believes in you. Sending Americans into battle is the most profound decision a President can make. The technologies of war have changed; the risks and suffering of war have not. For the brave Americans who bear the risk, no victory is free from sorrow. This Nation fights reluctantly, because we know the cost and we dread the days of mourning that always come. We seek peace. We strive for peace. And sometimes peace must be defended. A future lived at the mercy of terrible threats is no peace at all. If war is forced upon us, we will fight in a just cause and by just means, sparing, in every way we can, the innocent. And if war is forced upon us, we will fight with the full force and might of the United States military, and we will prevail. And as we and our coalition partners are doing in Afghanistan, we will bring to the Iraqi people food and medicines and supplies and freedom. Many challenges, abroad and at home, have arrived in a single season. In 2 years, America has gone from a sense of invulnerability to an awareness of peril, from bitter division in small matters to calm unity in great causes. And we go forward with confidence, because this call of history has come to the right country. Americans are a resolute people who have risen to every test of our time. Adversity has revealed the character of our country, to the world and to ourselves. America is a strong nation and honorable in the use of our strength. We exercise power without conquest, and we sacrifice for the liberty of strangers. Americans are a free people who know that freedom is the right of every person and the future of every nation. The liberty we prize is not America's gift to the world; it is God's gift to humanity. We Americans have faith in ourselves, but not in ourselves alone. We do not knowówe do not claim to know all the ways of providence, yet we can trust in them, placing our confidence in the loving God behind all of life and all of history. May He guide us now. And may God continue to bless the United States of America. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: America this evening is a nation called to great responsibilities, and we are rising to meet them. As we gather tonight, hundreds of thousands of American service men and women are deployed across the world in the war on terror. By bringing hope to the oppressed and delivering justice to the violent, they are making America more secure. Each day, law enforcement personnel and intelligence officers are tracking terrorist threats; analysts are examining airline passenger lists; the men and women of our new Homeland Security Department are patrolling our coasts and borders. And their vigilance is protecting America. Americans are proving once again to be the hardest working people in the world. The American economy is growing stronger. The tax relief you passed is working. Tonight Members of Congress can take pride in the great works of compassion and reform that skeptics had thought impossible. You're raising the standards for our public schools, and you are giving our senior citizens prescription drug coverage under Medicare. We have faced serious challenges together, and now we face a choice: We can go forward with confidence and resolve, or we can turn back to the dangerous illusion that terrorists are not plotting and outlaw regimes are no threat to us. We can press on with economic growth and reforms in education and Medicare, or we can turn back to old policies and old divisions. We've not come all this way, through tragedy and trial and war, only to falter and leave our work unfinished. Americans are rising to the tasks of history, and they expect the same from us. In their efforts, their enterprise, and their character, the American people are showing that the state of our Union is confident and strong. Our greatest responsibility is the active defense of the American people. Twenty-eight months have passed since September the 11th, 2001óover 2 years without an attack on American soil. And it is tempting to believe that the danger is behind us. That hope is understandable, comfortingó and false. The killing has continued in Bali, Jakarta, Casablanca, Riyadh, Mombasa, Jerusalem, Istanbul, and Baghdad. The terrorists continue to plot against America and the civilized world. And by our will and courage, this danger will be defeated. Inside the United States, where the war began, we must continue to give our homeland security and law enforcement personnel every tool they need to defend us. And one of those essential tools is the PATRIOT Act, which allows Federal law enforcement to better share information to track terrorists, to disrupt their cells, and to seize their assets. For years, we have used similar provisions to catch embezzlers and drug traffickers. If these methods are good for hunting criminals, they are even more important for hunting terrorists. Key provisions of the PATRIOT Act are set to expire next year. The terrorist threat will not expire on that schedule. Our law enforcement needs this vital legislation to protect our citizens. You need to renew the PATRIOT Act. America is on the offensive against the terrorists who started this war. Last March, Khalid Sheik Mohammed, a mastermind of September the 11th, awoke to find himself in the custody of U.S. and Pakistani authorities. Last August the 11th brought the capture of the terrorist Hambali, who was a key player in the attack in Indonesia that killed over 200 people. We're tracking Al Qaida around the world, and nearly two-thirds of their known leaders have now been captured or killed. Thousands of very skilled and determined military personnel are on the manhunt, going after the remaining killers who hide in cities and caves, and one by one, we will bring these terrorists to justice. As part of the offensive against terror, we are also confronting the regimes that harbor and support terrorists and could supply them with nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons. The United States and our allies are determined: We refuse to live in the shadow of this ultimate danger. The first to see our determination were the Taliban, who made Afghanistan the primary training base of Al Qaida killers. As of this month, that country has a new constitution guaranteeing free elections and full participation by women. Businesses are opening. Health care centers are being established, and the boys and girls of Afghanistan are back in school. With the help from the new Afghan army, our coalition is leading aggressive raids against the surviving members of the Taliban and Al Qaida. The men and women of Afghanistan are building a nation that is free and proud and fighting terror, and America is honored to be their friend. Since we last met in this Chamber, combat forces of the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Poland, and other countries enforced the demands of the United Nations, ended the rule of Saddam Hussein. And the people of Iraq are free. Having broken the Ba'athist regime, we face a remnant of violent Saddam supporters. Men who ran away from our troops in battle are now dispersed and attack from the shadows. These killers, joined by foreign terrorists, are a serious, continuing danger. Yet we're making progress against them. The once all-powerful ruler of Iraq was found in a hole and now sits in a prison cell. Of the top 55 officials of the former regime, we have captured or killed 45. Our forces are on the offensive, leading over 1,600 patrols a day and conducting an average of 180 raids a week. We are dealing with these thugs in Iraq just as surely as we dealt with Saddam Hussein's evil regime. The work of building a new Iraq is hard, and it is right. And America has always been willing to do what it takes for what is right. Last January, Iraq's only law was the whim of one brutal man. Today, our coalition is working with the Iraqi Governing Council to draft a basic law with a bill of rights. We're working with Iraqis and the United Nations to prepare for a transition to full Iraqi sovereignty by the end of June. As democracy takes hold in Iraq, the enemies of freedom will do all in their power to spread violence and fear. They are trying to shake the will of our country and our friends, but the United States of America will never be intimidated by thugs and assassins. The killers will fail, and the Iraqi people will live in freedom. Month by month, Iraqis are assuming more responsibility for their own security and their own future. And tonight we are honored to welcome one of Iraq's most respected leaders, the current President of the Iraqi Governing Council, Adnan Pachachi. Sir, America stands with you and the Iraqi people as you build a free and peaceful nation. Because of American leadership and resolve, the world is changing for the better. Last month, the leader of Libya voluntarily pledged to disclose and dismantle all of his regime's weapons of mass destruction programs, including a uranium enrichment project for nuclear weapons. Colonel Qadhafi correctly judged that his country would be better off and far more secure without weapons of mass murder. Nine months of intense negotiations involving the United States and Great Britain succeeded with Libya, while 12 years of diplomacy with Iraq did not. And one reason is clear: For diplomacy to be effective, words must be credible, and no one can now doubt the word of America. Different threats require different strategies. Along with nations in the region, we're insisting that North Korea eliminate its nuclear program. America and the international community are demanding that Iran meet its commitments and not develop nuclear weapons. America is committed to keeping the world's most dangerous weapons out of the hands of the most dangerous regimes. When I came to this rostrum on September the 20th, 2001, I brought the police shield of a fallen officer, my reminder of lives that ended and a task that does not end. I gave to you and to all Americans my complete commitment to securing our country and defeating our enemies. And this pledge, given by one, has been kept by many. You in the Congress have provided the resources for our defense and cast the difficult votes of war and peace. Our closest allies have been unwavering. America's intelligence personnel and diplomats have been skilled and tireless. And the men and women of the American militaryóthey have taken the hardest duty. We've seen their skill and their courage in armored charges and midnight raids and lonely hours on faithful watch. We have seen the joy when they return and felt the sorrow when one is lost. I've had the honor of meeting our service men and women at many posts, from the deck of a carrier in the Pacific to a mess hall in Baghdad. Many of our troops are listening tonight, and I want you and your families to know: America is proud of you, and my administration and this Congress will give you the resources you need to fight and win the war on terror. I know that some people question if America is really in a war at all. They view terrorism more as a crime, a problem to be solved mainly with law enforcement and indictments. After the World Trade Center was first attacked in 1993, some of the guilty were indicted and tried and convicted and sent to prison. But the matter was not settled. The terrorists were still training and plotting in other nations and drawing up more ambitious plans. After the chaos and carnage of September the 11th, it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers. The terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States, and war is what they got. Some in this Chamber and in our country did not support the liberation of Iraq. Objections to war often come from principled motives, but let us be candid about the consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power. We're seeking all the facts. Already, the Kay Report identified dozens of weapons-of-mass-destruction-related program activities and significant amounts of equipment that Iraq concealed from the United Nations. Had we failed to act, the dictator's weapons of mass destruction programs would continue to this day. Had we failed to act, Security Council resolutions on Iraq would have been revealed as empty threats, weakening the United Nations and encouraging defiance by dictators around the world. Iraq's torture chambers would still be filled with victims, terrified and innocent. The killing fields of Iraq, where hundreds of thousands of men and women and children vanished into the sands, would still be known only to the killers. For all who love freedom and peace, the world without Saddam Hussein's regime is a better and safer place. Some critics have said our duties in Iraq must be internationalized. This particular criticism is hard to explain to our partners in Britain, Australia, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Hungary, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Romania, the Netherlands, Norway, El Salvador, and the 17 other countries that have committed troops to Iraq. As we debate at home, we must never ignore the vital contributions of our international partners or dismiss their sacrifices. From the beginning, America has sought international support for our operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, and we have gained much support. There is a difference, however, between leading a coalition of many nations and submitting to the objections of a few. America will never seek a permission slip to defend the security of our country. We also hear doubts that democracy is a realistic goal for the greater Middle East, where freedom is rare. Yet it is mistaken and condescending to assume that whole cultures and great religions are incompatible with liberty and self-government. I believe that God has planted in every human heart the desire to live in freedom, and even when that desire is crushed by tyranny for decades, it will rise again. As long as the Middle East remains a place of tyranny and despair and anger, it will continue to produce men and movements that threaten the safety of America and our friends. So America is pursuing a forward strategy of freedom in the greater Middle East. We will challenge the enemies of reform, confront the allies of terror, and expect a higher standard from our friend. To cut through the barriers of hateful propaganda, the Voice of America and other broadcast services are expanding their programming in Arabic and Persian, and soon a new television service will begin providing reliable news and information across the region. I will send you a proposal to double the budget of the National Endowment for Democracy and to focus its new work on the development of free elections and free markets, free press, and free labor unions in the Middle East. And above all, we will finish the historic work of democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq so those nations can light the way for others and help transform a troubled part of the world. America is a nation with a mission, and that mission comes from our most basic beliefs. We have no desire to dominate, no ambitions of empire. Our aim is a democratic peace, a peace founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and woman. America acts in this cause with friends and allies at our side, yet we understand our special calling: This great Republic will lead the cause of freedom. In the last 3 years, adversity has also revealed the fundamental strengths of the American economy. We have come through recession and terrorist attack and corporate scandals and the uncertainties of war. And because you acted to stimulate our economy with tax relief, this economy is strong and growing stronger. You have doubled the child tax credit from 500 to $1,000, reduced the marriage penalty, begun to phase out the death tax, reduced taxes on capital gains and stock dividends, cut taxes on small businesses, and you have lowered taxes for every American who pays income taxes. Americans took those dollars and put them to work, driving this economy forward. The pace of economic growth in the third quarter of 2003 was the fastest in nearly 20 years; new home construction, the highest in almost 20 years; homeowner-ship rates, the highest ever. Manufacturing activity is increasing. Inflation is low. Interest rates are low. Exports are growing. Productivity is high, and jobs are on the rise. These numbers confirm that the American people are using their money far better than Government would have, and you were right to return it. America's growing economy is also a changing economy. As technology transforms the way almost every job is done, America becomes more productive and workers need new skills. Much of our job growth will be found in high-skilled fields like health care and biotechnology. So we must respond by helping more Americans gain the skills to find good jobs in our new economy. All skills begin with the basics of reading and math, which are supposed to be learned in the early grades of our schools. Yet for too long, for too many children, those skills were never mastered. By passing the No Child Left Behind Act, you have made the expectation of literacy the law of our country. We're providing more funding for our schools, a 36-percent increase since 2001. We're requiring higher standards. We are regularly testing every child on the fundamentals. We are reporting results to parents and making sure they have better options when schools are not performing. We are making progress toward excellence for every child in America. But the status quo always has defenders. Some want to undermine the No Child Left Behind Act by weakening standards and accountability. Yet the results we require are really a matter of common sense: We expect third graders to read and do math at the third grade level, and that's not asking too much. Testing is the only way to identify and help students who are falling behind. This Nation will not go back to the days of simply shuffling children along from grade to grade without them learning the basics. I refuse to give up on any child, and the No Child Left Behind Act is opening the door of opportunity to all of America's children. At the same time, we must ensure that older students and adults can gain the skills they need to find work now. Many of the fastest growing occupations require strong math and science preparation and training beyond the high school level. So tonight, I propose a series of measures called Jobs for the 21st Century. This program will provide extra help to middle and high school students who fall behind in reading and math, expand advanced placement programs in low-income schools, invite math and science professionals from the private sector to teach part-time in our high schools. I propose larger Pell grants for students who prepare for college with demanding courses in high school. I propose increasing our support for America's fine community colleges, so they canóI do so, so they can train workers for industries that are creating the most new jobs. By all these actions, we'll help more and more Americans to join in the growing prosperity of our country. Job training is important, and so is job creation. We must continue to pursue an aggressive, progrowth economic agenda. Congress has some unfinished business on the issue of taxes. The tax reductions you passed are set to expire. Unless you act, the unfair tax on marriage will go back up. Unless you act, millions of families will be charged $300 more in Federal taxes for every child. Unless you act, small businesses will pay higher taxes. Unless you act, the death tax will eventually come back to life. Unless you act, Americans face a tax increase. What Congress has given, the Congress should not take away. For the sake of job growth, the tax cuts you passed should be permanent. Our agenda for jobs and growth must help small-business owners and employees with relief from needless Federal regulation and protect them from junk and frivolous lawsuits. Consumers and businesses need reliable supplies of energy to make our economy run, so I urge you to pass legislation to modernize our electricity system, promote conservation, and make America less dependent on foreign sources of energy. My administration is promoting free and fair trade to open up new markets for America's entrepreneurs and manufacturers and farmers, to create jobs for American workers. Younger workers should have the opportunity to build a nest egg by saving part of their Social Security taxes in a personal retirement account. We should make the Social Security system a source of ownership for the American people. And we should limit the burden of Government on this economy by acting as good stewards of taxpayers' dollars. In 2 weeks, I will send you a budget that funds the war, protects the homeland, and meets important domestic needs while limiting the growth in discretionary spending to less than 4 percent. This will require that Congress focus on priorities, cut wasteful spending, and be wise with the people's money. By doing so, we can cut the deficit in half over the next 5 years. Tonight I also ask you to reform our immigration laws so they reflect our values and benefit our economy. I propose a new temporary-worker program to match willing foreign workers with willing employers when no Americans can be found to fill the job. This reform will be good for our economy because employers will find needed workers in an honest and orderly system. A temporary-worker program will help protect our homeland, allowing Border Patrol and law enforcement to focus on true threats to our national security. I oppose amnesty, because it would encourage further illegal immigration and unfairly reward those who break our laws. My temporary-worker program will preserve the citizenship path for those who respect the law while bringing millions of hard-working men and women out from the shadows of American life. Our Nation's health care system, like our economy, is also in a time of change. Amazing medical technologies are improving and saving lives. This dramatic progress has brought its own challenge, in the rising costs of medical care and health insurance. Members of Congress, we must work together to help control those costs and extend the benefits of modern medicine throughout our country. Meeting these goals requires bipartisan effort, and 2 months ago, you showed the way. By strengthening Medicare and adding a prescription drug benefit, you kept a basic commitment to our seniors. You are giving them the modern medicine they deserve. Starting this year, under the law you passed, seniors can choose to receive a drug discount card, saving them 10 to 25 percent off the retail price of most prescription drugs, and millions of low-income seniors can get an additional $600 to buy medicine. Beginning next year, seniors will have new coverage for preventive screenings against diabetes and heart disease, and seniors just entering Medicare can receive wellness exams. In January of 2006, seniors can get prescription drug coverage under Medicare. For a monthly premium of about $35, most seniors who do not have that coverage today can expect to see their drug bills cut roughly in half. Under this reform, senior citizens will be able to keep their Medicare just as it is, or they can choose a Medicare plan that fits them best, just as you, as Members of Congress, can choose an insurance plan that meets your needs. And starting this year, millions of Americans will be able to save money tax-free for their medical expenses in a health savings account. I signed this measure proudly, and any attempt to limit the choices of our seniors or to take away their prescription drug coverage under Medicare will meet my veto. On the critical issue of health care, our goal is to ensure that Americans can choose and afford private health care coverage that best fits their individual needs. To make insurance more affordable, Congress must act to address rapidly rising health care costs. Small businesses should be able to band together and negotiate for lower insurance rates, so they can cover more workers with health insurance. I urge you to pass association health plans. I ask you to give lower income Americans a refundable tax credit that would allow millions to buy their own basic health insurance. By computerizing health records, we can avoid dangerous medical mistakes, reduce costs, and improve care. To protect the doctor-patient relationship and keep good doctors doing good work, we must eliminate wasteful and frivolous medical lawsuits. And tonight I propose that individuals who buy catastrophic health care coverage as part of our new health savings accounts be allowed to deduct 100 percent of the premiums from their taxes. A Government-run health care system is the wrong prescription. By keeping costs under control, expanding access, and helping more Americans afford coverage, we will preserve the system of private medicine that makes America's health care the best in the world. We are living in a time of great change in our world, in our economy, in science and medicine. Yet some things endure: courage and compassion, reverence and integrity, respect for differences of faith and race. The values we try to live by never change, and they are instilled in us by fundamental institutions such as families and schools and religious congregations. These institutions, these unseen pillars of civilization, must remain strong in America, and we will defend them. We must stand with our families to help them raise healthy, responsible children. When it comes to helping children make right choices, there is work for all of us to do. One of the worst decisions our children can make is to gamble their lives and futures on drugs. Our Government is helping parents confront this problem with aggressive education, treatment, and law enforcement. Drug use in high school has declined by 11 percent over the last 2 years. Four hundred thousand fewer young people are using illegal drugs than in the year 2001. In my budget, I propose new funding to continue our aggressive, community-based strategy to reduce demand for illegal drugs. Drug testing in our schools has proven to be an effective part of this effort. So tonight I propose an additional 23 million for schools that want to use drug testing as a tool to save children's lives. The aim here is not to punish children but to send them this message: We love you, and we do not want to lose you. To help children make right choices, they need good examples. Athletics play such an important role in our society, but unfortunately, some in professional sports are not setting much of an example. The use of performance-enhancing drugs like steroids in baseball, football, and other sports is dangerous, and it sends the wrong message, that there are shortcuts to accomplishment and that performance is more important than character. So tonight I call on team owners, union representatives, coaches, and players to take the lead, to send the right signal, to get tough, and to get rid of steroids now. To encourage right choices, we must be willing to confront the dangers young people face, even when they're difficult to talk about. Each year, about 3 million teenagers contract sexually transmitted diseases that can harm them or kill them or prevent them from ever becoming parents. In my budget, I propose a grassroots campaign to help inform families about these medical risks. We will double Federal funding for abstinence programs, so schools can teach this fact of life: Abstinence for young people is the only certain way to avoid sexually transmitted diseases. Decisions children now make can affect their health and character for the rest of their lives. All of us, parents and schools and government, must work together to counter the negative influence of the culture and to send the right messages to our children. A strong America must also value the institution of marriage. I believe we should respect individuals as we take a principled stand for one of the most fundamental, enduring institutions of our civilization. Congress has already taken a stand on this issue by passing the Defense of Marriage Act, signed in 1996 by President Clinton. That statute protects marriage under Federal law as a union of a man and a woman and declares that one State may not redefine marriage for other States. Activist judges, however, have begun redefining marriage by court order, without regard for the will of the people and their elected representatives. On an issue of such great consequence, the people's voice must be heard. If judges insist on forcing their arbitrary will upon the people, the only alternative left to the people would be the constitutional process. Our Nation must defend the sanctity of marriage. The outcome of this debate is important, and so is the way we conduct it. The same moral tradition that defines marriage also teaches that each individual has dignity and value in God's sight. It's also important to strengthen our communities by unleashing the compassion of America's religious institutions. Religious charities of every creed are doing some of the most vital work in our country: mentoring children, feeding the hungry, taking the hand of the lonely. Yet Government has often denied social service grants and contracts to these groups, just because they have a cross or a Star of David or a crescent on the wall. By Executive order, I have opened billions of dollars in grant money to competition that includes faith-based charities. Tonight I ask you to codify this into law, so people of faith can know that the law will never discriminate against them again. In the past, we've worked together to bring mentors to children of prisoners and provide treatment for the addicted and help for the homeless. Tonight I ask you to consider another group of Americans in need of help. This year, some 600,000 inmates will be released from prison back into society. We know from long experience that if they can't find work or a home or help, they are much more likely to commit crime and return to prison. So tonight I propose a 4-year, $300 million prisoner reentry initiative to expand job training and placement services, to provide transitional housing, and to help newly released prisoners get mentoring, including from faith-based groups. America is the land of second chance, and when the gates of the prison open, the path ahead should lead to a better life. For all Americans, the last 3 years have brought tests we did not ask for and achievements shared by all. By our actions, we have shown what kind of nation we are. In grief, we have found the grace to go on. In challenge, we rediscovered the courage and daring of a free people. In victory, we have shown the noble aims and good heart of America. And having come this far, we sense that we live in a time set apart. I've been witness to the character of the people of America, who have shown calm in times of danger, compassion for one another, and toughness for the long haul. All of us have been partners in a great enterprise. And even some of the youngest understand that we are living in historic times. Last month a girl in Lincoln, Rhode Island, sent me a letter. It began, 'Dear George W. Bush. If there's anything you know I, Ashley Pearson, age 10, can do to help anyone, please send me a letter and tell me what I can do to save our country.' She added this P.S.: 'If you can send a letter to the troops, please put, 'Ashley Pearson believes in you.'' Tonight, Ashley, your message to our troops has just been conveyed. And yes, you have some duties yourself: Study hard in school; listen to your mom or dad; help someone in need; and when you and your friends see a man or woman in uniform, say, 'Thank you.' And Ashley, while you do your part, all of us here in this great Chamber will do our best to keep you and the rest of America safe and free. My fellow citizens, we now move forward with confidence and faith. Our Nation is strong and steadfast. The cause we serve is right, because it is the cause of all mankind. The momentum of freedom in our world is unmistakable, and it is not carried forward by our power alone. We can trust in that greater power who guides the unfolding of the years. And in all that is to come, we can know that His purposes are just and true. May God continue to bless America. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, fellow citizens: As a new Congress gathers, all of us in the elected branches of Government share a great privilege: We've been placed in office by the votes of the people we serve. And tonight that is a privilege we share with newly elected leaders of Afghanistan, the Palestinian Territories, Ukraine, and a free and sovereign Iraq. Two weeks ago, I stood on the steps of this Capitol and renewed the commitment of our Nation to the guiding ideal of liberty for all. This evening I will set forth policies to advance that ideal at home and around the world. Tonight, with a healthy, growing economy, with more Americans going back to work, with our Nation an active force for good in the world, the state of our Union is confident and strong. Our generation has been blessed by the expansion of opportunity, by advances in medicine, by the security purchased by our parents' sacrifice. Now, as we see a little gray in the mirroróor a lot of grayó [laughter]óand we watch our children moving into adulthood, we ask the question: What will be the state of their Union? Members of Congress, the choices we make together will answer that question. Over the next several months, on issue after issue, let us do what Americans have always done and build a better world for our children and our grandchildren. First, we must be good stewards of this economy and renew the great institutions on which millions of our fellow citizens rely. America's economy is the fastest growing of any major industrialized nation. In the past 4 years, we've provided tax relief to every person who pays income taxes, overcome a recession, opened up new markets abroad, prosecuted corporate criminals, raised homeownership to its highest level in history. And in the last year alone, the United States has added 2.3 million new jobs. When action was needed, the Congress delivered, and the Nation is grateful. Now we must add to these achievements. By making our economy more flexible, more innovative, and more competitive, we will keep America the economic leader of the world. America's prosperity requires restraining the spending appetite of the Federal Government. I welcome the bipartisan enthusiasm for spending discipline. I will send you a budget that holds the growth of discretionary spending below inflation, makes tax relief permanent, and stays on track to cut the deficit in half by 2009. My budget substantially reduces or eliminates more than 150 Government programs that are not getting results or duplicate current efforts or do not fulfill essential priorities. The principle here is clear: Taxpayer dollars must be spent wisely or not at all. To make our economy stronger and more dynamic, we must prepare a rising generation to fill the jobs of the 21st century. Under the No Child Left Behind Act, standards are higher, test scores are on the rise, and we're closing the achievement gap for minority students. Now we must demand better results from our high schools, so every high school diploma is a ticket to success. We will help an additional 200,000 workers to get training for a better career by reforming our job training system and strengthening America's community colleges. And we'll make it easier for Americans to afford a college education by increasing the size of Pell grants. To make our economy stronger and more competitive, America must reward, not punish, the efforts and dreams of entrepreneurs. Small business is the path of advancement, especially for women and minorities, so we must free small businesses from needless regulation and protect honest job-creators from junk lawsuits. Justice is distorted and our economy is held back by irresponsible class actions and frivolous asbestos claims, and I urge Congress to pass legal reforms this year. To make our economy stronger and more productive, we must make health care more affordable and give families greater access to good coverage and more control over their health decisions. I ask Congress to move forward on a comprehensive health care agenda with tax credits to help low-income workers buy insurance, a community health center in every poor county, improved information technology to prevent medical error and needless costs, association health plans for small businesses and their employees, expanded health savings accounts, and medical liability reform that will reduce health care costs and make sure patients have the doctors and care they need. To keep our economy growing, we also need reliable supplies of affordable, environmentally responsible energy. Nearly 4 years ago, I submitted a comprehensive energy strategy that encourages conservation, alternative sources, a modernized electricity grid, and more production here at home, including safe, clean nuclear energy. My Clear Skies legislation will cut powerplant pollution and improve the health of our citizens. And my budget provides strong funding for leading-edge technology, from hydrogen-fueled cars to clean coal to renewable sources such as ethanol. Four years of debate is enough. I urge Congress to pass legislation that makes America more secure and less dependent on foreign energy. All these proposals are essential to expand this economy and add new jobs, but they are just the beginning of our duty. To build the prosperity of future generations, we must update institutions that were created to meet the needs of an earlier time. Year after year, Americans are burdened by an archaic, incoherent Federal Tax Code. I've appointed a bipartisan panel to examine the Tax Code from top to bottom. And when their recommendations are delivered, you and I will work together to give this Nation a Tax Code that is progrowth, easy to understand, and fair to all. America's immigration system is also outdated, unsuited to the needs of our economy and to the values of our country. We should not be content with laws that punish hard-working people who want only to provide for their families and deny businesses willing workers and invite chaos at our border. It is time for an immigration policy that permits temporary-guest workers to fill jobs Americans will not take, that rejects amnesty, that tells us who is entering and leaving our country, and that closes the border to drug dealers and terrorists. One of America's most important institutions, a symbol of the trust between generations, is also in need of wise and effective reform. Social Security was a great moral success of the 20th century, and we must honor its great purposes in this new century. The system, however, on its current path, is headed toward bankruptcy. And so we must join together to strengthen and save Social Security. Today, more than 45 million Americans receive Social Security benefits, and millions more are nearing retirement. And for them the system is sound and fiscally strong. I have a message for every American who is 55 or older: Do not let anyone mislead you; for you, the Social Security system will not change in any way. For younger workers, the Social Security system has serious problems that will grow worse with time. Social Security was created decades ago for a very different era. In those days, people did not live as long. Benefits were much lower than they are today. And a half century ago, about 16 workers paid into the system for each person drawing benefits. Our society has changed in ways the founders of Social Security could not have foreseen. In today's world, people are living longer and, therefore, drawing benefits longer. And those benefits are scheduled to rise dramatically over the next few decades. And instead of 16 workers paying in for every beneficiary, right now it's only about 3 workers. And over the next few decades, that number will fall to just 2 workers per beneficiary. With each passing year, fewer workers are paying ever-higher benefits to an ever-larger number of retirees. So here is the result: Thirteen years from now, in 2018, Social Security will be paying out more than it takes in. And every year afterward will bring a new shortfall, bigger than the year before. For example, in the year 2027, the Government will somehow have to come up with an extra $200 billion to keep the system afloat, and by 2033, the annual shortfall would be more than $300 billion. By the year 2042, the entire system would be exhausted and bankrupt. If steps are not taken to avert that outcome, the only solutions would be dramatically higher taxes, massive new borrowing, or sudden and severe cuts in Social Security benefits or other Government programs. I recognize that 2018 and 2042 may seem a long way off. But those dates are not so distant, as any parent will tell you. If you have a 5-year-old, you're already concerned about how you'll pay for college tuition 13 years down the road. If you've got children in their twenties, as some of us do, the idea of Social Security collapsing before they retire does not seem like a small matter. And it should not be a small matter to the United States Congress. You and I share a responsibility. We must pass reforms that solve the financial problems of Social Security once and for all. Fixing Social Security permanently will require an open, candid review of the options. Some have suggested limiting benefits for wealthy retirees. Former Congressman Tim Penny has raised the possibility of indexing benefits to prices rather than wages. During the 1990s, my predecessor, President Clinton, spoke of increasing the retirement age. Former Senator John Breaux suggested discouraging early collection of Social Security benefits. The late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan recommended changing the way benefits are calculated. All these ideas are on the table. I know that none of these reforms would be easy. But we have to move ahead with courage and honesty, because our children's retirement security is more important than partisan politics. I will work with Members of Congress to find the most effective combination of reforms. I will listen to anyone who has a good idea to offer. We must, however, be guided by some basic principles. We must make Social Security permanently sound, not leave that task for another day. We must not jeopardize our economic strength by increasing payroll taxes. We must ensure that lower income Americans get the help they need to have dignity and peace of mind in their retirement. We must guarantee there is no change for those now retired or nearing retirement. And we must take care that any changes in the system are gradual, so younger workers have years to prepare and plan for their future. As we fix Social Security, we also have the responsibility to make the system a better deal for younger workers. And the best way to reach that goal is through voluntary personal retirement accounts. Here is how the idea works. Right now, a set portion of the money you earn is taken out of your paycheck to pay for the Social Security benefits of today's retirees. If you're a younger worker, I believe you should be able to set aside part of that money in your own retirement account, so you can build a nest egg for your own future. Here's why the personal accounts are a better deal. Your money will grow over time at a greater rate than anything the current system can deliver, and your account will provide money for retirement over and above the check you will receive from Social Security. In addition, you'll be able to pass along the money that accumulates in your personal account, if you wish, to your children andóor grandchildren. And best of all, the money in the account is yours, and the Government can never take it away. The goal here is greater security in retirement, so we will set careful guidelines for personal accounts. We'll make sure the money can only go into a conservative mix of bonds and stock funds. We'll make sure that your earnings are not eaten up by hidden Wall Street fees. We'll make sure there are good options to protect your investments from sudden market swings on the eve of your retirement. We'll make sure a personal account cannot be emptied out all at once but rather paid out over time as an addition to traditional Social Security benefits. And we'll make sure this plan is fiscally responsible by starting personal retirement accounts gradually and raising the yearly limits on contributions over time, eventually permitting all workers to set aside 4 percentage points of their payroll taxes in their accounts. Personal retirement accounts should be familiar to Federal employees, because you already have something similar called the Thrift Savings Plan, which lets workers deposit a portion of their paychecks into any of five different broadly based investment funds. It's time to extend the same security and choice and ownership to young Americans. Our second great responsibility to our children and grandchildren is to honor and to pass along the values that sustain a free society. So many of my generation, after a long journey, have come home to family and faith and are determined to bring up responsible, moral children. Government is not the source of these values, but Government should never undermine them. Because marriage is a sacred institution and the foundation of society, it should not be redefined by activist judges. For the good of families, children, and society, I support a constitutional amendment to protect the institution of marriage. Because a society is measured by how it treats the weak and vulnerable, we must strive to build a culture of life. Medical research can help us reach that goal by developing treatments and cures that save lives and help people overcome disabilities, and I thank the Congress for doubling the funding of the National Institutes of Health. To build a culture of life, we must also ensure that scientific advances always serve human dignity, not take advantage of some lives for the benefit of others. We should all be able to agree on some clear standards. I will work with Congress to ensure that human embryos are not created for experimentation or grown for body parts and that human life is never bought or sold as a commodity. America will continue to lead the world in medical research that is ambitious, aggressive, and always ethical. Because courts must always deliver impartial justice, judges have a duty to faithfully interpret the law, not legislate from the bench. As President, I have a constitutional responsibility to nominate men and women who understand the role of courts in our democracy and are well-qualified to serve on the bench, and I have done so. The Constitution also gives the Senate a responsibility: Every judicial nominee deserves an up-or-down vote. Because one of the deepest values of our country is compassion, we must never turn away from any citizen who feels isolated from the opportunities of America. Our Government will continue to support faith-based and community groups that bring hope to harsh places. Now we need to focus on giving young people, especially young men in our cities, better options than apathy or gangs or jail. Tonight I propose a 3-year initiative to help organizations keep young people out of gangs and show young men an ideal of manhood that respects women and rejects violence. Taking on gang life will be one part of a broader outreach to at-risk youth, which involves parents and pastors, coaches and community leaders in programs ranging from literacy to sports. And I am proud that the leader of this nationwide effort will be our First Lady, Laura Bush. Because HIV/AIDS brings suffering and fear into so many lives, I ask you to reauthorize the Ryan White Act to encourage prevention and provide care and treatment to the victims of that disease. And as we update this important law, we must focus our efforts on fellow citizens with the highest rates of new cases, African American men and women. Because one of the main sources of our national unity is our belief in equal justice, we need to make sure Americans of all races and backgrounds have confidence in the system that provides justice. In America, we must make doubly sure no person is held to account for a crime he or she did not commit, so we are dramatically expanding the use of DNA evidence to prevent wrongful conviction. Soon I will send to Congress a proposal to fund special training for defense counsel in capital cases, because people on trial for their lives must have competent lawyers by their side. Our third responsibility to future generations is to leave them an America that is safe from danger and protected by peace.We will pass along to our children all the freedoms we enjoy, and chief among them is freedom from fear. In the 3 1/2 years since September the 11th, 2001, we have taken unprecedented actions to protect Americans. We've created a new department of Government to defend our homeland, focused the FBI on preventing terrorism, begun to reform our intelligence agencies, broken up terror cells across the country, expanded research on defenses against biological and chemical attack, improved border security, and trained more than a half million first-responders. Police and firefighters, air marshals, researchers, and so many others are working every day to make our homeland safer, and we thank them all. Our Nation, working with allies and friends, has also confronted the enemy abroad with measures that are determined, successful, and continuing. The Al Qaida terror network that attacked our country still has leaders, but many of its top commanders have been removed. There are still governments that sponsor and harbor terrorists, but their number has declined. There are still regimes seeking weapons of mass destruction but no longer without attention and without consequence. Our country is still the target of terrorists who want to kill many and intimidate us all, and we will stay on the offensive against them until the fight is won. Pursuing our enemies is a vital commitment of the war on terror, and I thank the Congress for providing our service men and women with the resources they have needed. During this time of war, we must continue to support our military and give them the tools for victory. Other nations around the globe have stood with us. In Afghanistan, an international force is helping provide security. In Iraq, 28 countries have troops on the ground, the United Nations and the European Union provided technical assistance for the elections, and NATO is leading a mission to help train Iraqi officers. We're cooperating with 60 governments in the Proliferation Security Initiative to detect and stop the transit of dangerous materials. We're working closely with the governments in Asia to convince North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and nine other countries have captured or detained Al Qaida terrorists. In the next 4 years, my administration will continue to build the coalitions that will defeat the dangers of our time. In the long term, the peace we seek will only be achieved by eliminating the conditions that feed radicalism and ideologies of murder. If whole regions of the world remain in despair and grow in hatred, they will be the recruiting grounds for terror, and that terror will stalk America and other free nations for decades. The only force powerful enough to stop the rise of tyranny and terror and replace hatred with hope is the force of human freedom. Our enemies know this, and that is why the terrorist Zarqawi recently declared war on what he called the 'evil principle' of democracy. And we've declared our own intention: America will stand with the allies of freedom to support democratic movements in the Middle East and beyond, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world. The United States has no right, no desire, and no intention to impose our form of government on anyone else. That is one of the main differences between us and our enemies. They seek to impose and expand an empire of oppression in which a tiny group of brutal, self-appointed rulers control every aspect of every life. Our aim is to build and preserve a community of free and independent nations, with governments that answer to their citizens and reflect their own cultures. And because democracies respect their own people and their neighbors, the advance of freedom will lead to peace. That advance has great momentum in our time, shown by women voting in Afghanistan and Palestinians choosing a new direction and the people of Ukraine asserting their democratic rights and electing a President. We are witnessing landmark events in the history of liberty, and in the coming years, we will add to that story. The beginnings of reform and democracy in the Palestinian Territories are now showing the power of freedom to break old patterns of violence and failure. Tomorrow morning Secretary of State Rice departs on a trip that will take her to Israel and the West Bank for meetings with Prime Minister Sharon and President Abbas. She will discuss with them how we and our friends can help the Palestinian people end terror and build the institutions of a peaceful, independent, democratic state. To promote this democracy, I will ask Congress for $350 million to support Palestinian political, economic, and security reforms. The goal of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace is within reach, and America will help them achieve that goal. To promote peace and stability in the broader Middle East, the United States will work with our friends in the region to fight the common threat of terror, while we encourage a higher standard of freedom. Hopeful reform is already taking hold in an arc from Morocco to Jordan to Bahrain. The Government of Saudi Arabia can demonstrate its leadership in the region by expanding the role of its people in determining their future. And the great and proud nation of Egypt, which showed the way toward peace in the Middle East, can now show the way toward democracy in the Middle East. To promote peace in the broader Middle East, we must confront regimes that continue to harbor terrorists and pursue weapons of mass murder. Syria still allows its territory and parts of Lebanon to be used by terrorists who seek to destroy every chance of peace in the region. You have passed and we are applying the Syrian Accountability Act, and we expect the Syrian Government to end all support for terror and open the door to freedom. Today, Iran remains the world's primary state sponsor of terror, pursuing nuclear weapons while depriving its people of the freedom they seek and deserve. We are working with European allies to make clear to the Iranian regime that it must give up its uranium enrichment program and any plutonium reprocessing and end its support for terror. And to the Iranian people, I say tonight: As you stand for your own liberty, America stands with you. Our generational commitment to the advance of freedom, especially in the Middle East, is now being tested and honored in Iraq. That country is a vital front in the war on terror, which is why the terrorists have chosen to make a stand there. Our men and women in uniform are fighting terrorists in Iraq so we do not have to face them here at home. And the victory of freedom in Iraq will strengthen a new ally in the war on terror, inspire democratic reformers from Damascus to Tehran, bring more hope and progress to a troubled region, and thereby lift a terrible threat from the lives of our children and grandchildren. We will succeed because the Iraqi people value their own liberty, as they showed the world last Sunday. Across Iraq, often at great risk, millions of citizens went to the polls and elected 275 men and women to represent them in a new Transitional National Assembly. A young woman in Baghdad told of waking to the sound of mortar fire on election day and wondering if it might be too dangerous to vote. She said, 'Hearing those explosions, it occurred to me: The insurgents are weak; they are afraid of democracy; they are losing. So I got my husband and I got my parents, and we all came out and voted together.' Americans recognize that spirit of liberty, because we share it. In any nation, casting your vote is an act of civic responsibility. For millions of Iraqis, it was also an act of personal courage, and they have earned the respect of us all. One of Iraq's leading democracy and human rights advocates is Safia Taleb al-Suhail. She says of her country, 'We were occupied for 35 years by Saddam Hussein. That was the real occupation. Thank you to the American people who paid the cost but, most of all, to the soldiers.' Eleven years ago, Safia's father was assassinated by Saddam's intelligence service. Three days ago in Baghdad, Safia was finally able to vote for the leaders of her country, and we are honored that she is with us tonight. The terrorists and insurgents are violently opposed to democracy and will continue to attack it. Yet the terrorists' most powerful myth is being destroyed. The whole world is seeing that the car bombers and assassins are not only fighting coalition forces; they are trying to destroy the hopes of Iraqis, expressed in free elections. And the whole world now knows that a small group of extremists will not overturn the will of the Iraqi people. We will succeed in Iraq because Iraqis are determined to fight for their own freedom and to write their own history. As Prime Minister Allawi said in his speech to Congress last September, 'Ordinary Iraqis are anxious to shoulder all the security burdens of our country as quickly as possible.' That is the natural desire of an independent nation, and it is also the stated mission of our coalition in Iraq. The new political situation in Iraq opens a new phase of our work in that country. At the recommendation of our commanders on the ground and in consultation with the Iraqi Government, we will increasingly focus our efforts on helping prepare more capable Iraqi security forces, forces with skilled officers and an effective command structure. As those forces become more self-reliant and take on greater security responsibilities, America and its coalition partners will increasingly be in a supporting role. In the end, Iraqis must be able to defend their own country, and we will help that proud new nation secure its liberty. Recently an Iraqi interpreter said to a reporter, 'Tell America not to abandon us.' He and all Iraqis can be certain: While our military strategy is adapting to circumstances, our commitment remains firm and unchanging. We are standing for the freedom of our Iraqi friends, and freedom in Iraq will make America safer for generations to come. We will not set an artificial timetable for leaving Iraq, because that would embolden the terrorists and make them believe they can wait us out. We are in Iraq to achieve a result, a country that is democratic, representative of all its people, at peace with its neighbors, and able to defend itself. And when that result is achieved, our men and women serving in Iraq will return home with the honor they have earned. Right now, Americans in uniform are serving at posts across the world, often taking great risks on my orders. We have given them training and equipment, and they have given us an example of idealism and character that makes every American proud. The volunteers of our military are unrelenting in battle, unwavering in loyalty, unmatched in honor and decency, and every day they're making our Nation more secure. Some of our service men and women have survived terrible injuries, and this grateful country will do everything we can to help them recover. And we have said farewell to some very good men and women who died for our freedom and whose memory this Nation will honor forever. One name we honor is Marine Corps Sergeant Byron Norwood of Pflugerville, Texas, who was killed during the assault on Fallujah. His mom, Janet, sent me a letter and told me how much Byron loved being a marine and how proud he was to be on the frontline against terror. She wrote, 'When Byron was home the last time, I said that I wanted to protect him like I had since he was born. He just hugged me and said, 'You've done your job, Mom. Now it is my turn to protect you.'' Ladies and gentlemen, with grateful hearts we honor freedom's defenders and our military families, represented here this evening by Sergeant Norwood's mom and dad, Janet and Bill Norwood. [At this point, in the First Lady's box, guest Safia Taleb al-Suhail embraced guest Janet Norwood.] In these 4 years, Americans have seen the unfolding of large events. We have known times of sorrow and hours of uncertainty and days of victory. In all this history, even when we have disagreed, we have seen threads of purpose that unite us. The attack on freedom in our world has reaffirmed our confidence in freedom's power to change the world. We are all part of a great venture: To extend the promise of freedom in our country, to renew the values that sustain our liberty, and to spread the peace that freedom brings. As Franklin Roosevelt once reminded Americans, 'Each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.' And we live in the country where the biggest dreams are born. The abolition of slavery was only a dream until it was fulfilled. The liberation of Europe from fascism was only a dream until it was achieved. The fall of imperial communism was only a dream until, one day, it was accomplished. Our generation has dreams of its own, and we also go forward with confidence. The road of providence is uneven and unpredictable, yet we know where it leads: It leads to freedom. Thank you, and may God bless America. Thank you all. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, members of the Supreme Court and diplomatic corps, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Today our Nation lost a beloved, graceful, courageous woman who called America to its founding ideals and carried on a noble dream. Tonight we are comforted by the hope of a glad reunion with the husband who was taken so long ago, and we are grateful for the good life of Coretta Scott King. Every time I'm invited to this rostrum, I'm humbled by the privilege and mindful of the history we've seen together. We have gathered under this Capitol dome in moments of national mourning and national achievement. We have served America through one of the most consequential periods of our history, and it has been my honor to serve with you. In a system of two parties, two chambers, and two elected branches, there will always be differences and debate. But even tough debates can be conducted in a civil tone, and our differences cannot be allowed to harden into anger. To confront the great issues before us, we must act in a spirit of good will and respect for one another, and I will do my part. Tonight the state of our Union is strong, and together we will make it stronger. In this decisive year, you and I will make choices that determine both the future and the character of our country. We will choose to act confidently in pursuing the enemies of freedom, or retreat from our duties in the hope of an easier life. We will choose to build our prosperity by leading the world economy, or shut ourselves off from trade and opportunity. In a complex and challenging time, the road of isolationism and protectionism may seem broad and inviting, yet it ends in danger and decline. The only way to protect our people, the only way to secure the peace, the only way to control our destiny is by our leadership. So the United States of America will continue to lead. Abroad, our Nation is committed to an historic, long-term goal: We seek the end of tyranny in our world. Some dismiss that goal as misguided idealism. In reality, the future security of America depends on it. On September the 11th, 2001, we found that problems originating in a failed and oppressive state 7,000 miles away could bring murder and destruction to our country. Dictatorships shelter terrorists, and feed resentment and radicalism, and seek weapons of mass destruction. Democracies replace resentment with hope, respect the rights of their citizens and their neighbors, and join the fight against terror. Every step toward freedom in the world makes our country safer, so we will act boldly in freedom's cause. Far from being a hopeless dream, the advance of freedom is the great story of our time. In 1945, there were about two dozen lonely democracies in the world. Today, there are 122. And we're writing a new chapter in the story of self-governmentówith women lining up to vote in Afghanistan, and millions of Iraqis marking their liberty with purple ink, and men and women from Lebanon to Egypt debating the rights of individuals and the necessity of freedom. At the start of 2006, more than half the people of our world live in democratic nations. And we do not forget the other halfóin places like Syria and Burma, Zimbabwe, North Korea, and Iranóbecause the demands of justice and the peace of this world require their freedom as well. No one can deny the success of freedom, but some men rage and fight against it. And one of the main sources of reaction and opposition is radical Islamóthe perversion by a few of a noble faith into an ideology of terror and death. Terrorists like bin Laden are serious about mass murder, and all of us must take their declared intentions seriously. They seek to impose a heartless system of totalitarian control throughout the Middle East and arm themselves with weapons of mass murder. Their aim is to seize power in Iraq and use it as a safe haven to launch attacks against America and the world. Lacking the military strength to challenge us directly, the terrorists have chosen the weapon of fear. When they murder children at a school in Beslan or blow up commuters in London or behead a bound captive, the terrorists hope these horrors will break our will, allowing the violent to inherit the Earth. But they have miscalculated: We love our freedom, and we will fight to keep it. In a time of testing, we cannot find security by abandoning our commitments and retreating within our borders. If we were to leave these vicious attackers alone, they would not leave us alone. They would simply move the battlefield to our own shores. There is no peace in retreat, and there is no honor in retreat. By allowing radical Islam to work its will, by leaving an assaulted world to fend for itself, we would signal to all that we no longer believe in our own ideals or even in our own courage. But our enemies and our friends can be certain: The United States will not retreat from the world, and we will never surrender to evil. America rejects the false comfort of isolationism. We are the nation that saved liberty in Europe and liberated death camps and helped raise up democracies and faced down an evil empire. Once again, we accept the call of history to deliver the oppressed and move this world toward peace. We remain on the offensive against terror networks. We have killed or captured many of their leaders. And for the others, their day will come. We remain on the offensive in Afghanistan, where a fine President and a National Assembly are fighting terror while building the institutions of a new democracy. We're on the offensive in Iraq with a clear plan for victory. First, we're helping Iraqis build an inclusive government, so that old resentments will be eased and the insurgency will be marginalized. Second, we're continuing reconstruction efforts and helping the Iraqi Government to fight corruption and build a modern economy, so all Iraqis can experience the benefits of freedom. And third, we're striking terrorist targets while we train Iraqi forces that are increasingly capable of defeating the enemy. Iraqis are showing their courage every day, and we are proud to be their allies in the cause of freedom. Our work in Iraq is difficult because our enemy is brutal. But that brutality has not stopped the dramatic progress of a new democracy. In less than 3 years, the nation has gone from dictatorship to liberation, to sovereignty, to a Constitution, to national elections. At the same time, our coalition has been relentless in shutting off terrorist infiltration, clearing out insurgent strongholds, and turning over territory to Iraqi security forces. I am confident in our plan for victory; I am confident in the will of the Iraqi people; I am confident in the skill and spirit of our military. Fellow citizens, we are in this fight to win, and we are winning. The road of victory is the road that will take our troops home. As we make progress on the ground and Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead, we should be able to further decrease our troop levels. But those decisions will be made by our military commanders, not by politicians in Washington, DC. Our coalition has learned from our experience in Iraq. We've adjusted our military tactics and changed our approach to reconstruction. Along the way, we have benefited from responsible criticism and counsel offered by Members of Congress of both parties. In the coming year, I will continue to reach out and seek your good advice. Yet there is a difference between responsible criticism that aims for success and defeatism that refuses to acknowledge anything but failure. Hindsight alone is not wisdom, and second-guessing is not a strategy. With so much in the balance, those of us in public office have a duty to speak with candor. A sudden withdrawal of our forces from Iraq would abandon our Iraqi allies to death and prison, would put men like bin Laden and Zarqawi in charge of a strategic country, and show that a pledge from America means little. Members of Congress, however we feel about the decisions and debates of the past, our Nation has only one option: We must keep our word, defeat our enemies, and stand behind the American military in this vital mission. Our men and women in uniform are making sacrifices and showing a sense of duty stronger than all fear. They know what it's like to fight house to house in a maze of streets, to wear heavy gear in the desert heat, to see a comrade killed by a roadside bomb. And those who know the costs also know the stakes. Marine Staff Sergeant Dan Clay was killed last month fighting in Fallujah. He left behind a letter to his family, but his words could just as well be addressed to every American. Here is what Dan wrote: 'I know what honor isó it has been an honor to protect and serve all of you. I faced death with the secure knowledge that you would not have to. Never falter. Don't hesitate to honor and support those of us who have the honor of protecting that which is worth protecting.' Staff Sergeant Dan Clay's wife, Lisa, and his mom and dad, Sara Jo and Bud, are with us this evening. Welcome. Our Nation is grateful to the fallen, who live in the memory of our country. We're grateful to all who volunteer to wear our Nation's uniform. And as we honor our brave troops, let us never forget the sacrifices of America's military families. Our offensive against terror involves more than military action. Ultimately, the only way to defeat the terrorists is to defeat their dark vision of hatred and fear by offering the hopeful alternative of political freedom and peaceful change. So the United States of America supports democratic reform across the broader Middle East. Elections are vital, but they are only the beginning. Raising up a democracy requires the rule of law and protection of minorities and strong, accountable institutions that last longer than a single vote. The great people of Egypt have voted in a multiparty Presidential election, and now their Government should open paths of peaceful opposition that will reduce the appeal of radicalism. The Palestinian people have voted in elections, and now the leaders of Hamas must recognize Israel, disarm, reject terrorism, and work for lasting peace. Saudi Arabia has taken the first steps of reform; now it can offer its people a better future by pressing forward with those efforts. Democracies in the Middle East will not look like our own, because they will reflect the traditions of their own citizens. Yet liberty is the future of every nation in the Middle East because liberty is the right and hope of all humanity. The same is true of Iran, a nation now held hostage by a small clerical elite that is isolating and repressing its people. The regime in that country sponsors terrorists in the Palestinian territories and in Lebanon, and that must come to an end. The Iranian Government is defying the world with its nuclear ambitions, and the nations of the world must not permit the Iranian regime to gain nuclear weapons. America will continue to rally the world to confront these threats. Tonight let me speak directly to the citizens of Iran: America respects you, and we respect your country. We respect your right to choose your own future and win your own freedom. And our Nation hopes one day to be the closest of friends with a free and democratic Iran. To overcome dangers in our world, we must also take the offensive by encouraging economic progress and fighting disease and spreading hope in hopeless lands. Isolationism would not only tie our hands in fighting enemies, it would keep us from helping our friends in desperate need. We show compassion abroad because Americans believe in the God-given dignity and worth of a villager with HIV/AIDS or an infant with malaria or a refugee fleeing genocide or a young girl sold into slavery. We also show compassion abroad because regions overwhelmed by poverty, corruption, and despair are sources of terrorism and organized crime and human trafficking and the drug trade. In recent years, you and I have taken unprecedented action to fight AIDS and malaria, expand the education of girls, and reward developing nations that are moving forward with economic and political reform. For people everywhere, the United States is a partner for a better life. Shortchanging these efforts would increase the suffering and chaos of our world, undercut our long-term security, and dull the conscience of our country. I urge Members of Congress to serve the interests of America by showing the compassion of America. Our country must also remain on the offensive against terrorism here at home. The enemy has not lost the desire or capability to attack us. Fortunately, this Nation has superb professionals in law enforcement, intelligence, the military, and homeland security. These men and women are dedicating their lives, protecting us all, and they deserve our support and our thanks. They also deserve the same tools they already use to fight drug trafficking and organized crime, so I ask you to reauthorize the PATRIOT Act. It is said that prior to the attacks of September the 11th, our Government failed to connect the dots of the conspiracy. We now know that two of the hijackers in the United States placed telephone calls to Al Qaida operatives overseas. But we did not know about their plans until it was too late. So to prevent another attackóbased on authority given to me by the Constitution and by statuteóI have authorized a terrorist surveillance program to aggressively pursue the international communications of suspected Al Qaida operatives and affiliates to and from America. Previous Presidents have used the same constitutional authority I have, and Federal courts have approved the use of that authority. Appropriate Members of Congress have been kept informed. The terrorist surveillance program has helped prevent terrorist attacks. It remains essential to the security of America. If there are people inside our country who are talking with Al Qaida, we want to know about it, because we will not sit back and wait to be hit again. In all these areasófrom the disruption of terror networks, to victory in Iraq, to the spread of freedom and hope in troubled regionsówe need the support of our friends and allies. To draw that support, we must always be clear in our principles and willing to act. The only alternative to American leadership is a dramatically more dangerous and anxious world. Yet we also choose to lead because it is a privilege to serve the values that gave us birth. American leadersófrom Roosevelt to Truman to Kennedy to Reaganórejected isolation and retreat, because they knew that America is always more secure when freedom is on the march. Our own generation is in a long war against a determined enemy, a war that will be fought by Presidents of both parties who will need steady bipartisan support from the Congress. And tonight I ask for yours. Together, let us protect our country, support the men and women who defend us, and lead this world toward freedom. Here at home, America also has a great opportunity: We will build the prosperity of our country by strengthening our economic leadership in the world. Our economy is healthy and vigorous and growing faster than other major industrialized nations. In the last 2 1/2 years, America has created 4.6 million new jobs, more than Japan and the European Union combined. Even in the face of higher energy prices and natural disasters, the American people have turned in an economic performance that is the envy of the world. The American economy is preeminent, but we cannot afford to be complacent. In a dynamic world economy, we are seeing new competitors like China and India, and this creates uncertainty, which makes it easier to feed people's fears. So we're seeing some old temptations return. Protectionists want to escape competition, pretending that we can keep our high standard of living while walling off our economy. Others say that the government needs to take a larger role in directing the economy, centralizing more power in Washington and increasing taxes. We hear claims that immigrants are somehow bad for the economy, even though this economy could not function without them. All these are forms of economic retreat, and they lead in the same direction, toward a stagnant and second-rate economy. Tonight I will set out a better path: an agenda for a nation that competes with confidence; an agenda that will raise standards of living and generate new jobs. Americans should not fear our economic future because we intend to shape it. Keeping America competitive begins with keeping our economy growing. And our economy grows when Americans have more of their own money to spend, save, and invest. In the last 5 years, the tax relief you passed has left $880 billion in the hands of American workers, investors, small businesses, and families. And they have used it to help produce more than 4 years of uninterrupted economic growth. Yet the tax relief is set to expire in the next few years. If we do nothing, American families will face a massive tax increase they do not expect and will not welcome. Because America needs more than a temporary expansion, we need more than temporary tax relief, I urge the Congress to act responsibly and make the tax cuts permanent. Keeping America competitive requires us to be good stewards of tax dollars. Every year of my Presidency, we've reduced the growth of nonsecurity discretionary spending, and last year, you passed bills that cut this spending. This year, my budget will cut it again and reduce or eliminate more than 140 programs that are performing poorly or not fulfilling essential priorities. By passing these reforms, we will save the American taxpayer another $14 billion next year and stay on track to cut the deficit in half by 2009. I am pleased that Members of Congress are working on earmark reform, because the Federal budget has too many special interest projects. And we can tackle this problem together, if you pass the line-item veto. We must also confront the larger challenge of mandatory spending, or entitlements. This year, the first of about 78 million baby boomers turn 60, including two of my dad's favorite peopleóme and President Clinton. [Laughter] This milestone is more than a personal crisisó[laughter]ó it is a national challenge. The retirement of the baby boom generation will put unprecedented strains on the Federal Government. By 2030, spending for Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid alone will be almost 60 percent of the entire Federal budget. And that will present future Congresses with impossible choices: staggering tax increases, immense deficits, or deep cuts in every category of spending. Congress did not act last year on my proposal to save Social Security, yet the rising cost of entitlements is a problem that is not going away. And every year we fail to act, the situation gets worse. So tonight I ask you to join me in creating a commission to examine the full impact of baby boom retirements on Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. This commission should include Members of Congress of both parties and offer bipartisan solutions. We need to put aside partisan politics and work together and get this problem solved. Keeping America competitive requires us to open more markets for all that Americans make and grow. One out of every five factory jobs in America is related to global trade, and we want people everywhere to buy American. With open markets and a level playing field, no one can outproduce or outcompete the American worker. Keeping America competitive requires an immigration system that upholds our laws, reflects our values, and serves the interests of our economy. Our Nation needs orderly and secure borders. To meet this goal, we must have stronger immigration enforcement and border protection. And we must have a rational, humane guest-worker program that rejects amnesty, allows temporary jobs for people who seek them legally, and reduces smuggling and crime at the border. Keeping America competitive requires affordable health care. Our Government has a responsibility to provide health care for the poor and the elderly, and we are meeting that responsibility. For all Americans, we must confront the rising cost of care, strengthen the doctor-patient relationship, and help people afford the insurance coverage they need. We will make wider use of electronic records and other health information technology to help control costs and reduce dangerous medical errors. We will strengthen health savings accounts, making sure individuals and small-business employees can buy insurance with the same advantages that people working for big businesses now get. We will do more to make this coverage portable, so workers can switch jobs without having to worry about losing their health insurance. And because lawsuits are driving many good doctors out of practice, leaving women in nearly 1,500 American counties without a single ob-gyn, I ask the Congress to pass medical liability reform this year. Keeping America competitive requires affordable energy. And here we have a serious problem: America is addicted to oil, which is often imported from unstable parts of the world. The best way to break this addiction is through technology. Since 2001, we have spent nearly $10 billion to develop cleaner, cheaper, and more reliable alternative energy sources. And we are on the threshold of incredible advances. So tonight I announce the Advanced Energy Initiativeóa 22-percent increase in clean-energy research at the Department of Energyóto push for breakthroughs in two vital areas. To change how we power our homes and offices, we will invest more in zero-emission coal-fired plants, revolutionary solar and wind technologies, and clean, safe nuclear energy. We must also change how we power our automobiles. We will increase our research in better batteries for hybrid and electric cars and in pollution-free cars that run on hydrogen. We'll also fund additional research in cutting-edge methods of producing ethanol, not just from corn but from wood chips and stalks or switchgrass. Our goal is to make this new kind of ethanol practical and competitive within 6 years. Breakthroughs on this and other new technologies will help us reach another great goal: to replace more than 75 percent of our oil imports from the Middle East by 2025. By applying the talent and technology of America, this country can dramatically improve our environment, move beyond a petroleum-based economy, and make our dependence on Middle Eastern oil a thing of the past. And to keep America competitive, one commitment is necessary above all: We must continue to lead the world in human talent and creativity. Our greatest advantage in the world has always been our educated, hard-working, ambitious people. And we're going to keep that edge. Tonight I announce an American Competitiveness Initiative to encourage innovation throughout our economy and to give our Nation's children a firm grounding in math and science. First, I propose to double the Federal commitment to the most critical basic research programs in the physical sciences over the next 10 years. This funding will support the work of America's most creative minds as they explore promising areas such as nanotechnology, supercomputing, and alternative energy sources. Second, I propose to make permanent the research and development tax credit to encourage bolder private sector initiative in technology. With more research in both the public and private sectors, we will improve our quality of life and ensure that America will lead the world in opportunity and innovation for decades to come. Third, we need to encourage children to take more math and science, and to make sure those courses are rigorous enough to compete with other nations. We've made a good start in the early grades with the No Child Left Behind Act, which is raising standards and lifting test scores across our country. Tonight I propose to train 70,000 high school teachers to lead Advanced Placement courses in math and science, bring 30,000 math and science professionals to teach in classrooms, and give early help to students who struggle with math, so they have a better chance at good, high-wage jobs. If we ensure that America's children succeed in life, they will ensure that America succeeds in the world. Preparing our Nation to compete in the world is a goal that all of us can share. I urge you to support the American Competitiveness Initiative, and together we will show the world what the American people can achieve. America is a great force for freedom and prosperity. Yet our greatness is not measured in power or luxuries but by who we are and how we treat one another. So we strive to be a compassionate, decent, hopeful society. In recent years, America has become a more hopeful nation. Violent crime rates have fallen to their lowest levels since the 1970s. Welfare cases have dropped by more than half over the past decade. Drug use among youth is down 19 percent since 2001. There are fewer abortions in America than at any point in the last three decades, and the number of children born to teenage mothers has been falling for a dozen years in a row. These gains are evidence of a quiet transformation, a revolution of conscience, in which a rising generation is finding that a life of personal responsibility is a life of fulfillment. Government has played a role. Wise policies, such as welfare reform and drug education and support for abstinence and adoption have made a difference in the character of our country. And everyone here tonight, Democrat and Republican, has a right to be proud of this record. Yet many Americans, especially parents, still have deep concerns about the direction of our culture and the health of our most basic institutions. They're concerned about unethical conduct by public officials and discouraged by activist courts that try to redefine marriage. They worry about children in our society who need direction and love, and about fellow citizens still displaced by natural disaster, and about suffering caused by treatable diseases. As we look at these challenges, we must never give in to the belief that America is in decline or that our culture is doomed to unravel. The American people know better than that. We have proven the pessimists wrong before, and we will do it again. A hopeful society depends on courts that deliver equal justice under the law. The Supreme Court now has two superb new members on its bench, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Sam Alito. I thank the Senate for confirming both of them. I will continue to nominate men and women who understand that judges must be servants of the law and not legislate from the bench. Today marks the official retirement of a very special American. For 24 years of faithful service to our Nation, the United States is grateful to Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. A hopeful society has institutions of science and medicine that do not cut ethical corners and that recognize the matchless value of every life. Tonight I ask you to pass legislation to prohibit the most egregious abuses of medical research: human cloning in all its forms; creating or implanting embryos for experiments; creating human-animal hybrids; and buying, selling, or patenting human embryos. Human life is a gift from our Creator, and that gift should never be discarded, devalued, or put up for sale. A hopeful society expects elected officials to uphold the public trust. Honorable people in both parties are working on reforms to strengthen the ethical standards of Washington. I support your efforts. Each of us has made a pledge to be worthy of public responsibility, and that is a pledge we must never forget, never dismiss, and never betray. As we renew the promise of our institutions, let us also show the character of America in our compassion and care for one another. A hopeful society gives special attention to children who lack direction and love. Through the Helping America's Youth Initiative, we are encouraging caring adults to get involved in the life of a child. And this good work is being led by our First Lady, Laura Bush. This year, we will add resources to encourage young people to stay in school, so more of America's youth can raise their sights and achieve their dreams. A hopeful society comes to the aid of fellow citizens in times of suffering and emergency and stays at it until they're back on their feet. So far the Federal Government has committed $85 billion to the people of the gulf coast and New Orleans. We're removing debris and repairing highways and rebuilding stronger levees. We're providing business loans and housing assistance. Yet as we meet these immediate needs, we must also address deeper challenges that existed before the storm arrived. In New Orleans and in other places, many of our fellow citizens have felt excluded from the promise of our country. The answer is not only temporary relief but schools that teach every child and job skills that bring upward mobility and more opportunities to own a home and start a business. As we recover from a disaster, let us also work for the day when all Americans are protected by justice, equal in hope, and rich in opportunity. A hopeful society acts boldly to fight diseases like HIV/AIDS, which can be prevented and treated and defeated. More than a million Americans live with HIV, and half of all AIDS cases occur among African Americans. I ask Congress to reform and reauthorize the Ryan White Act and provide new funding to States, so we end the waiting lists for AIDS medicines in America. We will also lead a nationwide effort, working closely with African American churches and faith-based groups, to deliver rapid HIV tests to millions, end the stigma of AIDS, and come closer to the day when there are no new infections in America. Fellow citizens, we've been called to leadership in a period of consequence. We've entered a great ideological conflict we did nothing to invite. We see great changes in science and commerce that will influence all our lives. Sometimes it can seem that history is turning in a wide arc toward an unknown shore. Yet the destination of history is determined by human action, and every great movement of history comes to a point of choosing. Lincoln could have accepted peace at the cost of disunity and continued slavery. Martin Luther King could have stopped at Birmingham or at Selma and achieved only half a victory over segregation. The United States could have accepted the permanent division of Europe and been complicit in the oppression of others. Today, having come far in our own historical journey, we must decide: Will we turn back or finish well? Before history is written down in books, it is written in courage. Like Americans before us, we will show that courage, and we will finish well. We will lead freedom's advance. We will compete and excel in the global economy. We will renew the defining moral commitments of this land. And so we move forward, optimistic about our country, faithful to its cause, and confident of the victories to come. May God bless America. Thank you very much. And tonight, I have a high privilege and distinct honor of my own -- as the first President to begin the State of the Union message with these words: Madam Speaker. In his day, the late Congressman Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr. from Baltimore, Maryland, saw Presidents Roosevelt and Truman at this rostrum. But nothing could compare with the sight of his only daughter, Nancy, presiding tonight as Speaker of the House of Representatives. Congratulations, Madam Speaker. Two members of the House and Senate are not with us tonight, and we pray for the recovery and speedy return of Senator Tim Johnson and Congressman Charlie Norwood. Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: The rite of custom brings us together at a defining hour -- when decisions are hard and courage is needed. We enter the year 2007 with large endeavors underway, and others that are ours to begin. In all of this, much is asked of us. We must have the will to face difficult challenges and determined enemies -- and the wisdom to face them together. Some in this chamber are new to the House and the Senate -- and I congratulate the Democrat majority. Congress has changed, but not our responsibilities. Each of us is guided by our own convictions -- and to these we must stay faithful. Yet we're all held to the same standards, and called to serve the same good purposes: To extend this nation's prosperity; to spend the people's money wisely; to solve problems, not leave them to future generations; to guard America against all evil; and to keep faith with those we have sent forth to defend us. We're not the first to come here with a government divided and uncertainty in the air. Like many before us, we can work through our differences, and achieve big things for the American people. Our citizens don't much care which side of the aisle we sit on -- as long as we're willing to cross that aisle when there is work to be done. Our job is to make life better for our fellow Americans, and to help them to build a future of hope and opportunity -- and this is the business before us tonight. A future of hope and opportunity begins with a growing economy -- and that is what we have. We're now in the 41st month of uninterrupted job growth, in a recovery that has created 7.2 million new jobs -- so far. Unemployment is low, inflation is low, and wages are rising. This economy is on the move, and our job is to keep it that way, not with more government, but with more enterprise. Next week, I'll deliver a full report on the state of our economy. Tonight, I want to discuss three economic reforms that deserve to be priorities for this Congress. First, we must balance the federal budget. We can do so without raising taxes. What we need to do is impose spending discipline in Washington, D.C. We set a goal of cutting the deficit in half by 2009, and met that goal three years ahead of schedule. Now let us take the next step. In the coming weeks, I will submit a budget that eliminates the federal deficit within the next five years. I ask you to make the same commitment. Together, we can restrain the spending appetite of the federal government, and we can balance the federal budget. Next, there is the matter of earmarks. These special interest items are often slipped into bills at the last hour -- when not even C-SPAN is watching. In 2005 alone, the number of earmarks grew to over 13,000 and totaled nearly $18 billion. Even worse, over 90 percent of earmarks never make it to the floor of the House and Senate -- they are dropped into committee reports that are not even part of the bill that arrives on my desk. You didn't vote them into law. I didn't sign them into law. Yet, they're treated as if they have the force of law. The time has come to end this practice. So let us work together to reform the budget process, expose every earmark to the light of day and to a vote in Congress, and cut the number and cost of earmarks at least in half by the end of this session. And, finally, to keep this economy strong we must take on the challenge of entitlements. Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid are commitments of conscience, and so it is our duty to keep them permanently sound. Yet, we're failing in that duty. And this failure will one day leave our children with three bad options: huge tax increases, huge deficits, or huge and immediate cuts in benefits. Everyone in this chamber knows this to be true -- yet somehow we have not found it in ourselves to act. So let us work together and do it now. With enough good sense and goodwill, you and I can fix Medicare and Medicaid -- and save Social Security. Spreading opportunity and hope in America also requires public schools that give children the knowledge and character they need in life. Five years ago, we rose above partisan differences to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, preserving local control, raising standards, and holding those schools accountable for results. And because we acted, students are performing better in reading and math, and minority students are closing the achievement gap. Now the task is to build on the success, without watering down standards, without taking control from local communities, and without backsliding and calling it reform. We can lift student achievement even higher by giving local leaders flexibility to turn around failing schools, and by giving families with children stuck in failing schools the right to choose someplace better. We must increase funds for students who struggle -- and make sure these children get the special help they need. And we can make sure our children are prepared for the jobs of the future and our country is more competitive by strengthening math and science skills. The No Child Left Behind Act has worked for America's children -- and I ask Congress to reauthorize this good law. A future of hope and opportunity requires that all our citizens have affordable and available health care. When it comes to health care, government has an obligation to care for the elderly, the disabled, and poor children. And we will meet those responsibilities. For all other Americans, private health insurance is the best way to meet their needs. But many Americans cannot afford a health insurance policy. And so tonight, I propose two new initiatives to help more Americans afford their own insurance. First, I propose a standard tax deduction for health insurance that will be like the standard tax deduction for dependents. Families with health insurance will pay no income on payroll tax -- or payroll taxes on $15,000 of their income. Single Americans with health insurance will pay no income or payroll taxes on $7,500 of their income. With this reform, more than 100 million men, women, and children who are now covered by employer-provided insurance will benefit from lower tax bills. At the same time, this reform will level the playing field for those who do not get health insurance through their job. For Americans who now purchase health insurance on their own, this proposal would mean a substantial tax savings -- $4,500 for a family of four making $60,000 a year. And for the millions of other Americans who have no health insurance at all, this deduction would help put a basic private health insurance plan within their reach. Changing the tax code is a vital and necessary step to making health care affordable for more Americans. My second proposal is to help the states that are coming up with innovative ways to cover the uninsured. States that make basic private health insurance available to all their citizens should receive federal funds to help them provide this coverage to the poor and the sick. I have asked the Secretary of Health and Human Services to work with Congress to take existing federal funds and use them to create 'Affordable Choices' grants. These grants would give our nation's governors more money and more flexibility to get private health insurance to those most in need. There are many other ways that Congress can help. We need to expand Health Savings Accounts. We need to help small businesses through Association Health Plans. We need to reduce costs and medical errors with better information technology. We will encourage price transparency. And to protect good doctors from junk lawsuits, we passing medical liability reform. In all we do, we must remember that the best health care decisions are made not by government and insurance companies, but by patients and their doctors. Extending hope and opportunity in our country requires an immigration system worthy of America -- with laws that are fair and borders that are secure. When laws and borders are routinely violated, this harms the interests of our country. To secure our border, we're doubling the size of the Border Patrol, and funding new infrastructure and technology. Yet even with all these steps, we cannot fully secure the border unless we take pressure off the border -- and that requires a temporary worker program. We should establish a legal and orderly path for foreign workers to enter our country to work on a temporary basis. As a result, they won't have to try to sneak in, and that will leave Border Agents free to chase down drug smugglers and criminals and terrorists. We'll enforce our immigration laws at the work site and give employers the tools to verify the legal status of their workers, so there's no excuse left for violating the law. We need to uphold the great tradition of the melting pot that welcomes and assimilates new arrivals. We need to resolve the status of the illegal immigrants who are already in our country without animosity and without amnesty. Convictions run deep in this Capitol when it comes to immigration. Let us have a serious, civil, and conclusive debate, so that you can pass, and I can sign, comprehensive immigration reform into law. Extending hope and opportunity depends on a stable supply of energy that keeps America's economy running and America's environment clean. For too long our nation has been dependent on foreign oil. And this dependence leaves us more vulnerable to hostile regimes, and to terrorists -- who could cause huge disruptions of oil shipments, and raise the price of oil, and do great harm to our economy. It's in our vital interest to diversify America's energy supply -- the way forward is through technology. We must continue changing the way America generates electric power, by even greater use of clean coal technology, solar and wind energy, and clean, safe nuclear power. We need to press on with battery research for plug-in and hybrid vehicles, and expand the use of clean diesel vehicles and biodiesel fuel. We must continue investing in new methods of producing ethanol -- using everything from wood chips to grasses, to agricultural wastes. We made a lot of progress, thanks to good policies here in Washington and the strong response of the market. And now even more dramatic advances are within reach. Tonight, I ask Congress to join me in pursuing a great goal. Let us build on the work we've done and reduce gasoline usage in the United States by 20 percent in the next 10 years. When we do that we will have cut our total imports by the equivalent of three-quarters of all the oil we now import from the Middle East. To reach this goal, we must increase the supply of alternative fuels, by setting a mandatory fuels standard to require 35 billion gallons of renewable and alternative fuels in 2017 -- and that is nearly five times the current target. At the same time, we need to reform and modernize fuel economy standards for cars the way we did for light trucks -- and conserve up to 8.5 billion more gallons of gasoline by 2017. Achieving these ambitious goals will dramatically reduce our dependence on foreign oil, but it's not going to eliminate it. And so as we continue to diversify our fuel supply, we must step up domestic oil production in environmentally sensitive ways. And to further protect America against severe disruptions to our oil supply, I ask Congress to double the current capacity of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. America is on the verge of technological breakthroughs that will enable us to live our lives less dependent on oil. And these technologies will help us be better stewards of the environment, and they will help us to confront the serious challenge of global climate change. A future of hope and opportunity requires a fair, impartial system of justice. The lives of our citizens across our nation are affected by the outcome of cases pending in our federal courts. We have a shared obligation to ensure that the federal courts have enough judges to hear those cases and deliver timely rulings. As President, I have a duty to nominate qualified men and women to vacancies on the federal bench. And the United States Senate has a duty, as well, to give those nominees a fair hearing, and a prompt up-or-down vote on the Senate floor. For all of us in this room, there is no higher responsibility than to protect the people of this country from danger. Five years have come and gone since we saw the scenes and felt the sorrow that the terrorists can cause. We've had time to take stock of our situation. We've added many critical protections to guard the homeland. We know with certainty that the horrors of that September morning were just a glimpse of what the terrorists intend for us -- unless we stop them. With the distance of time, we find ourselves debating the causes of conflict and the course we have followed. Such debates are essential when a great democracy faces great questions. Yet one question has surely been settled: that to win the war on terror we must take the fight to the enemy. From the start, America and our allies have protected our people by staying on the offense. The enemy knows that the days of comfortable sanctuary, easy movement, steady financing, and free flowing communications are long over. For the terrorists, life since 9/11 has never been the same. Our success in this war is often measured by the things that did not happen. We cannot know the full extent of the attacks that we and our allies have prevented, but here is some of what we do know: We stopped an al Qaeda plot to fly a hijacked airplane into the tallest building on the West Coast. We broke up a Southeast Asian terror cell grooming operatives for attacks inside the United States. We uncovered an al Qaeda cell developing anthrax to be used in attacks against America. And just last August, British authorities uncovered a plot to blow up passenger planes bound for America over the Atlantic Ocean. For each life saved, we owe a debt of gratitude to the brave public servants who devote their lives to finding the terrorists and stopping them. Every success against the terrorists is a reminder of the shoreless ambitions of this enemy. The evil that inspired and rejoiced in 9/11 is still at work in the world. And so long as that's the case, America is still a nation at war. In the mind of the terrorist, this war began well before September the 11th, and will not end until their radical vision is fulfilled. And these past five years have given us a much clearer view of the nature of this enemy. Al Qaeda and its followers are Sunni extremists, possessed by hatred and commanded by a harsh and narrow ideology. Take almost any principle of civilization, and their goal is the opposite. They preach with threats, instruct with bullets and bombs, and promise paradise for the murder of the innocent. Our enemies are quite explicit about their intentions. They want to overthrow moderate governments, and establish safe havens from which to plan and carry out new attacks on our country. By killing and terrorizing Americans, they want to force our country to retreat from the world and abandon the cause of liberty. They would then be free to impose their will and spread their totalitarian ideology. Listen to this warning from the late terrorist Zarqawi: 'We will sacrifice our blood and bodies to put an end to your dreams, and what is coming is even worse.' Osama bin Laden declared: 'Death is better than living on this Earth with the unbelievers among us.' These men are not given to idle words, and they are just one camp in the Islamist radical movement. In recent times, it has also become clear that we face an escalating danger from Shia extremists who are just as hostile to America, and are also determined to dominate the Middle East. Many are known to take direction from the regime in Iran, which is funding and arming terrorists like Hezbollah -- a group second only to al Qaeda in the American lives it has taken. The Shia and Sunni extremists are different faces of the same totalitarian threat. Whatever slogans they chant, when they slaughter the innocent they have the same wicked purposes. They want to kill Americans, kill democracy in the Middle East, and gain the weapons to kill on an even more horrific scale. In the sixth year since our nation was attacked, I wish I could report to you that the dangers had ended. They have not. And so it remains the policy of this government to use every lawful and proper tool of intelligence, diplomacy, law enforcement, and military action to do our duty, to find these enemies, and to protect the American people. This war is more than a clash of arms -- it is a decisive ideological struggle, and the security of our nation is in the balance. To prevail, we must remove the conditions that inspire blind hatred, and drove 19 men to get onto airplanes and to come and kill us. What every terrorist fears most is human freedom -- societies where men and women make their own choices, answer to their own conscience, and live by their hopes instead of their resentments. Free people are not drawn to violent and malignant ideologies -- and most will choose a better way when they're given a chance. So we advance our own security interests by helping moderates and reformers and brave voices for democracy. The great question of our day is whether America will help men and women in the Middle East to build free societies and share in the rights of all humanity. And I say, for the sake of our own security, we must. In the last two years, we've seen the desire for liberty in the broader Middle East -- and we have been sobered by the enemy's fierce reaction. In 2005, the world watched as the citizens of Lebanon raised the banner of the Cedar Revolution, they drove out the Syrian occupiers and chose new leaders in free elections. In 2005, the people of Afghanistan defied the terrorists and elected a democratic legislature. And in 2005, the Iraqi people held three national elections, choosing a transitional government, adopting the most progressive, democratic constitution in the Arab world, and then electing a government under that constitution. Despite endless threats from the killers in their midst, nearly 12 million Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and solidarity that we should never forget. A thinking enemy watched all of these scenes, adjusted their tactics, and in 2006 they struck back. In Lebanon, assassins took the life of Pierre Gemayel, a prominent participant in the Cedar Revolution. Hezbollah terrorists, with support from Syria and Iran, sowed conflict in the region and are seeking to undermine Lebanon's legitimately elected government. In Afghanistan, Taliban and al Qaeda fighters tried to regain power by regrouping and engaging Afghan and NATO forces. In Iraq, al Qaeda and other Sunni extremists blew up one of the most sacred places in Shia Islam -- the Golden Mosque of Samarra. This atrocity, directed at a Muslim house of prayer, was designed to provoke retaliation from Iraqi Shia -- and it succeeded. Radical Shia elements, some of whom receive support from Iran, formed death squads. The result was a tragic escalation of sectarian rage and reprisal that continues to this day. This is not the fight we entered in Iraq, but it is the fight we're in. Every one of us wishes this war were over and won. Yet it would not be like us to leave our promises unkept, our friends abandoned, and our own security at risk. Ladies and gentlemen: On this day, at this hour, it is still within our power to shape the outcome of this battle. Let us find our resolve, and turn events toward victory. We're carrying out a new strategy in Iraq -- a plan that demands more from Iraq's elected government, and gives our forces in Iraq the reinforcements they need to complete their mission. Our goal is a democratic Iraq that upholds the rule of law, respects the rights of its people, provides them security, and is an ally in the war on terror. In order to make progress toward this goal, the Iraqi government must stop the sectarian violence in its capital. But the Iraqis are not yet ready to do this on their own. So we're deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional soldiers and Marines to Iraq. The vast majority will go to Baghdad, where they will help Iraqi forces to clear and secure neighborhoods, and serve as advisers embedded in Iraqi Army units. With Iraqis in the lead, our forces will help secure the city by chasing down the terrorists, insurgents, and the roaming death squads. And in Anbar Province, where al Qaeda terrorists have gathered and local forces have begun showing a willingness to fight them, we're sending an additional 4,000 United States Marines, with orders to find the terrorists and clear them out. We didn't drive al Qaeda out of their safe haven in Afghanistan only to let them set up a new safe haven in a free Iraq. The people of Iraq want to live in peace, and now it's time for their government to act. Iraq's leaders know that our commitment is not open-ended. They have promised to deploy more of their own troops to secure Baghdad -- and they must do so. They pledged that they will confront violent radicals of any faction or political party -- and they need to follow through, and lift needless restrictions on Iraqi and coalition forces, so these troops can achieve their mission of bringing security to all of the people of Baghdad. Iraq's leaders have committed themselves to a series of benchmarks -- to achieve reconciliation, to share oil revenues among all of Iraq's citizens, to put the wealth of Iraq into the rebuilding of Iraq, to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation's civic life, to hold local elections, and to take responsibility for security in every Iraqi province. But for all of this to happen, Baghdad must be secure. And our plan will help the Iraqi government take back its capital and make good on its commitments. My fellow citizens, our military commanders and I have carefully weighed the options. We discussed every possible approach. In the end, I chose this course of action because it provides the best chance for success. Many in this chamber understand that America must not fail in Iraq, because you understand that the consequences of failure would be grievous and far-reaching. If American forces step back before Baghdad is secure, the Iraqi government would be overrun by extremists on all sides. We could expect an epic battle between Shia extremists backed by Iran, and Sunni extremists aided by al Qaeda and supporters of the old regime. A contagion of violence could spill out across the country -- and in time, the entire region could be drawn into the conflict. For America, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy, this is the objective. Chaos is the greatest ally -- their greatest ally in this struggle. And out of chaos in Iraq would emerge an emboldened enemy with new safe havens, new recruits, new resources, and an even greater determination to harm America. To allow this to happen would be to ignore the lessons of September the 11th and invite tragedy. Ladies and gentlemen, nothing is more important at this moment in our history than for America to succeed in the Middle East, to succeed in Iraq and to spare the American people from this danger. This is where matters stand tonight, in the here and now. I have spoken with many of you in person. I respect you and the arguments you've made. We went into this largely united, in our assumptions and in our convictions. And whatever you voted for, you did not vote for failure. Our country is pursuing a new strategy in Iraq, and I ask you to give it a chance to work. And I ask you to support our troops in the field, and those on their way. The war on terror we fight today is a generational struggle that will continue long after you and I have turned our duties over to others. And that's why it's important to work together so our nation can see this great effort through. Both parties and both branches should work in close consultation. It's why I propose to establish a special advisory council on the war on terror, made up of leaders in Congress from both political parties. We will share ideas for how to position America to meet every challenge that confronts us. We'll show our enemies abroad that we are united in the goal of victory. And one of the first steps we can take together is to add to the ranks of our military so that the American Armed Forces are ready for all the challenges ahead. Tonight I ask the Congress to authorize an increase in the size of our active Army and Marine Corps by 92,000 in the next five years. A second task we can take on together is to design and establish a volunteer Civilian Reserve Corps. Such a corps would function much like our military reserve. It would ease the burden on the Armed Forces by allowing us to hire civilians with critical skills to serve on missions abroad when America needs them. It would give people across America who do not wear the uniform a chance to serve in the defining struggle of our time. Americans can have confidence in the outcome of this struggle because we're not in this struggle alone. We have a diplomatic strategy that is rallying the world to join in the fight against extremism. In Iraq, multinational forces are operating under a mandate from the United Nations. We're working with Jordan and Saudi Arabia and Egypt and the Gulf States to increase support for Iraq's government. The United Nations has imposed sanctions on Iran, and made it clear that the world will not allow the regime in Tehran to acquire nuclear weapons. With the other members of the Quartet -- the U.N., the European Union, and Russia -- we're pursuing diplomacy to help bring peace to the Holy Land, and pursuing the establishment of a democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel in peace and security. In Afghanistan, NATO has taken the lead in turning back the Taliban and al Qaeda offensive -- the first time the Alliance has deployed forces outside the North Atlantic area. Together with our partners in China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, we're pursuing intensive diplomacy to achieve a Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. We will continue to speak out for the cause of freedom in places like Cuba, Belarus, and Burma -- and continue to awaken the conscience of the world to save the people of Darfur. American foreign policy is more than a matter of war and diplomacy. Our work in the world is also based on a timeless truth: To whom much is given, much is required. We hear the call to take on the challenges of hunger and poverty and disease -- and that is precisely what America is doing. We must continue to fight HIV/AIDS, especially on the continent of Africa. Because you funded our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the number of people receiving life-saving drugs has grown from 50,000 to more than 800,000 in three short years. I ask you to continue funding our efforts to fight HIV/AIDS. I ask you to provide $1.2 billion over five years so we can combat malaria in 15 African countries. I ask that you fund the Millennium Challenge Account, so that American aid reaches the people who need it, in nations where democracy is on the rise and corruption is in retreat. And let us continue to support the expanded trade and debt relief that are the best hope for lifting lives and eliminating poverty. When America serves others in this way, we show the strength and generosity of our country. These deeds reflect the character of our people. The greatest strength we have is the heroic kindness, courage, and self-sacrifice of the American people. You see this spirit often if you know where to look -- and tonight we need only look above to the gallery. Dikembe Mutombo grew up in Africa, amid great poverty and disease. He came to Georgetown University on a scholarship to study medicine -- but Coach John Thompson got a look at Dikembe and had a different idea. Dikembe became a star in the NBA, and a citizen of the United States. But he never forgot the land of his birth, or the duty to share his blessings with others. He built a brand new hospital in his old hometown. A friend has said of this good-hearted man: 'Mutombo believes that God has given him this opportunity to do great things.' And we are proud to call this son of the Congo a citizen of the United States of America. After her daughter was born, Julie Aigner-Clark searched for ways to share her love of music and art with her child. So she borrowed some equipment, and began filming children's videos in her basement. The Baby Einstein Company was born, and in just five years her business grew to more than $20 million in sales. In November 2001, Julie sold Baby Einstein to the Walt Disney Company, and with her help Baby Einstein has grown into a $200 million business. Julie represents the great enterprising spirit of America. And she is using her success to help others -- producing child safety videos with John Walsh of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. Julie says of her new project: 'I believe it's the most important thing that I have ever done. I believe that children have the right to live in a world that is safe.' And so tonight, we are pleased to welcome this talented business entrepreneur and generous social entrepreneur -- Julie Aigner-Clark. Three weeks ago, Wesley Autrey was waiting at a Harlem subway station with his two little girls, when he saw a man fall into the path of a train. With seconds to act, Wesley jumped onto the tracks, pulled the man into the space between the rails, and held him as the train passed right above their heads. He insists he's not a hero. He says: 'We got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have our freedoms. We have got to show each other some love.' There is something wonderful about a country that produces a brave and humble man like Wesley Autrey. Tommy Rieman was a teenager pumping gas in Independence, Kentucky, when he enlisted in the United States Army. In December 2003, he was on a reconnaissance mission in Iraq when his team came under heavy enemy fire. From his Humvee, Sergeant Rieman returned fire; he used his body as a shield to protect his gunner. He was shot in the chest and arm, and received shrapnel wounds to his legs -- yet he refused medical attention, and stayed in the fight. He helped to repel a second attack, firing grenades at the enemy's position. For his exceptional courage, Sergeant Rieman was awarded the Silver Star. And like so many other Americans who have volunteered to defend us, he has earned the respect and the gratitude of our entire country. In such courage and compassion, ladies and gentlemen, we see the spirit and character of America -- and these qualities are not in short supply. This is a decent and honorable country -- and resilient, too. We've been through a lot together. We've met challenges and faced dangers, and we know that more lie ahead. Yet we can go forward with confidence -- because the State of our Union is strong, our cause in the world is right, and tonight that cause goes on. God bless. See you next year. Thank you for your prayers. Thank you all. Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Seven years have passed since I first stood before you at this rostrum. In that time, our country has been tested in ways none of us could have imagined. We faced hard decisions about peace and war, rising competition in the world economy, and the health and welfare of our citizens. These issues call for vigorous debate, and I think it's fair to say, we've answered the call. [Laughter] Yet history will record that amid our differences, we acted with purpose, and together we showed the world the power and resilience of American self-government. All of us were sent to Washington to carry out the people's business. That is the purpose of this body. It is the meaning of our oath. It remains our charge to keep. The actions of the 110th Congress will affect the security and prosperity of our Nation long after this session has ended. In this election year, let us show our fellow Americans that we recognize our responsibilities and are determined to meet them. Let us show them that Republicans and Democrats can compete for votes and cooperate for results at the same time. From expanding opportunity to protecting our country, we've made good progress. Yet we have unfinished business before us, and the American people expect us to get it done. In the work ahead, we must be guided by the philosophy that made our Nation great. As Americans, we believe in the power of individuals to determine their destiny and shape the course of history. We believe that the most reliable guide for our country is the collective wisdom of ordinary citizens. And so in all we do, we must trust in the ability of free peoples to make wise decisions and empower them to improve their lives for their futures. To build a prosperous future, we must trust people with their own money and empower them to grow our economy. As we meet tonight, our economy is undergoing a period of uncertainty. America has added jobs for a record 52 straight months, but jobs are now growing at a slower pace. Wages are up, but so are prices for food and gas. Exports are rising, but the housing market has declined. At kitchen tables across our country, there is a concern about our economic future. In the long run, Americans can be confident about our economic growth. But in the short run, we can all see that that growth is slowing. So last week, my administration reached agreement with Speaker Pelosi and Republican Leader Boehner on a robust growth package that includes tax relief for individuals and families and incentives for business investment. The temptation will be to load up the bill. That would delay it or derail it, and neither option is acceptable. This is a good agreement that will keep our economy growing and our people working, and this Congress must pass it as soon as possible. We have other work to do on taxes. Unless Congress acts, most of the tax relief we've delivered over the past 7 years will be taken away. Some in Washington argue that letting tax relief expire is not a tax increase. Try explaining that to 116 million American taxpayers who would see their taxes rise by an average of $1,800. Others have said they would personally be happy to pay higher taxes. I welcome their enthusiasm. I'm pleased to report that the IRS accepts both checks and money orders. [Laughter] Most Americans think their taxes are high enough. With all the other pressures on their finances, American families should not have to worry about their Federal Government taking a bigger bite out of their paychecks. There's only one way to eliminate this uncertainty: Make the tax relief permanent. And Members of Congress should know, if any bill raises taxes reaches my desk, I will veto it. Just as we trust Americans with their own money, we need to earn their trust by spending their tax dollars wisely. Next week, I'll send you a budget that terminates or substantially reduces 151 wasteful or bloated programs, totaling more than $18 billion. The budget that I will submit will keep America on track for a surplus in 2012. American families have to balance their budgets; so should their Government. The people's trust in their Government is undermined by congressional earmarks, special interest projects that are often snuck in at the last minute, without discussion or debate. Last year, I asked you to voluntarily cut the number and cost of earmarks in half. I also asked you to stop slipping earmarks into committee reports that never even come to a vote. Unfortunately, neither goal was met. So this time, if you send me an appropriations bill that does not cut the number and cost of earmarks in half, I'll send it back to you with my veto. And tomorrow I will issue an Executive order that directs Federal agencies to ignore any future earmark that is not voted on by Congress. If these items are truly worth funding, Congress should debate them in the open and hold a public vote. Our shared responsibilities extend beyond matters of taxes and spending. On housing, we must trust Americans with the responsibility of homeownership and empower them to weather turbulent times in the housing market. My administration brought together the HOPE NOW Alliance, which is helping many struggling homeowners avoid foreclosure. And Congress can help even more. Tonight I ask you to pass legislation to reform Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, modernize the Federal Housing Administration, and allow State housing agencies to issue tax-free bonds to help homeowners refinance their mortgages. These are difficult times for many American families, and by taking these steps, we can help more of them keep their homes. To build a future of quality health care, we must trust patients and doctors to make medical decisions and empower them with better information and better options. We share a common goal: making health care more affordable and accessible for all Americans. The best way to achieve that goal is by expanding consumer choice, not Government control. So I have proposed ending the bias in the Tax Code against those who do not get their health insurance through their employer. This one reform would put private coverage within reach for millions, and I call on the Congress to pass it this year. Congress must also expand health savings accounts, create association health plans for small businesses, promote health information technology, and confront the epidemic of junk medical lawsuits. With all these steps, we will ensure that decisions about your medical care are made in the privacy of your doctor's office, not in the Halls of Congress. On education, we must trust students to learn, if given the chance, and empower parents to demand results from our schools. In neighborhoods across our country, there are boys and girls with dreams, and a decent education is their only hope of achieving them. Six years ago, we came together to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, and today, no one can deny its results. Last year, fourth and eighth graders achieved the highest math scores on record. Reading scores are on the rise. African American and Hispanic students posted alltime highs. Now we must work together to increase accountability, add flexibilities for States and districts, reduce the number of high school dropouts, provide extra help for struggling schools. Members of Congress, the No Child Left Behind Act is a bipartisan achievement. It is succeeding, and we owe it to America's children, their parents, and their teachers to strengthen this good law. We must also do more to help children when their schools do not measure up. Thanks to the DC Opportunity Scholarships you approved, more than 2,600 of the poorest children in our Nation's Capital have found new hope at a faith-based or other nonpublic school. Sadly, these schools are disappearing at an alarming rate in many of America's inner cities. So I will convene a White House summit aimed at strengthening these lifelines of learning. And to open the doors of these schools to more children, I ask you to support a new $300 million program called Pell Grants for Kids. We have seen how Pell grants help low-income college students realize their full potential. Together, we've expanded the size and reach of these grants. Now let us apply the same spirit to help liberate poor children trapped in failing public schools. On trade, we must trust American workers to compete with anyone in the world and empower them by opening up new markets overseas. Today, our economic growth increasingly depends on our ability to sell American goods and crops and services all over the world. So we're working to break down barriers to trade and investment wherever we can. We're working for a successful Doha round of trade talks, and we must complete a good agreement this year. At the same time, we're pursuing opportunities to open up new markets by passing free trade agreements. I thank the Congress for approving a good agreement with Peru. And now I ask you to approve agreements with Colombia and Panama and South Korea. Many products from these nations now enter America duty free, yet many of our products face steep tariffs in their markets. These agreements will level the playing field. They will give us better access to nearly 100 million customers. They will support good jobs for the finest workers in the world, those whose products say 'Made in the U.S.A.' These agreements also promote America's strategic interests. The first agreement that will come before you is with Colombia, a friend of America that is confronting violence and terror and fighting drug traffickers. If we fail to pass this agreement, we will embolden the purveyors of false populism in our hemisphere. So we must come together, pass this agreement, and show our neighbors in the region that democracy leads to a better life. Trade brings better jobs and better choices and better prices. Yet for some Americans, trade can mean losing a job, and the Federal Government has a responsibility to help. I ask Congress to reauthorize and reform trade adjustment assistance so we can help these displaced workers learn new skills and find new jobs. To build a future of energy security, we must trust in the creative genius of American researchers and entrepreneurs and empower them to pioneer a new generation of clean energy technology. Our security, our prosperity, and our environment all require reducing our dependence on oil. Last year, I asked you to pass legislation to reduce oil consumption over the next decade, and you responded. Together, we should take the next steps. Let us fund new technologies that can generate coal power while capturing carbon emissions. Let us increase the use of renewable power and emissions-free nuclear power. Let us continue investing in advanced battery technology and renewable fuels to power the cars and trucks of the future. Let us create a new international clean technology fund, which will help developing nations like India and China make a greater use of clean energy sources. And let us complete an international agreement that has the potential to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of greenhouse gases. This agreement will be effective only if it includes commitments by every major economy and gives none a free ride. The United States is committed to strengthening our energy security and confronting global climate change. And the best way to meet these goals is for America to continue leading the way toward the development of cleaner and more energy efficient technology. To keep America competitive into the future, we must trust in the skill of our scientists and engineers and empower them to pursue the breakthroughs of tomorrow. Last year, Congress passed legislation supporting the American Competitiveness Initiative, but never followed through with the funding. This funding is essential to keeping our scientific edge. So I ask Congress to double Federal support for critical basic research in the physical sciences and ensure America remains the most dynamic nation on Earth. On matters of life and science, we must trust in the innovative spirit of medical researchers and empower them to discover new treatments while respecting moral boundaries. In November, we witnessed a landmark achievement when scientists discovered a way to reprogram adult skin cells to act like embryonic stem cells. This breakthrough has the potential to move us beyond the divisive debates of the past by extending the frontiers of medicine without the destruction of human life. So we're expanding funding for this type of ethical medical research. And as we explore promising avenues of research, we must also ensure that all life is treated with the dignity it deserves. And so I call on Congress to pass legislation that bans unethical practices, such as the buying, selling, patenting, or cloning of human life. On matters of justice, we must trust in the wisdom of our Founders and empower judges who understand that the Constitution means what it says. I've submitted judicial nominees who will rule by the letter of the law, not the whim of the gavel. Many of these nominees are being unfairly delayed. They are worthy of confirmation, and the Senate should give each of them a prompt up-or-down vote. In communities across our land, we must trust in the good heart of the American people and empower them to serve their neighbors in need. Over the past 7 years, more of our fellow citizens have discovered that the pursuit of happiness leads to the path of service. Americans have volunteered in record numbers. Charitable donations are higher than ever. Faith-based groups are bringing hope to pockets of despair, with newfound support from the Federal Government. And to help guarantee equal treatment of faith-based organizations when they compete for Federal funds, I ask you to permanently extend charitable choice. Tonight the armies of compassion continue the march to a new day in the Gulf Coast. America honors the strength and resilience of the people of this region. We reaffirm our pledge to help them build stronger and better than before. And tonight I'm pleased to announce that in April, we will host this year's North American Summit of Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the great city of New Orleans. There are two other pressing challenges that I've raised repeatedly before this body and that this body has failed to address: entitlement spending and immigration. Every Member in this Chamber knows that spending on entitlement programs like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid is growing faster than we can afford. We all know the painful choices ahead if America stays on this path: massive tax increases, sudden and drastic cuts in benefits, or crippling deficits. I've laid out proposals to reform these programs. Now I ask Members of Congress to offer your proposals and come up with a bipartisan solution to save these vital programs for our children and our grandchildren. The other pressing challenge is immigration. America needs to secure our borders, and with your help, my administration is taking steps to do so. We're increasing worksite enforcement, deploying fences and advanced technologies to stop illegal crossings. We've effectively ended the policy of catch-and-release at the border, and by the end of this year, we will have doubled the number of Border Patrol agents. Yet we also need to acknowledge that we will never fully secure our border until we create a lawful way for foreign workers to come here and support our economy. This will take pressure off the border and allow law enforcement to concentrate on those who mean us harm. We must also find a sensible and humane way to deal with people here illegally. Illegal immigration is complicated, but it can be resolved. And it must be resolved in a way that upholds both our laws and our highest ideals. This is the business of our Nation here at home. Yet building a prosperous future for our citizens also depends on confronting enemies abroad and advancing liberty in troubled regions of the world. Our foreign policy is based on a clear premise: We trust that people, when given the chance, will choose a future of freedom and peace. In the last 7 years, we have witnessed stirring moments in the history of liberty. We've seen citizens in Georgia and Ukraine stand up for their right to free and fair elections. We've seen people in Lebanon take to the streets to demand their independence. We've seen Afghans emerge from the tyranny of the Taliban and choose a new President and a new parliament. We've seen jubilant Iraqis holding up ink-stained fingers and celebrating their freedom. These images of liberty have inspired us. In the past 7 years, we've also seen the images that have sobered us. We've watched throngs of mourners in Lebanon and Pakistan carrying the caskets of beloved leaders taken by the assassin's hand. We've seen wedding guests in blood-soaked finery staggering from a hotel in Jordan, Afghans and Iraqis blown up in mosques and markets, and trains in London and Madrid ripped apart by bombs. On a clear September day, we saw thousands of our fellow citizens taken from us in an instant. These horrific images serve as a grim reminder: The advance of liberty is opposed by terrorists and extremists, evil men who despise freedom, despise America, and aim to subject millions to their violent rule. Since 9/11, we have taken the fight to these terrorists and extremists. We will stay on the offense, we will keep up the pressure, and we will deliver justice to our enemies. We are engaged in the defining ideological struggle of the 21st century. The terrorists oppose every principle of humanity and decency that we hold dear. Yet in this war on terror, there is one thing we and our enemies agree on: In the long run, men and women who are free to determine their own destinies will reject terror and refuse to live in tyranny. And that is why the terrorists are fighting to deny this choice to the people in Lebanon, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Palestinian Territories. And that is why, for the security of America and the peace of the world, we are spreading the hope of freedom. In Afghanistan, America, our 25 NATO allies, and 15 partner nations are helping the Afghan people defend their freedom and rebuild their country. Thanks to the courage of these military and civilian personnel, a nation that was once a safe haven for Al Qaida is now a young democracy where boys and girls are going to school, new roads and hospitals are being built, and people are looking to the future with new hope. These successes must continue, so we're adding 3,200 marines to our forces in Afghanistan, where they will fight the terrorists and train the Afghan Army and police. Defeating the Taliban and Al Qaida is critical to our security, and I thank the Congress for supporting America's vital mission in Afghanistan. In Iraq, the terrorists and extremists are fighting to deny a proud people their liberty and fighting to establish safe havens for attacks across the world. One year ago, our enemies were succeeding in their efforts to plunge Iraq into chaos. So we reviewed our strategy and changed course. We launched a surge of American forces into Iraq. We gave our troops a new mission: work with the Iraqi forces to protect the Iraqi people, pursue the enemy in its strongholds, and deny the terrorists sanctuary anywhere in the country. The Iraqi people quickly realized that something dramatic had happened. Those who had worried that America was preparing to abandon them instead saw tens of thousands of American forces flowing into their country. They saw our forces moving into neighborhoods, clearing out the terrorists, and staying behind to ensure the enemy did not return. And they saw our troops, along with Provincial Reconstruction Teams that include Foreign Service officers and other skilled public servants, coming in to ensure that improved security was followed by improvements in daily life. Our military and civilians in Iraq are performing with courage and distinction, and they have the gratitude of our whole Nation. The Iraqis launched a surge of their own. In the fall of 2006, Sunni tribal leaders grew tired of Al Qaida's brutality, started a popular uprising called the Anbar Awakening. Over the past year, similar movements have spread across the country. And today, the grassroots surge includes more than 80,000 Iraqi citizens who are fighting the terrorists. The Government in Baghdad has stepped forward as well, adding more than 100,000 new Iraqi soldiers and police during the past year. While the enemy is still dangerous and more work remains, the American and Iraqi surges have achieved results few of us could have imagined just 1 year ago. When we met last year, many said that containing the violence was impossible. A year later, high-profile terrorist attacks are down, civilian deaths are down, sectarian killings are down. When we met last year, militia extremistsósome armed and trained by Iranó were wreaking havoc in large areas of Iraq. A year later, coalition and Iraqi forces have killed or captured hundreds of militia fighters. And Iraqis of all backgrounds increasingly realize that defeating these militia fighters is critical to the future of their country. When we met last year, Al Qaida had sanctuaries in many areas of Iraq, and their leaders had just offered American forces safe passage out of the country. Today, it is Al Qaida that is searching for safe passage. They have been driven from many of the strongholds they once held. And over the past year, we've captured or killed thousands of extremists in Iraq, including hundreds of key Al Qaida leaders and operatives. Last month, Usama bin Laden released a tape in which he railed against Iraqi tribal leaders who have turned on Al Qaida and admitted that coalition forces are growing stronger in Iraq. Ladies and gentlemen, some may deny the surge is working, but among the terrorists there is no doubt. Al Qaida is on the run in Iraq, and this enemy will be defeated. When we met last year, our troop levels in Iraq were on the rise. Today, because of the progress just described, we are implementing a policy of return on success, and the surge forces we sent to Iraq are beginning to come home. This progress is a credit to the valor of our troops and the brilliance of their commanders. This evening I want to speak directly to our men and women on the frontlines. Soldiers and sailors, airmen, marines, and coastguardsmen: In the past year, you have done everything we've asked of you and more. Our Nation is grateful for your courage. We are proud of your accomplishments. And tonight in this hallowed Chamber, with the American people as our witness, we make you a solemn pledge: In the fight ahead, you will have all you need to protect our Nation. And I ask Congress to meet its responsibilities to these brave men and women by fully funding our troops. Our enemies in Iraq have been hit hard. They are not yet defeated, and we can still expect tough fighting ahead. Our objective in the coming year is to sustain and build on the gains we made in 2007 while transitioning to the next phase of our strategy. American troops are shifting from leading operations to partnering with Iraqi forces and, eventually, to a protective overwatch mission. As part of this transition, one Army brigade combat team and one Marine expeditionary unit have already come home and will not be replaced. In the coming months, four additional brigades and two Marine battalions will follow suit. Taken together, this means more than 20,000 of our troops are coming home. Any further drawdown of U.S. troops will be based on conditions in Iraq and the recommendations of our commanders. General Petraeus has warned that too fast a drawdown could result in, quote, 'the disintegration of the Iraqi security forces, Al Qaida-Iraq regaining lost ground, and a marked increase in violence.' Members of Congress, having come so far and achieved so much, we must not allow this to happen. In the coming year, we will work with Iraqi leaders as they build on the progress they're making toward political reconciliation. At the local level, Sunnis, Shi'a, and Kurds are beginning to come together to reclaim their communities and rebuild their lives. Progress in the Provinces must be matched by progress in Baghdad. We're seeing some encouraging signs. The national Government is sharing oil revenues with the Provinces. The parliament recently passed both a pension law and de-Ba'athification reform. They're now debating a Provincial powers law. The Iraqis still have a distance to travel, but after decades of dictatorship and the pain of sectarian violence, reconciliation is taking place, and the Iraqi people are taking control of their future. The mission in Iraq has been difficult and trying for our Nation, but it is in the vital interest of the United States that we succeed. A free Iraq will deny Al Qaida a safe haven. A free Iraq will show millions across the Middle East that a future of liberty is possible. A free Iraq will be a friend of America, a partner in fighting terror, and a source of stability in a dangerous part of the world. By contrast, a failed Iraq would embolden the extremists, strengthen Iran, and give terrorists a base from which to launch new attacks on our friends, our allies, and our homeland. The enemy has made its intentions clear. At a time when the momentum seemed to favor them, Al Qaida's top commander in Iraq declared that they will not rest until they have attacked us here in Washington. My fellow Americans, we will not rest either. We will not rest until this enemy has been defeated. We must do the difficult work today so that years from now, people will look back and say that this generation rose to the moment, prevailed in a tough fight, and left behind a more hopeful region and a safer America. We're also standing against the forces of extremism in the Holy Land, where we have new cause for hope. Palestinians have elected a President who recognizes that confronting terror is essential to achieving a state where his people can live in dignity and at peace with Israel. Israelis have leaders who recognize that a peaceful, democratic Palestinian state will be a source of lasting security. This month in Ramallah and Jerusalem, I assured leaders from both sides that America will do, and I will do, everything we can to help them achieve a peace agreement that defines a Palestinian state by the end of this year. The time has come for a Holy Land where a democratic Israel and a democratic Palestine live side by side in peace. We're also standing against the forces of extremism embodied by the regime in Tehran. Iran's rulers oppress a good and talented people. And wherever freedom advances in the Middle East, it seems the Iranian regime is there to oppose it. Iran is funding and training militia groups in Iraq, supporting Hizballah terrorists in Lebanon, and backing Hamas efforts to undermine peace in the Holy Land. Tehran is also developing ballistic missiles of increasing range and continues to develop its capability to enrich uranium, which could be used to create a nuclear weapon. Our message to the people of Iran is clear: We have no quarrel with you. We respect your traditions and your history. We look forward to the day when you have your freedom. Our message to the leaders of Iran is also clear: Verifiably suspend your nuclear enrichment so negotiations can begin. And to rejoin the community of nations, come clean about your nuclear intentions and past actions, stop your oppression at home, cease your support for terror abroad. But above all, know this: America will confront those who threaten our troops, we will stand by our allies, and we will defend our vital interests in the Persian Gulf. On the homefront, we will continue to take every lawful and effective measure to protect our country. This is our most solemn duty. We are grateful that there has not been another attack on our soil since 9/11. This is not for the lack of desire or effort on the part of the enemy. In the past 6 years, we've stopped numerous attacks, including a plot to fly a plane into the tallest building in Los Angeles and another to blow up passenger jets bound for America over the Atlantic. Dedicated men and women in our Government toil day and night to stop the terrorists from carrying out their plans. These good citizens are saving American lives, and everyone in this Chamber owes them our thanks. And we owe them something more; we owe them the tools they need to keep our people safe. And one of the most important tools we can give them is the ability to monitor terrorist communications. To protect America, we need to know who the terrorists are talking to, what they are saying, and what they're planning. Last year, Congress passed legislation to help us do that. Unfortunately, Congress set the legislations to expire on February the 1st. That means if you don't act by Friday, our ability to track terrorist threats would be weakened and our citizens will be in greater danger. Congress must ensure the flow of vital intelligence is not disrupted. Congress must pass liability protection for companies believed to have assisted in the efforts to defend America. We've had ample time for debate. The time to act is now. Protecting our Nation from the dangers of a new century requires more than good intelligence and a strong military. It also requires changing the conditions that breed resentment and allow extremists to prey on despair. So America is using its influence to build a freer, more hopeful, and more compassionate world. This is a reflection of our national interests; it is the calling of our conscience. America opposes genocide in Sudan. We support freedom in countries from Cuba and Zimbabwe to Belarus and Burma. America is leading the fight against global poverty with strong education initiatives and humanitarian assistance. We've also changed the way we deliver aid by launching the Millennium Challenge Account. This program strengthens democracy, transparency, and the rule of law in developing nations, and I ask you to fully fund this important initiative. America is leading the fight against global hunger. Today, more than half the world's food aid comes from the United States. And tonight I ask Congress to support an innovative proposal to provide food assistance by purchasing crops directly from farmers in the developing world, so we can build up local agriculture and help break the cycle of famine. America is leading the fight against disease. With your help, we're working to cut by half the number of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations. And our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is treating 1.4 million people. We can bring healing and hope to many more. So I ask you to maintain the principles that have changed behavior and made this program a success. And I call on you to double our initial commitment to fighting HIV/AIDS by approving an additional $30 billion over the next 5 years. America is a force for hope in the world because we are a compassionate people, and some of the most compassionate Americans are those who have stepped forward to protect us. We must keep faith with all who have risked life and limb so that we might live in freedom and peace. Over the past 7 years, we've increased funding for veterans by more than 95 percent. And as we increase funding, we must also reform our veterans system to meet the needs of a new war and a new generation. I call on Congress to enact the reforms recommended by Senator Bob Dole and Secretary Donna Shalala so we can improve the system of care for our wounded warriors and help them build lives of hope and promise and dignity. Our military families also sacrifice for America. They endure sleepless nights and the daily struggle of providing for children while a loved one is serving far from home. We have a responsibility to provide for them. So I ask you to join me in expanding their access to child care, creating new hiring preferences for military spouses across the Federal Government, and allowing our troops to transfer their unused education benefits to their spouses or children. Our military families serve our Nation, they inspire our Nation, and tonight our Nation honors them. The strengthóthe secret of our strength, the miracle of America, is that our greatness lies not in our Government, but in the spirit and determination of our people. When the Federal Convention met in Philadelphia in 1787, our Nation was bound by the Articles of Confederation, which began with the words, 'We the undersigned delegates.' When Gouverneur Morris was asked to draft the preamble to our new Constitution, he offered an important revision and opened with words that changed the course of our Nation and the history of the world: 'We the people.' By trusting the people, our Founders wagered that a great and noble nation could be built on the liberty that resides in the hearts of all men and women. By trusting the people, succeeding generations transformed our fragile, young democracy into the most powerful nation on Earth and a beacon of hope for millions. And so long as we continue to trust the people, our Nation will prosper, our liberty will be secure, and the state of our Union will remain strong. So tonight, with confidence in freedom's power and trust in the people, let us set forth to do their business. God bless America. Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle. Itís tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable ñ that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements; our hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people. Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer historyís call. One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted ñ immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed. But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder. This recession has also compounded the burdens that Americaís families have been dealing with for decades ñ the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college. So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. Theyíre not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what Iíve witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children ñ asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work. For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They donít understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isnít; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we canít afford it. Not now. So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope ñ what they deserve ñ is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life. You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting businesses and going back to school. Theyíre coaching little league and helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, ìWe are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.î It is because of this spirit ñ this great decency and great strength ñ that I have never been more hopeful about Americaís future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, itís time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. And tonight, Iíd like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise. It begins with our economy. Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if thereís one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, itís that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldnít just do what was popular ñ I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost. So I supported the last administrationís efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I know Wall Street isnít keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. Thatís why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts. Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we havenít raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first responders. And we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year. The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. Thatís right ñ the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you donít have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldnít be laid off after all. There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again. But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight. Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be Americaís businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. We should start where most new jobs do ñ in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies. But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country. So tonight, Iím proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a new small business tax credit ñ one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While weíre at it, letís also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment. Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. Thereís no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products. Tomorrow, Iíll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, itís time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of America. The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. But the truth is, these steps still wonít make up for the seven million jobs weíve lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that Americaís families have confronted for years. We cannot afford another so-called economic ìexpansionî like the one from last decade ñ what some call the ìlost decadeî ñ where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation. From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious ñ that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, Chinaís not waiting to revamp its economy. Germanyís not waiting. Indiaís not waiting. These nations arenít standing still. These nations arenít playing for second place. Theyíre putting more emphasis on math and science. Theyíre rebuilding their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs. Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, itís time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth. One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, Iím interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy. We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We canít allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy. The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back. Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history ñ an investment that could lead to the worldís cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last yearís investment in clean energy ñ in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels. But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy; and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future ñ because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, weíre launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security. We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And thatís why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia. Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform ñ reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential. When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, letís take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And letís tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years ñ and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And itís time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs ñ because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem. Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. Thatís why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. Thatís why weíre nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. Thatís why weíre working to lift the value of a familyís single largest investment ñ their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. Now letís be clear ñ I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didnít take on health care because it was good politics. I took on health care because of the stories Iíve heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients whoíve been denied coverage; and families ñ even those with insurance ñ who are just one illness away from financial ruin. After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach weíve taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier. Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office ñ the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress ñ our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering whatís in it for them. But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time Iím finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan weíve proposed. Thereís a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Hereís what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, itís not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. Itís a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one thatís been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door. Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, Iím proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year. Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we donít. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we canít afford and donít work. Weíve already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over $250,000 a year. We just canít afford it. Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. Thatís why Iíve called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This canít be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. But understand ñ if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery ñ all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes. From some on the right, I expect weíll hear a different argument ñ that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, thatís what we did for eight years. Thatís what helped lead us into this crisis. Itís what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do it again. Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, itís time to try something new. Letís invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Letís meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Letís try common sense. To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust ñ deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people the government they deserve. Thatís what I came to Washington to do. Thatís why ñ for the first time in history ñ my Administration posts our White House visitors online. And thatís why weíve excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions. But we canít stop there. Itís time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And itís time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests ñ including foreign corporations ñ to spend without limit in our elections. Well I donít think American elections should be bankrolled by Americaís most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and thatís why Iím urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong. Iím also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, Iím calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before thereís a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we donít also reform how we work with one another. Now, I am not naÔve. I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over two hundred years. They are the very essence of our democracy. But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent ñ a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual Senators. Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just part of the game. But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our government. So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I know itís an election year. And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that sixty votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but itís not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So letís show the American people that we can do it together. This week, Iíll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you canít wait. Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about whoís to blame for this, but I am not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So letís put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Letís reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Letís leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future ñ for America and the world. That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security, and swifter action on our intelligence. We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of Al Qaedaís fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed ñ far more than in 2008. In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans ñ men and women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am confident we will succeed. As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home. Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform ó in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world ñ must know that they have our respect, our gratitude, and our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That is why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is why we are building a 21st century VA. And that is why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people ñ the threat of nuclear weapons. I have embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons, and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at Aprilís Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring forty-four nations together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions ñ sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That is why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iranís leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences. That is the leadership that we are providing ñ engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We are working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We are helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bio-terrorism or an infectious disease ñ a plan that will counter threats at home, and strengthen public health abroad. As we have for over sixty years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. Abroad, Americaís greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else. We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws ñ so that women get equal pay for an equal dayís work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system ñ to secure our borders, enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations. In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America ñ values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These arenít Republican values or Democratic values theyíre living by; business values or labor values. They are American values. Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions ñ our corporations, our media, and yes, our government ñ still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, peopleís doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly arguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. No wonder thereís so much cynicism out there. No wonder thereís so much disappointment. I campaigned on the promise of change ñ change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who arenít sure if they still believe we can change ñ or at least, that I can deliver it. But remember this ñ I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I can do it alone. Democracy in a nation of three hundred million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. Thatís just how it is. Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths. We can do whatís necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing whatís best for the next generation. But I also know this: if people had made that decision fifty years ago or one hundred years ago or two hundred years ago, we wouldnít be here tonight. The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and grandchildren. Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going ñ what keeps me fighting ñ is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism ñ that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people ñ lives on. It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, ìNone of us,î he said, ìÖare willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.î It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, ìWe are strong. We are resilient. We are American.î It lives on in the 8-year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans whoíve dropped everything to go some place theyíve never been and pull people theyíve never known from rubble, prompting chants of ìU.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!î when another life was saved. The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We donít quit. I donít quit. Letís seize this moment ñ to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of America. REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS United States Capitol Washington, D.C. 9:12 P.M. EST THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. (Applause.) And as we mark this occasion, we're also mindful of the empty chair in this chamber, and we pray for the health of our colleague -- and our friend -- Gabby Giffords. (Applause.) It's no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that's a good thing. That's what a robust democracy demands. That's what helps set us apart as a nation. But there's a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passion and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater -- something more consequential than party or political preference. We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopes and a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled. That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation. (Applause.) Now, by itself, this simple recognition won't usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow. (Applause.) I believe we can. And I believe we must. That's what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they've determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all -- for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics. At stake right now is not who wins the next election -- after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It's whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It's whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but the light to the world. We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again. But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children. That's the project the American people want us to work on. Together. (Applause.) We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans' paychecks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of new investments that they make this year. And these steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year. But we have to do more. These steps we've taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession, but to win the future, we'll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making. Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn't always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you'd have a job for life, with a decent paycheck and good benefits and the occasional promotion. Maybe you'd even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company. That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I've seen it in the shuttered windows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts on once busy Main Streets. I've heard it in the frustrations of Americans who've seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear -- proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game. They're right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any company can set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there's an Internet connection. Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They're investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became the home to the world's largest private solar research facility, and the world's fastest computer. So, yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn't discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember -- for all the hits we've taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. (Applause.) No workers -- no workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We're the home to the world's best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any place on Earth. What's more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea -- the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That's why centuries of pioneers and immigrants have risked everything to come here. It's why our students don't just memorize equations, but answer questions like 'What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?' The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can't just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, 'The future is not a gift. It is an achievement.' Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age. And now it's our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to outinnovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. (Applause.) We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit and reform our government. That's how our people will prosper. That's how we'll win the future. (Applause.) And tonight, I'd like to talk about how we get there. The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation. None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, we couldn't know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do -- what America does better than anyone else -- is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We're the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, innovation doesn't just change our lives. It is how we make our living. (Applause.) Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it's not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout our history, our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That's what planted the seeds for the Internet. That's what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS. Just think of all the good jobs -- from manufacturing to retail -- that have come from these breakthroughs. Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik, we had no idea how we would beat them to the moon. The science wasn't even there yet. NASA didn't exist. But after investing in better research and education, we didn't just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs. This is our generation's Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven't seen since the height of the Space Race. And in a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We'll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology -- (applause) -- an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people. Already, we're seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard. Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert's words, 'We reinvented ourselves.' That's what Americans have done for over 200 years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we've begun to reinvent our energy policy. We're not just handing out money. We're issuing a challenge. We're telling America's scientists and engineers that if they assemble teams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in clean energy, we'll fund the Apollo projects of our time. At the California Institute of Technology, they're developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they're using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have a million electric vehicles on the road by 2015. (Applause.) We need to get behind this innovation. And to help pay for it, I'm asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. (Applause.) I don't know if -- I don't know if you've noticed, but they're doing just fine on their own. (Laughter.) So instead of subsidizing yesterday's energy, let's invest in tomorrow's. Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they're selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: By 2035, 80 percent of America's electricity will come from clean energy sources. (Applause.) Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will need them all -and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen. (Applause.) Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America's success. But if we want to win the future -- if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas -- then we also have to win the race to educate our kids. Think about it. Over the next 10 years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school education. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren't even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to ninth in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us -- as citizens, and as parents -- are willing to do what's necessary to give every child a chance to succeed. That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It's family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it's not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair. (Applause.) We need to teach them that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline. Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don't meet this test. That's why instead of just pouring money into a system that's not working, we launched a competition called Race to the Top. To all 50 states, we said, 'If you show us the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we'll show you the money.' Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than 1 percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. And these standards were developed, by the way, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that's more flexible and focused on what's best for our kids. (Applause.) You see, we know what's possible from our children when reform isn't just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals, school boards and communities. Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado -- located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97 percent of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their families to go to college. And after the first year of the school's transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said, 'Thank you, Ms. Waters, for showing that we are smart and we can make it.' (Applause.) That's what good schools can do, and we want good schools all across the country. Let's also remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child's success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as 'nation builders.' Here in America, it's time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. (Applause.) We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. (Applause.) And over the next 10 years, with so many baby boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science and technology and engineering and math. (Applause.) In fact, to every young person listening tonight who's contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child -- become a teacher. Your country needs you. (Applause.) Of course, the education race doesn't end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within the reach of every American. (Applause.) That's why we've ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. (Applause.) And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit -- worth $10,000 for four years of college. It's the right thing to do. (Applause.) Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today's fast-changing economy, we're also revitalizing America's community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me she's earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams, too. tells them to never give up.' As Kathy said, 'I hope it If we take these steps -- if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they are born until the last job they take -- we will reach the goal that I set two years ago: By the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world. (Applause.) One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet they live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense. Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. And I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. (Applause.) I know that debate will be difficult. I know it will take time. But tonight, let's agree to make that effort. And let's stop expelling talented, responsible young people who could be staffing our research labs or starting a new business, who could be further enriching this nation. (Applause.) The third step in winning the attract new businesses to our reliable ways to move people, high-speed rail to high-speed future is rebuilding America. To shores, we need the fastest, most goods, and information -- from Internet. (Applause.) Our infrastructure used to be the best, but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater Internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our own engineers graded our nation's infrastructure, they gave us a 'D.' We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, constructed the Interstate Highway System. The jobs created by these projects didn't just come from laying down track or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town's new train station or the new off-ramp. So over the last two years, we've begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. And tonight, I'm proposing that we redouble those efforts. (Applause.) We'll put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We'll make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based [on] what's best for the economy, not politicians. Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80 percent of Americans access to high-speed rail. (Applause.) This could allow you to go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying -- without the pat-down. (Laughter and applause.) As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway. Within the next five years, we'll make it possible for businesses to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98 percent of all Americans. This isn't just about -- (applause) -- this isn't about faster Internet or fewer dropped calls. It's about connecting every part of America to the digital age. It's about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It's about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device; a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor. All these investments -- in innovation, education, and infrastructure -- will make America a better place to do business and create jobs. But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success. For example, over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change. (Applause.) So tonight, I'm asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years -- without adding to our deficit. It can be done. (Applause.) To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014 -- because the more we export, the more jobs we create here at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs here in the United States. And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor, Democrats and Republicans -- and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible. (Applause.) Now, before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American workers and promote American jobs. That's what we did with Korea, and that's what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks. (Applause.) To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I've ordered a review of government regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on businesses, we will fix them. (Applause.) But I will not hesitate to create or enforce common-sense safeguards to protect the American people. (Applause.) That's what we've done in this country for more than a century. It's why our food is safe to eat, our water is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It's why we have speed limits and child labor laws. It's why last year, we put in place consumer protections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies and new rules to prevent another financial crisis. (Applause.) And it's why we passed reform that finally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients. (Applause.) Now, I have heard rumors that a few of you still have concerns about our new health care law. (Laughter.) So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improve this law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses. (Applause.) What I'm not willing to do -- what I'm not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a preexisting condition. (Applause.) I'm not willing to tell James Howard, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I'm not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business man from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their patients' -- parents' coverage. (Applause.) So I say to this chamber tonight, instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let's fix what needs fixing and let's move forward. (Applause.) Now, the final critical step in winning the future is to make sure we aren't buried under a mountain of debt. We are living with a legacy of deficit spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people's pockets. But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable. Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same. So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. (Applause.) Now, this would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was President. This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we've frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years. I've proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without. (Applause.) I recognize that some in this chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I'm willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let's make sure that we're not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens. (Applause.) And let's make sure that what we're cutting is really excess weight. Cutting the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening an overloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may make you feel like you're flying high at first, but it won't take long before you feel the impact. (Laughter.) Now, most of the cuts and savings I've proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12 percent of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won't. (Applause.) The bipartisan fiscal commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don't agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it -- in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes. (Applause.) This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. The health insurance law we passed last year will slow these rising costs, which is part of the reason that nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I'm willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicans suggested last year -- medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits. (Applause.) To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations. (Applause.) We must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans' guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market. (Applause.) And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply can't afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. (Applause.) Before we take money away from our schools or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break. It's not a matter of punishing their success. success. (Applause.) It's about promoting America's In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. (Applause.) This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed an interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them. (Applause.) So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress -- Democrats and Republicans -- to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future. Let me take this one step further. We shouldn't just give our people a government that's more affordable. We should give them a government that's more competent and more efficient. We can't win the future with a government of the past. (Applause.) We live and do business in the Information Age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black-and-white TV. There are 12 different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different agencies that deal with housing policy. Then there's my favorite example: The Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they're in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them when they're in saltwater. (Laughter.) I hear it gets even more complicated once they're smoked. (Laughter and applause.) Now, we've made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse. We're selling acres of federal office space that hasn't been used in years, and we'll cut through red tape to get rid of more. But we need to think bigger. In the coming months, my administration will develop a proposal to merge, consolidate, and reorganize the federal government in a way that best serves the goal of a more competitive America. I will submit that proposal to Congress for a vote -- and we will push to get it passed. (Applause.) In the coming year, we'll also work to rebuild people's faith in the institution of government. Because you deserve to know exactly how and where your tax dollars are being spent, you'll be able to go to a website and get that information for the very first time in history. Because you deserve to know when your elected officials are meeting with lobbyists, I ask Congress to do what the White House has already done -- put that information online. And because the American people deserve to know that special interests aren't larding up legislation with pet projects, both parties in Congress should know this: If a bill comes to my desk with earmarks inside, I will veto it. I will veto it. (Applause.) The 21st century government that's open and competent. A government that lives within its means. An economy that's driven by new skills and new ideas. Our success in this new and changing world will require reform, responsibility, and innovation. It will also require us to approach that world with a new level of engagement in our foreign affairs. Just as jobs and businesses can now race across borders, so can new threats and new challenges. No single wall separates East and West. No one rival superpower is aligned against us. And so we must defeat determined enemies, wherever they are, and build coalitions that cut across lines of region and race and religion. And America's moral example must always shine for all who yearn for freedom and justice and dignity. And because we've begun this work, tonight we can say that American leadership has been renewed and America's standing has been restored. Look to Iraq, where nearly 100,000 of our brave men and women have left with their heads held high. (Applause.) American combat patrols have ended, violence is down, and a new government has been formed. This year, our civilians will forge a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while we finish the job of bringing our troops out of Iraq. America's commitment has been kept. The Iraq war is coming to an end. (Applause.) Of course, as we speak, al Qaeda and their affiliates continue to plan attacks against us. Thanks to our intelligence and law enforcement professionals, we're disrupting plots and securing our cities and skies. And as extremists try to inspire acts of violence within our borders, we are responding with the strength of our communities, with respect for the rule of law, and with the conviction that American Muslims are a part of our American family. (Applause.) We've also taken the fight to al Qaeda and their allies abroad. In Afghanistan, our troops have taken Taliban strongholds and trained Afghan security forces. Our purpose is clear: By preventing the Taliban from reestablishing a stranglehold over the Afghan people, we will deny al Qaeda the safe haven that served as a launching pad for 9/11. Thanks to our heroic troops and civilians, fewer Afghans are under the control of the insurgency. There will be tough fighting ahead, and the Afghan government will need to deliver better governance. But we are strengthening the capacity of the Afghan people and building an enduring partnership with them. This year, we will work with nearly 50 countries to begin a transition to an Afghan lead. And this July, we will begin to bring our troops home. (Applause.) In Pakistan, al Qaeda's leadership is under more pressure than at any point since 2001. Their leaders and operatives are being removed from the battlefield. Their safe havens are shrinking. And we've sent a message from the Afghan border to the Arabian Peninsula to all parts of the globe: We will not relent, we will not waver, and we will defeat you. (Applause.) American leadership can also be seen in the effort to secure the worst weapons of war. Because Republicans and Democrats approved the New START treaty, far fewer nuclear weapons and launchers will be deployed. Because we rallied the world, nuclear materials are being locked down on every continent so they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.) Because of a diplomatic effort to insist that Iran meet its obligations, the Iranian government now faces tougher sanctions, tighter sanctions than ever before. And on the Korean Peninsula, we stand with our ally South Korea, and insist that North Korea keeps its commitment to abandon nuclear weapons. (Applause.) This is just a part of how we're shaping a world that favors peace and prosperity. With our European allies, we revitalized NATO and increased our cooperation on everything from counterterrorism to missile defense. We've reset our relationship with Russia, strengthened Asian alliances, built new partnerships with nations like India. This March, I will travel to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador to forge new alliances across the Americas. Around the globe, we're standing with those who take responsibility -- helping farmers grow more food, supporting doctors who care for the sick, and combating the corruption that can rot a society and rob people of opportunity. Recent events have shown us that what sets us apart must not just be our power -- it must also be the purpose behind it. In south Sudan -- with our assistance -- the people were finally able to vote for independence after years of war. (Applause.) Thousands lined up before dawn. People danced in the streets. One man who lost four of his brothers at war summed up the scene around him: 'This was a battlefield for most of my life,' he said. 'Now we want to be free.' (Applause.) And we saw that same desire to be free in Tunisia, where the will of the people proved more powerful than the writ of a dictator. And tonight, let us be clear: The United States of America stands with the people of Tunisia, and supports the democratic aspirations of all people. (Applause.) We must never forget that the things we've struggled for, and fought for, live in the hearts of people everywhere. And we must always remember that the Americans who have borne the greatest burden in this struggle are the men and women who serve our country. (Applause.) Tonight, let us speak with one voice in reaffirming that our nation is united in support of our troops and their families. Let us serve them as well as they've served us -- by giving them the equipment they need, by providing them with the care and benefits that they have earned, and by enlisting our veterans in the great task of building our own nation. Our troops come from every corner of this country -- they're black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American. They are Christian and Hindu, Jewish and Muslim. And, yes, we know that some of them are gay. Starting this year, no American will be forbidden from serving the country they love because of who they love. (Applause.) And with that change, I call on all our college campuses to open their doors to our military recruiters and ROTC. It is time to leave behind the divisive battles of the past. It is time to move forward as one nation. (Applause.) We should have no illusions about the work ahead of us. Reforming our schools, changing the way we use energy, reducing our deficit -- none of this will be easy. All of it will take time. And it will be harder because we will argue about everything. The costs. The details. The letter of every law. Of course, some countries don't have this problem. If the central government wants a railroad, they build a railroad, no matter how many homes get bulldozed. If they don't want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn't get written. And yet, as contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can sometimes be, I know there isn't a person here who would trade places with any other nation on Earth. (Applause.) We may have differences in policy, but we all believe in the rights enshrined in our Constitution. We may have different opinions, but we believe in the same promise that says this is a place where you can make it if you try. We may have different backgrounds, but we believe in the same dream that says this is a country where anything is possible. No matter who you are. No matter where you come from. That dream is why I can stand here before you tonight. That dream is why a working-class kid from Scranton can sit behind me. (Laughter and applause.) That dream is why someone who began by sweeping the floors of his father's Cincinnati bar can preside as Speaker of the House in the greatest nation on Earth. (Applause.) That dream -- that American Dream -- is what drove the Allen Brothers to reinvent their roofing company for a new era. It's what drove those students at Forsyth Tech to learn a new skill and work towards the future. And that dream is the story of a small business owner named Brandon Fisher. Brandon started a company in Berlin, Pennsylvania, that specializes in a new kind of drilling technology. And one day last summer, he saw the news that halfway across the world, 33 men were trapped in a Chilean mine, and no one knew how to save them. But Brandon thought his company could help. And so he designed a rescue that would come to be known as Plan B. His employees worked around the clock to manufacture the necessary drilling equipment. And Brandon left for Chile. Along with others, he began drilling a 2,000-foot hole into the ground, working three- or four-hour -- three or four days at a time without any sleep. Thirty-seven days later, Plan B succeeded, and the miners were rescued. (Applause.) But because he didn't want all of the attention, Brandon wasn't there when the miners emerged. He'd already gone back home, back to work on his next project. And later, one of his employees said of the rescue, 'We proved that Center Rock is a little company, but we do big things.' (Applause.) We do big things. From the earliest days of our founding, America has been the story of ordinary people who dare to dream. That's how we win the future. We're a nation that says, 'I might not have a lot of money, but I have this great idea for a new company.' 'I might not come from a family of college graduates, but I will be the first to get my degree.' 'I might not know those people in trouble, but I think I can help them, and I need to try.' 'I'm not sure how we'll reach that better place beyond the horizon, but I know we'll get there. I know we will.' We do big things. (Applause.) The idea of America endures. Our destiny remains our choice. And tonight, more than two centuries later, it's because of our people that our future is hopeful, our journey goes forward, and the state of our union is strong. Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you. Please be seated. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: Last month, I went to Andrews Air Force Base and welcomed home some of our last troops to serve in Iraq. Together, we offered a final, proud salute to the colors under which more than a million of our fellow citizens fought -- and several thousand gave their lives. We gather tonight knowing that this generation of heroes has made the United States safer and more respected around the world. For the first time in nine years, there are no Americans fighting in Iraq. For the first time in two decades, Osama bin Laden is not a threat to this country. Most of al Qaedaís top lieutenants have been defeated. The Talibanís momentum has been broken, and some troops in Afghanistan have begun to come home. These achievements are a testament to the courage, selflessness and teamwork of Americaís Armed Forces. At a time when too many of our institutions have let us down, they exceed all expectations. Theyíre not consumed with personal ambition. They donít obsess over their differences. They focus on the mission at hand. They work together. Imagine what we could accomplish if we followed their example. Think about the America within our reach: a country that leads the world in educating its people; an America that attracts a new generation of high-tech manufacturing and high-paying jobs; a future where weíre in control of our own energy, and our security and prosperity arenít so tied to unstable parts of the world; an economy built to last, where hard work pays off, and responsibility is rewarded. We can do this. I know we can, because weíve done it before. At the end of World War II, when another generation of heroes returned home from combat, they built the strongest economy and middle class the world has ever known. My grandfather, a veteran of Pattonís Army, got the chance to go to college on the GI Bill. My grandmother, who worked on a bomber assembly line, was part of a workforce that turned out the best products on Earth. The two of them shared the optimism of a nation that had triumphed over a depression and fascism. They understood they were part of something larger; that they were contributing to a story of success that every American had a chance to share -- the basic American promise that if you worked hard, you could do well enough to raise a family, own a home, send your kids to college, and put a little away for retirement. The defining issue of our time is how to keep that promise alive. No challenge is more urgent. No debate is more important. We can either settle for a country where a shrinking number of people do really well while a growing number of Americans barely get by, or we can restore an economy where everyone gets a fair shot, and everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. Whatís at stake arenít Democratic values or Republican values, but American values. And we have to reclaim them. Letís remember how we got here. Long before the recession, jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores. Technology made businesses more efficient, but also made some jobs obsolete. Folks at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with costs that were growing, paychecks that werenít, and personal debt that kept piling up. In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. We learned that mortgages had been sold to people who couldnít afford or understand them. Banks had made huge bets and bonuses with other peopleís money. Regulators had looked the other way, or didnít have the authority to stop the bad behavior. It was wrong. It was irresponsible. And it plunged our economy into a crisis that put millions out of work, saddled us with more debt, and left innocent, hardworking Americans holding the bag. In the six months before I took office, we lost nearly 4 million jobs. And we lost another 4 million before our policies were in full effect. Those are the facts. But so are these: In the last 22 months, businesses have created more than 3 million jobs. Last year, they created the most jobs since 2005. American manufacturers are hiring again, creating jobs for the first time since the late 1990s. Together, weíve agreed to cut the deficit by more than 2 trillion dollars. And weíve put in place new rules to hold Wall Street accountable, so a crisis like this never happens again. The state of our Union is getting stronger. And weíve come too far to turn back now. As long as Iím President, I will work with anyone in this chamber to build on this momentum. But I intend to fight obstruction with action, and I will oppose any effort to return to the very same policies that brought on this economic crisis in the first place. No, we will not go back to an economy weakened by outsourcing, bad debt, and phony financial profits. Tonight, I want to speak about how we move forward, and lay out a blueprint for an economy thatís built to last -- an economy built on American manufacturing, American energy, skills for American workers, and a renewal of American values. Now, this blueprint begins with American manufacturing. On the day I took office, our auto industry was on the verge of collapse. Some even said we should let it die. With a million jobs at stake, I refused to let that happen. In exchange for help, we demanded responsibility. We got workers and automakers to settle their differences. We got the industry to retool and restructure. Today, General Motors is back on top as the worldís number-one automaker. Chrysler has grown faster in the U.S. than any major car company. Ford is investing billions in U.S. plants and factories. And together, the entire industry added nearly 160,000 jobs. We bet on American workers. We bet on American ingenuity. And tonight, the American auto industry is back. Whatís happening in Detroit can happen in other industries. It can happen in Cleveland and Pittsburgh and Raleigh. We canít bring every job back thatís left our shore. But right now, itís getting more expensive to do business in places like China. Meanwhile, America is more productive. A few weeks ago, the CEO of Master Lock told me that it now makes business sense for him to bring jobs back home. Today, for the first time in 15 years, Master Lockís unionized plant in Milwaukee is running at full capacity. So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back. But we have to seize it. Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple: Ask yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your country will do everything we can to help you succeed. We should start with our tax code. Right now, companies get tax breaks for moving jobs and profits overseas. Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in America get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and everyone knows it. So letís change it. First, if youíre a business that wants to outsource jobs, you shouldnít get a tax deduction for doing it. That money should be used to cover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs home. Second, no American company should be able to avoid paying its fair share of taxes by moving jobs and profits overseas. From now on, every multinational company should have to pay a basic minimum tax. And every penny should go towards lowering taxes for companies that choose to stay here and hire here in America. Third, if youíre an American manufacturer, you should get a bigger tax cut. If youíre a high-tech manufacturer, we should double the tax deduction you get for making your products here. And if you want to relocate in a community that was hit hard when a factory left town, you should get help financing a new plant, equipment, or training for new workers. So my message is simple. It is time to stop rewarding businesses that ship jobs overseas, and start rewarding companies that create jobs right here in America. Send me these tax reforms, and I will sign them right away. Weíre also making it easier for American businesses to sell products all over the world. Two years ago, I set a goal of doubling U.S. exports over five years. With the bipartisan trade agreements we signed into law, weíre on track to meet that goal ahead of schedule. And soon, there will be millions of new customers for American goods in Panama, Colombia, and South Korea. Soon, there will be new cars on the streets of Seoul imported from Detroit, and Toledo, and Chicago. I will go anywhere in the world to open new markets for American products. And I will not stand by when our competitors donít play by the rules. Weíve brought trade cases against China at nearly twice the rate as the last Administration -- and itís made a difference. Over a thousand Americans are working today because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires. But we need to do more. Itís not right when another country lets our movies, music, and software be pirated. Itís not fair when foreign manufacturers have a leg up on ours only because theyíre heavily subsidized. Tonight, Iím announcing the creation of a Trade Enforcement Unit that will be charged with investigating unfair trading practices in countries like China. There will be more inspections to prevent counterfeit or unsafe goods from crossing our borders. And this Congress should make sure that no foreign company has an advantage over American manufacturing when it comes to accessing financing or new markets like Russia. Our workers are the most productive on Earth, and if the playing field is level, I promise you -- America will always win. I also hear from many business leaders who want to hire in the United States but canít find workers with the right skills. Growing industries in science and technology have twice as many openings as we have workers who can do the job. Think about that -- openings at a time when millions of Americans are looking for work. Itís inexcusable. And we know how to fix it. Jackie Bray is a single mom from North Carolina who was laid off from her job as a mechanic. Then Siemens opened a gas turbine factory in Charlotte, and formed a partnership with Central Piedmont Community College. The company helped the college design courses in laser and robotics training. It paid Jackieís tuition, then hired her to help operate their plant. I want every American looking for work to have the same opportunity as Jackie did. Join me in a national commitment to train 2 million Americans with skills that will lead directly to a job. My Administration has already lined up more companies that want to help. Model partnerships between businesses like Siemens and community colleges in places like Charlotte, and Orlando, and Louisville are up and running. Now you need to give more community colleges the resources they need to become community career centers -- places that teach people skills that businesses are looking for right now, from data management to high-tech manufacturing. And I want to cut through the maze of confusing training programs, so that from now on, people like Jackie have one program, one website, and one place to go for all the information and help that they need. It is time to turn our unemployment system into a reemployment system that puts people to work. These reforms will help people get jobs that are open today. But to prepare for the jobs of tomorrow, our commitment to skills and education has to start earlier. For less than 1 percent of what our nation spends on education each year, weíve convinced nearly every state in the country to raise their standards for teaching and learning -- the first time thatís happened in a generation. But challenges remain. And we know how to solve them. At a time when other countries are doubling down on education, tight budgets have forced states to lay off thousands of teachers. We know a good teacher can increase the lifetime income of a classroom by over 250,000 dollars. A great teacher can offer an escape from poverty to the child who dreams beyond his circumstance. Every person in this chamber can point to a teacher who changed the trajectory of their lives. Most teachers work tirelessly, with modest pay, sometimes digging into their own pocket for school supplies -- just to make a difference. Teachers matter. So instead of bashing them, or defending the status quo, letís offer schools a deal. Give them the resources to keep good teachers on the job, and reward the best ones. And in return, grant schools flexibility: to teach with creativity and passion; to stop teaching to the test; and to replace teachers who just arenít helping kids learn. Thatís a bargain worth making. We also know that when students donít walk away from their education, more of them walk the stage to get their diploma. When students are not allowed to drop out, they do better. So tonight, I am proposing that every state -- every state -- requires that all students stay in high school until they graduate or turn 18. When kids do graduate, the most daunting challenge can be the cost of college. At a time when Americans owe more in tuition debt than credit card debt, this Congress needs to stop the interest rates on student loans from doubling in July. Extend the tuition tax credit we started that saves millions of middle-class families thousands of dollars, and give more young people the chance to earn their way through college by doubling the number of work-study jobs in the next five years. Of course, itís not enough for us to increase student aid. We canít just keep subsidizing skyrocketing tuition; weíll run out of money. States also need to do their part, by making higher education a higher priority in their budgets. And colleges and universities have to do their part by working to keep costs down. Recently, I spoke with a group of college presidents whoíve done just that. Some schools redesign courses to help students finish more quickly. Some use better technology. The point is, itís possible. So let me put colleges and universities on notice: If you canít stop tuition from going up, the funding you get from taxpayers will go down. Higher education canít be a luxury -- it is an economic imperative that every family in America should be able to afford. Letís also remember that hundreds of thousands of talented, hardworking students in this country face another challenge: the fact that they arenít yet American citizens. Many were brought here as small children, are American through and through, yet they live every day with the threat of deportation. Others came more recently, to study business and science and engineering, but as soon as they get their degree, we send them home to invent new products and create new jobs somewhere else. That doesnít make sense. I believe as strongly as ever that we should take on illegal immigration. Thatís why my Administration has put more boots on the border than ever before. Thatís why there are fewer illegal crossings than when I took office. The opponents of action are out of excuses. We should be working on comprehensive immigration reform right now. But if election-year politics keeps Congress from acting on a comprehensive plan, letís at least agree to stop expelling responsible young people who want to staff our labs, start new businesses, defend this country. Send me a law that gives them the chance to earn their citizenship. I will sign it right away. You see, an economy built to last is one where we encourage the talent and ingenuity of every person in this country. That means women should earn equal pay for equal work. It means we should support everyone whoís willing to work, and every risk-taker and entrepreneur who aspires to become the next Steve Jobs. After all, innovation is what America has always been about. Most new jobs are created in start-ups and small businesses. So letís pass an agenda that helps them succeed. Tear down regulations that prevent aspiring entrepreneurs from getting the financing to grow. Expand tax relief to small businesses that are raising wages and creating good jobs. Both parties agree on these ideas. So put them in a bill, and get it on my desk this year. Innovation also demands basic research. Today, the discoveries taking place in our federally financed labs and universities could lead to new treatments that kill cancer cells but leave healthy ones untouched. New lightweight vests for cops and soldiers that can stop any bullet. Donít gut these investments in our budget. Donít let other countries win the race for the future. Support the same kind of research and innovation that led to the computer chip and the Internet; to new American jobs and new American industries. And nowhere is the promise of innovation greater than in American-made energy. Over the last three years, weíve opened millions of new acres for oil and gas exploration, and tonight, Iím directing my Administration to open more than 75 percent of our potential offshore oil and gas resources. Right now -- right now -- American oil production is the highest that itís been in eight years. Thatís right -- eight years. Not only that -- last year, we relied less on foreign oil than in any of the past 16 years. But with only 2 percent of the worldís oil reserves, oil isnít enough. This country needs an all-out, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every available source of American energy. A strategy thatís cleaner, cheaper, and full of new jobs. We have a supply of natural gas that can last America nearly 100 years. And my Administration will take every possible action to safely develop this energy. Experts believe this will support more than 600,000 jobs by the end of the decade. And Iím requiring all companies that drill for gas on public lands to disclose the chemicals they use. Because America will develop this resource without putting the health and safety of our citizens at risk. The development of natural gas will create jobs and power trucks and factories that are cleaner and cheaper, proving that we donít have to choose between our environment and our economy. And by the way, it was public research dollars, over the course of 30 years, that helped develop the technologies to extract all this natural gas out of shale rock ñ- reminding us that government support is critical in helping businesses get new energy ideas off the ground. Now, whatís true for natural gas is just as true for clean energy. In three years, our partnership with the private sector has already positioned America to be the worldís leading manufacturer of high-tech batteries. Because of federal investments, renewable energy use has nearly doubled, and thousands of Americans have jobs because of it. When Bryan Ritterby was laid off from his job making furniture, he said he worried that at 55, no one would give him a second chance. But he found work at Energetx, a wind turbine manufacturer in Michigan. Before the recession, the factory only made luxury yachts. Today, itís hiring workers like Bryan, who said, ìIím proud to be working in the industry of the future.î Our experience with shale gas, our experience with natural gas, shows us that the payoffs on these public investments donít always come right away. Some technologies donít pan out; some companies fail. But I will not walk away from the promise of clean energy. I will not walk away from workers like Bryan. I will not cede the wind or solar or battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the same commitment here. Weíve subsidized oil companies for a century. Thatís long enough. Itís time to end the taxpayer giveaways to an industry that rarely has been more profitable, and double-down on a clean energy industry that never has been more promising. Pass clean energy tax credits. Create these jobs. We can also spur energy innovation with new incentives. The differences in this chamber may be too deep right now to pass a comprehensive plan to fight climate change. But thereís no reason why Congress shouldnít at least set a clean energy standard that creates a market for innovation. So far, you havenít acted. Well, tonight, I will. Iím directing my Administration to allow the development of clean energy on enough public land to power 3 million homes. And Iím proud to announce that the Department of Defense, working with us, the worldís largest consumer of energy, will make one of the largest commitments to clean energy in history -- with the Navy purchasing enough capacity to power a quarter of a million homes a year. Of course, the easiest way to save money is to waste less energy. So hereís a proposal: Help manufacturers eliminate energy waste in their factories and give businesses incentives to upgrade their buildings. Their energy bills will be 100 billion dollars lower over the next decade, and America will have less pollution, more manufacturing, more jobs for construction workers who need them. Send me a bill that creates these jobs. Building this new energy future should be just one part of a broader agenda to repair Americaís infrastructure. So much of America needs to be rebuilt. Weíve got crumbling roads and bridges; a power grid that wastes too much energy; an incomplete high-speed broadband network that prevents a small business owner in rural America from selling her products all over the world. During the Great Depression, America built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge. After World War II, we connected our states with a system of highways. Democratic and Republican Administrations invested in great projects that benefited everybody, from the workers who built them to the businesses that still use them today. In the next few weeks, I will sign an executive order clearing away the red tape that slows down too many construction projects. But you need to fund these projects. Take the money weíre no longer spending at war, use half of it to pay down our debt, and use the rest to do some nation-building right here at home. Thereís never been a better time to build, especially since the construction industry was one of the hardest hit when the housing bubble burst. Of course, construction workers werenít the only ones who were hurt. So were millions of innocent Americans whoíve seen their home values decline. And while government canít fix the problem on its own, responsible homeowners shouldnít have to sit and wait for the housing market to hit bottom to get some relief. And thatís why Iím sending this Congress a plan that gives every responsible homeowner the chance to save about 3,000 dollars a year on their mortgage, by refinancing at historically low rates. No more red tape. No more runaround from the banks. A small fee on the largest financial institutions will ensure that it wonít add to the deficit and will give those banks that were rescued by taxpayers a chance to repay a deficit of trust. Letís never forget: Millions of Americans who work hard and play by the rules every day deserve a government and a financial system that do the same. Itís time to apply the same rules from top to bottom. No bailouts, no handouts, and no copouts. An America built to last insists on responsibility from everybody. Weíve all paid the price for lenders who sold mortgages to people who couldnít afford them, and buyers who knew they couldnít afford them. Thatís why we need smart regulations to prevent irresponsible behavior. Rules to prevent financial fraud or toxic dumping or faulty medical devices -- these donít destroy the free market. They make the free market work better. Thereís no question that some regulations are outdated, unnecessary, or too costly. In fact, Iíve approved fewer regulations in the first three years of my presidency than my Republican predecessor did in his. Iíve ordered every federal agency to eliminate rules that donít make sense. Weíve already announced over 500 reforms, and just a fraction of them will save business and citizens more than 10 billion dollars over the next five years. We got rid of one rule from 40 years ago that could have forced some dairy farmers to spend 10,000 dollars a year proving that they could contain a spill -- because milk was somehow classified as an oil. With a rule like that, I guess it was worth crying over spilled milk. Now, Iím confident a farmer can contain a milk spill without a federal agency looking over his shoulder. Absolutely. But I will not back down from making sure an oil company can contain the kind of oil spill we saw in the Gulf two years ago. I will not back down from protecting our kids from mercury poisoning, or making sure that our food is safe and our water is clean. I will not go back to the days when health insurance companies had unchecked power to cancel your policy, deny your coverage, or charge women differently than men. And I will not go back to the days when Wall Street was allowed to play by its own set of rules. The new rules we passed restore what should be any financial systemís core purpose: Getting funding to entrepreneurs with the best ideas, and getting loans to responsible families who want to buy a home, or start a business, or send their kids to college. So if you are a big bank or financial institution, youíre no longer allowed to make risky bets with your customersí deposits. Youíre required to write out a ìliving willî that details exactly how youíll pay the bills if you fail -- because the rest of us are not bailing you out ever again. And if youíre a mortgage lender or a payday lender or a credit card company, the days of signing people up for products they canít afford with confusing forms and deceptive practices -- those days are over. Today, American consumers finally have a watchdog in Richard Cordray with one job: to look out for them. Weíll also establish a Financial Crimes Unit of highly trained investigators to crack down on large-scale fraud and protect peopleís investments. Some financial firms violate major anti-fraud laws because thereís no real penalty for being a repeat offender. Thatís bad for consumers, and itís bad for the vast majority of bankers and financial service professionals who do the right thing. So pass legislation that makes the penalties for fraud count. And tonight, Iím asking my Attorney General to create a special unit of federal prosecutors and leading state attorney general to expand our investigations into the abusive lending and packaging of risky mortgages that led to the housing crisis. This new unit will hold accountable those who broke the law, speed assistance to homeowners, and help turn the page on an era of recklessness that hurt so many Americans. Now, a return to the American values of fair play and shared responsibility will help protect our people and our economy. But it should also guide us as we look to pay down our debt and invest in our future. Right now, our most immediate priority is stopping a tax hike on 160 million working Americans while the recovery is still fragile. People cannot afford losing 40 dollars out of each paycheck this year. There are plenty of ways to get this done. So letís agree right here, right now: No side issues. No drama. Pass the payroll tax cut without delay. Letís get it done. When it comes to the deficit, weíve already agreed to more than 2 trillion dollars in cuts and savings. But we need to do more, and that means making choices. Right now, weíre poised to spend nearly 1 trillion dollars more on what was supposed to be a temporary tax break for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. Right now, because of loopholes and shelters in the tax code, a quarter of all millionaires pay lower tax rates than millions of middle-class households. Right now, Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary. Do we want to keep these tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans? Or do we want to keep our investments in everything else -- like education and medical research; a strong military and care for our veterans? Because if weíre serious about paying down our debt, we canít do both. The American people know what the right choice is. So do I. As I told the Speaker this summer, Iím prepared to make more reforms that rein in the long-term costs of Medicare and Medicaid, and strengthen Social Security, so long as those programs remain a guarantee of security for seniors. But in return, we need to change our tax code so that people like me, and an awful lot of members of Congress, pay our fair share of taxes. Tax reform should follow the Buffett Rule. If you make more than 1 million dollars a year, you should not pay less than 30 percent in taxes. And my Republican friend Tom Coburn is right: Washington should stop subsidizing millionaires. In fact, if youíre earning a million dollars a year, you shouldnít get special tax subsidies or deductions. On the other hand, if you make under 250,000 dollars a year, like 98 percent of American families, your taxes shouldnít go up. Youíre the ones struggling with rising costs and stagnant wages. Youíre the ones who need relief. Now, you can call this class warfare all you want. But asking a billionaire to pay at least as much as his secretary in taxes? Most Americans would call that common sense. We donít begrudge financial success in this country. We admire it. When Americans talk about folks like me paying my fair share of taxes, itís not because they envy the rich. Itís because they understand that when I get a tax break I donít need and the country canít afford, it either adds to the deficit, or somebody else has to make up the difference -- like a senior on a fixed income, or a student trying to get through school, or a family trying to make ends meet. Thatís not right. Americans know thatís not right. They know that this generationís success is only possible because past generations felt a responsibility to each other, and to the future of their country, and they know our way of life will only endure if we feel that same sense of shared responsibility. Thatís how weíll reduce our deficit. Thatís an America built to last. Now, I recognize that people watching tonight have differing views about taxes and debt, energy and health care. But no matter what party they belong to, I bet most Americans are thinking the same thing right about now: Nothing will get done in Washington this year, or next year, or maybe even the year after that, because Washington is broken. Can you blame them for feeling a little cynical? The greatest blow to our confidence in our economy last year didnít come from events beyond our control. It came from a debate in Washington over whether the United States would pay its bills or not. Who benefited from that fiasco? Iíve talked tonight about the deficit of trust between Main Street and Wall Street. But the divide between this city and the rest of the country is at least as bad -- and it seems to get worse every year. Some of this has to do with the corrosive influence of money in politics. So together, letís take some steps to fix that. Send me a bill that bans insider trading by members of Congress; I will sign it tomorrow. Letís limit any elected official from owning stocks in industries they impact. Letís make sure people who bundle campaign contributions for Congress canít lobby Congress, and vice versa -- an idea that has bipartisan support, at least outside of Washington. Some of whatís broken has to do with the way Congress does its business these days. A simple majority is no longer enough to get anything -- even routine business -- passed through the Senate. Neither party has been blameless in these tactics. Now both parties should put an end to it. For starters, I ask the Senate to pass a simple rule that all judicial and public service nominations receive a simple up or down vote within 90 days. The executive branch also needs to change. Too often, itís inefficient, outdated and remote. Thatís why Iíve asked this Congress to grant me the authority to consolidate the federal bureaucracy, so that our government is leaner, quicker, and more responsive to the needs of the American people. Finally, none of this can happen unless we also lower the temperature in this town. We need to end the notion that the two parties must be locked in a perpetual campaign of mutual destruction; that politics is about clinging to rigid ideologies instead of building consensus around common-sense ideas. Iím a Democrat. But I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed: That government should do for people only what they cannot do better by themselves, and no more. Thatís why my education reform offers more competition, and more control for schools and states. Thatís why weíre getting rid of regulations that donít work. Thatís why our health care law relies on a reformed private market, not a government program. On the other hand, even my Republican friends who complain the most about government spending have supported federally financed roads, and clean energy projects, and federal offices for the folks back home. The point is, we should all want a smarter, more effective government. And while we may not be able to bridge our biggest philosophical differences this year, we can make real progress. With or without this Congress, I will keep taking actions that help the economy grow. But I can do a whole lot more with your help. Because when we act together, thereís nothing the United States of America canít achieve. Thatís the lesson weíve learned from our actions abroad over the last few years. Ending the Iraq war has allowed us to strike decisive blows against our enemies. From Pakistan to Yemen, the al Qaeda operatives who remain are scrambling, knowing that they canít escape the reach of the United States of America. From this position of strength, weíve begun to wind down the war in Afghanistan. Ten thousand of our troops have come home. Twenty-three thousand more will leave by the end of this summer. This transition to Afghan lead will continue, and we will build an enduring partnership with Afghanistan, so that it is never again a source of attacks against America. As the tide of war recedes, a wave of change has washed across the Middle East and North Africa, from Tunis to Cairo; from Sanaía to Tripoli. A year ago, Qaddafi was one of the worldís longest-serving dictators -- a murderer with American blood on his hands. Today, he is gone. And in Syria, I have no doubt that the Assad regime will soon discover that the forces of change cannot be reversed, and that human dignity cannot be denied. How this incredible transformation will end remains uncertain. But we have a huge stake in the outcome. And while itís ultimately up to the people of the region to decide their fate, we will advocate for those values that have served our own country so well. We will stand against violence and intimidation. We will stand for the rights and dignity of all human beings -- men and women; Christians, Muslims and Jews. We will support policies that lead to strong and stable democracies and open markets, because tyranny is no match for liberty. And we will safeguard Americaís own security against those who threaten our citizens, our friends, and our interests. Look at Iran. Through the power of our diplomacy, a world that was once divided about how to deal with Iranís nuclear program now stands as one. The regime is more isolated than ever before; its leaders are faced with crippling sanctions, and as long as they shirk their responsibilities, this pressure will not relent. Let there be no doubt: America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve that goal. But a peaceful resolution of this issue is still possible, and far better, and if Iran changes course and meets its obligations, it can rejoin the community of nations. The renewal of American leadership can be felt across the globe. Our oldest alliances in Europe and Asia are stronger than ever. Our ties to the Americas are deeper. Our ironclad commitment -- and I mean ironclad -- to Israelís security has meant the closest military cooperation between our two countries in history. Weíve made it clear that America is a Pacific power, and a new beginning in Burma has lit a new hope. From the coalitions weíve built to secure nuclear materials, to the missions weíve led against hunger and disease; from the blows weíve dealt to our enemies, to the enduring power of our moral example, America is back. Anyone who tells you otherwise, anyone who tells you that America is in decline or that our influence has waned, doesnít know what theyíre talking about. Thatís not the message we get from leaders around the world who are eager to work with us. Thatís not how people feel from Tokyo to Berlin, from Cape Town to Rio, where opinions of America are higher than theyíve been in years. Yes, the world is changing. No, we canít control every event. But America remains the one indispensable nation in world affairs -- and as long as Iím President, I intend to keep it that way. Thatís why, working with our military leaders, Iíve proposed a new defense strategy that ensures we maintain the finest military in the world, while saving nearly half a trillion dollars in our budget. To stay one step ahead of our adversaries, Iíve already sent this Congress legislation that will secure our country from the growing dangers of cyber-threats. Above all, our freedom endures because of the men and women in uniform who defend it. As they come home, we must serve them as well as theyíve served us. That includes giving them the care and the benefits they have earned -- which is why weíve increased annual VA spending every year Iíve been President. And it means enlisting our veterans in the work of rebuilding our nation. With the bipartisan support of this Congress, weíre providing new tax credits to companies that hire vets. Michelle and Jill Biden have worked with American businesses to secure a pledge of 135,000 jobs for veterans and their families. And tonight, Iím proposing a Veterans Jobs Corps that will help our communities hire veterans as cops and firefighters, so that America is as strong as those who defend her. Which brings me back to where I began. Those of us whoíve been sent here to serve can learn a thing or two from the service of our troops. When you put on that uniform, it doesnít matter if youíre black or white; Asian, Latino, Native American; conservative, liberal; rich, poor; gay, straight. When youíre marching into battle, you look out for the person next to you, or the mission fails. When youíre in the thick of the fight, you rise or fall as one unit, serving one nation, leaving no one behind. One of my proudest possessions is the flag that the SEAL Team took with them on the mission to get bin Laden. On it are each of their names. Some may be Democrats. Some may be Republicans. But that doesnít matter. Just like it didnít matter that day in the Situation Room, when I sat next to Bob Gates -- a man who was George Bushís defense secretary -- and Hillary Clinton -- a woman who ran against me for President. All that mattered that day was the mission. No one thought about politics. No one thought about themselves. One of the young men involved in the raid later told me that he didnít deserve credit for the mission. It only succeeded, he said, because every single member of that unit did their job -- the pilot who landed the helicopter that spun out of control; the translator who kept others from entering the compound; the troops who separated the women and children from the fight; the SEALs who charged up the stairs. More than that, the mission only succeeded because every member of that unit trusted each other -- because you canít charge up those stairs, into darkness and danger, unless you know that thereís somebody behind you, watching your back. So it is with America. Each time I look at that flag, Iím reminded that our destiny is stitched together like those 50 stars and those 13 stripes. No one built this country on their own. This nation is great because we built it together. This nation is great because we worked as a team. This nation is great because we get each otherís backs. And if we hold fast to that truth, in this moment of trial, there is no challenge too great; no mission too hard. As long as we are joined in common purpose, as long as we maintain our common resolve, our journey moves forward, and our future is hopeful, and the state of our Union will always be strong. Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, fellow citizens: Fifty-one years ago, John F. Kennedy declared to this chamber that ìthe Constitution makes us not rivals for power but partners for progress.î ìIt is my task,î he said, ìto report the State of the Union -- to improve it is the task of us all.î Tonight, thanks to the grit and determination of the American people, there is much progress to report. After a decade of grinding war, our brave men and women in uniform are coming home. After years of grueling recession, our businesses have created over six million new jobs. We buy more American cars than we have in five years, and less foreign oil than we have in 20. Our housing market is healing, our stock market is rebounding, and consumers, patients, and homeowners enjoy stronger protections than ever before. So, together, we have cleared away the rubble of crisis, and we can say with renewed confidence that the State of our Union is stronger. But we gather here knowing that there are millions of Americans whose hard work and dedication have not yet been rewarded. Our economy is adding jobs -- but too many people still canít find full-time employment. Corporate profits have skyrocketed to all-time highs -- but for more than a decade, wages and incomes have barely budged. It is our generationís task, then, to reignite the true engine of Americaís economic growth -- a rising, thriving middle class. It is our unfinished task to restore the basic bargain that built this country -- the idea that if you work hard and meet your responsibilities, you can get ahead, no matter where you come from, no matter what you look like, or who you love. It is our unfinished task to make sure that this government works on behalf of the many, and not just the few; that it encourages free enterprise, rewards individual initiative, and opens the doors of opportunity to every child across this great nation. The American people donít expect government to solve every problem. They donít expect those of us in this chamber to agree on every issue. But they do expect us to put the nationís interests before party. They do expect us to forge reasonable compromise where we can. For they know that America moves forward only when we do so together, and that the responsibility of improving this union remains the task of us all. Our work must begin by making some basic decisions about our budget -- decisions that will have a huge impact on the strength of our recovery. Over the last few years, both parties have worked together to reduce the deficit by more than $2.5 trillion -- mostly through spending cuts, but also by raising tax rates on the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans. As a result, we are more than halfway towards the goal of $4 trillion in deficit reduction that economists say we need to stabilize our finances. Now we need to finish the job. And the question is, how? In 2011, Congress passed a law saying that if both parties couldnít agree on a plan to reach our deficit goal, about a trillion dollarsí worth of budget cuts would automatically go into effect this year. These sudden, harsh, arbitrary cuts would jeopardize our military readiness. Theyíd devastate priorities like education, and energy, and medical research. They would certainly slow our recovery, and cost us hundreds of thousands of jobs. Thatís why Democrats, Republicans, business leaders, and economists have already said that these cuts, known here in Washington as the sequester, are a really bad idea. Now, some in Congress have proposed preventing only the defense cuts by making even bigger cuts to things like education and job training, Medicare and Social Security benefits. That idea is even worse. Yes, the biggest driver of our long-term debt is the rising cost of health care for an aging population. And those of us who care deeply about programs like Medicare must embrace the need for modest reforms -- otherwise, our retirement programs will crowd out the investments we need for our children, and jeopardize the promise of a secure retirement for future generations. But we canít ask senior citizens and working families to shoulder the entire burden of deficit reduction while asking nothing more from the wealthiest and the most powerful. We wonít grow the middle class simply by shifting the cost of health care or college onto families that are already struggling, or by forcing communities to lay off more teachers and more cops and more firefighters. Most Americans -- Democrats, Republicans, and independents -- understand that we canít just cut our way to prosperity. They know that broad-based economic growth requires a balanced approach to deficit reduction, with spending cuts and revenue, and with everybody doing their fair share. And thatís the approach I offer tonight. On Medicare, Iím prepared to enact reforms that will achieve the same amount of health care savings by the beginning of the next decade as the reforms proposed by the bipartisan Simpson-Bowles commission. Already, the Affordable Care Act is helping to slow the growth of health care costs. And the reforms Iím proposing go even further. Weíll reduce taxpayer subsidies to prescription drug companies and ask more from the wealthiest seniors. Weíll bring down costs by changing the way our government pays for Medicare, because our medical bills shouldnít be based on the number of tests ordered or days spent in the hospital; they should be based on the quality of care that our seniors receive. And I am open to additional reforms from both parties, so long as they donít violate the guarantee of a secure retirement. Our government shouldnít make promises we cannot keep -- but we must keep the promises weíve already made. To hit the rest of our deficit reduction target, we should do what leaders in both parties have already suggested, and save hundreds of billions of dollars by getting rid of tax loopholes and deductions for the well-off and the well-connected. After all, why would we choose to make deeper cuts to education and Medicare just to protect special interest tax breaks? How is that fair? Why is it that deficit reduction is a big emergency justifying making cuts in Social Security benefits but not closing some loopholes? How does that promote growth? Now is our best chance for bipartisan, comprehensive tax reform that encourages job creation and helps bring down the deficit. We can get this done. The American people deserve a tax code that helps small businesses spend less time filling out complicated forms, and more time expanding and hiring -- a tax code that ensures billionaires with high-powered accountants canít work the system and pay a lower rate than their hardworking secretaries; a tax code that lowers incentives to move jobs overseas, and lowers tax rates for businesses and manufacturers that are creating jobs right here in the United States of America. Thatís what tax reform can deliver. Thatís what we can do together. I realize that tax reform and entitlement reform will not be easy. The politics will be hard for both sides. None of us will get 100 percent of what we want. But the alternative will cost us jobs, hurt our economy, visit hardship on millions of hardworking Americans. So letís set party interests aside and work to pass a budget that replaces reckless cuts with smart savings and wise investments in our future. And letís do it without the brinksmanship that stresses consumers and scares off investors. The greatest nation on Earth cannot keep conducting its business by drifting from one manufactured crisis to the next. We can't do it. Letís agree right here, right now to keep the peopleís government open, and pay our bills on time, and always uphold the full faith and credit of the United States of America. The American people have worked too hard, for too long, rebuilding from one crisis to see their elected officials cause another. Now, most of us agree that a plan to reduce the deficit must be part of our agenda. But letís be clear, deficit reduction alone is not an economic plan. A growing economy that creates good, middle-class jobs -- that must be the North Star that guides our efforts. Every day, we should ask ourselves three questions as a nation: How do we attract more jobs to our shores? How do we equip our people with the skills they need to get those jobs? And how do we make sure that hard work leads to a decent living? A year and a half ago, I put forward an American Jobs Act that independent economists said would create more than 1 million new jobs. And I thank the last Congress for passing some of that agenda. I urge this Congress to pass the rest. But tonight, Iíll lay out additional proposals that are fully paid for and fully consistent with the budget framework both parties agreed to just 18 months ago. Let me repeat -- nothing Iím proposing tonight should increase our deficit by a single dime. It is not a bigger government we need, but a smarter government that sets priorities and invests in broad-based growth. That's what we should be looking for. Our first priority is making America a magnet for new jobs and manufacturing. After shedding jobs for more than 10 years, our manufacturers have added about 500,000 jobs over the past three. Caterpillar is bringing jobs back from Japan. Ford is bringing jobs back from Mexico. And this year, Apple will start making Macs in America again. There are things we can do, right now, to accelerate this trend. Last year, we created our first manufacturing innovation institute in Youngstown, Ohio. A once-shuttered warehouse is now a state-of-the art lab where new workers are mastering the 3D printing that has the potential to revolutionize the way we make almost everything. Thereís no reason this canít happen in other towns. So tonight, Iím announcing the launch of three more of these manufacturing hubs, where businesses will partner with the Department of Defense and Energy to turn regions left behind by globalization into global centers of high-tech jobs. And I ask this Congress to help create a network of 15 of these hubs and guarantee that the next revolution in manufacturing is made right here in America. We can get that done. Now, if we want to make the best products, we also have to invest in the best ideas. Every dollar we invested to map the human genome returned $140 to our economy -- every dollar. Today, our scientists are mapping the human brain to unlock the answers to Alzheimerís. Theyíre developing drugs to regenerate damaged organs; devising new material to make batteries 10 times more powerful. Now is not the time to gut these job-creating investments in science and innovation. Now is the time to reach a level of research and development not seen since the height of the Space Race. We need to make those investments. Today, no area holds more promise than our investments in American energy. After years of talking about it, weíre finally poised to control our own energy future. We produce more oil at home than we have in 15 years. We have doubled the distance our cars will go on a gallon of gas, and the amount of renewable energy we generate from sources like wind and solar -- with tens of thousands of good American jobs to show for it. We produce more natural gas than ever before -- and nearly everyoneís energy bill is lower because of it. And over the last four years, our emissions of the dangerous carbon pollution that threatens our planet have actually fallen. But for the sake of our children and our future, we must do more to combat climate change. Now, itís true that no single event makes a trend. But the fact is the 12 hottest years on record have all come in the last 15. Heat waves, droughts, wildfires, floods -- all are now more frequent and more intense. We can choose to believe that Superstorm Sandy, and the most severe drought in decades, and the worst wildfires some states have ever seen were all just a freak coincidence. Or we can choose to believe in the overwhelming judgment of science -- and act before itís too late. Now, the good news is we can make meaningful progress on this issue while driving strong economic growth. I urge this Congress to get together, pursue a bipartisan, market-based solution to climate change, like the one John McCain and Joe Lieberman worked on together a few years ago. But if Congress wonít act soon to protect future generations, I will. I will direct my Cabinet to come up with executive actions we can take, now and in the future, to reduce pollution, prepare our communities for the consequences of climate change, and speed the transition to more sustainable sources of energy. Four years ago, other countries dominated the clean energy market and the jobs that came with it. And weíve begun to change that. Last year, wind energy added nearly half of all new power capacity in America. So letís generate even more. Solar energy gets cheaper by the year -- letís drive down costs even further. As long as countries like China keep going all in on clean energy, so must we. Now, in the meantime, the natural gas boom has led to cleaner power and greater energy independence. We need to encourage that. And thatís why my administration will keep cutting red tape and speeding up new oil and gas permits. Thatís got to be part of an all-of-the-above plan. But I also want to work with this Congress to encourage the research and technology that helps natural gas burn even cleaner and protects our air and our water. In fact, much of our new-found energy is drawn from lands and waters that we, the public, own together. So tonight, I propose we use some of our oil and gas revenues to fund an Energy Security Trust that will drive new research and technology to shift our cars and trucks off oil for good. If a nonpartisan coalition of CEOs and retired generals and admirals can get behind this idea, then so can we. Letís take their advice and free our families and businesses from the painful spikes in gas prices weíve put up with for far too long. Iím also issuing a new goal for America: Letís cut in half the energy wasted by our homes and businesses over the next 20 years. We'll work with the states to do it. Those states with the best ideas to create jobs and lower energy bills by constructing more efficient buildings will receive federal support to help make that happen. Americaís energy sector is just one part of an aging infrastructure badly in need of repair. Ask any CEO where theyíd rather locate and hire -- a country with deteriorating roads and bridges, or one with high-speed rail and Internet; high-tech schools, self-healing power grids. The CEO of Siemens America -- a company that brought hundreds of new jobs to North Carolina -- said that if we upgrade our infrastructure, theyíll bring even more jobs. And thatís the attitude of a lot of companies all around the world. And I know you want these job-creating projects in your district. Iíve seen all those ribbon-cuttings. So tonight, I propose a ìFix-It-Firstî program to put people to work as soon as possible on our most urgent repairs, like the nearly 70,000 structurally deficient bridges across the country. And to make sure taxpayers donít shoulder the whole burden, Iím also proposing a Partnership to Rebuild America that attracts private capital to upgrade what our businesses need most: modern ports to move our goods, modern pipelines to withstand a storm, modern schools worthy of our children. Letís prove that thereís no better place to do business than here in the United States of America, and letís start right away. We can get this done. And part of our rebuilding effort must also involve our housing sector. The good news is our housing market is finally healing from the collapse of 2007. Home prices are rising at the fastest pace in six years. Home purchases are up nearly 50 percent, and construction is expanding again. But even with mortgage rates near a 50-year low, too many families with solid credit who want to buy a home are being rejected. Too many families who never missed a payment and want to refinance are being told no. Thatís holding our entire economy back. We need to fix it. Right now, thereís a bill in this Congress that would give every responsible homeowner in America the chance to save $3,000 a year by refinancing at todayís rates. Democrats and Republicans have supported it before, so what are we waiting for? Take a vote, and send me that bill. Why would we be against that? Why would that be a partisan issue, helping folks refinance? Right now, overlapping regulations keep responsible young families from buying their first home. Whatís holding us back? Letís streamline the process, and help our economy grow. These initiatives in manufacturing, energy, infrastructure, housing -- all these things will help entrepreneurs and small business owners expand and create new jobs. But none of it will matter unless we also equip our citizens with the skills and training to fill those jobs. And that has to start at the earliest possible age. Study after study shows that the sooner a child begins learning, the better he or she does down the road. But today, fewer than 3 in 10 four year-olds are enrolled in a high-quality preschool program. Most middle-class parents canít afford a few hundred bucks a week for a private preschool. And for poor kids who need help the most, this lack of access to preschool education can shadow them for the rest of their lives. So tonight, I propose working with states to make high-quality preschool available to every single child in America. That's something we should be able to do. Every dollar we invest in high-quality early childhood education can save more than seven dollars later on -- by boosting graduation rates, reducing teen pregnancy, even reducing violent crime. In states that make it a priority to educate our youngest children, like Georgia or Oklahoma, studies show students grow up more likely to read and do math at grade level, graduate high school, hold a job, form more stable families of their own. We know this works. So letís do what works and make sure none of our children start the race of life already behind. Letís give our kids that chance. Letís also make sure that a high school diploma puts our kids on a path to a good job. Right now, countries like Germany focus on graduating their high school students with the equivalent of a technical degree from one of our community colleges. So those German kids, they're ready for a job when they graduate high school. They've been trained for the jobs that are there. Now at schools like P-Tech in Brooklyn, a collaboration between New York Public Schools and City University of New York and IBM, students will graduate with a high school diploma and an associate's degree in computers or engineering. We need to give every American student opportunities like this. And four years ago, we started Race to the Top -- a competition that convinced almost every state to develop smarter curricula and higher standards, all for about 1 percent of what we spend on education each year. Tonight, Iím announcing a new challenge to redesign Americaís high schools so they better equip graduates for the demands of a high-tech economy. And weíll reward schools that develop new partnerships with colleges and employers, and create classes that focus on science, technology, engineering and math -- the skills todayís employers are looking for to fill the jobs that are there right now and will be there in the future. Now, even with better high schools, most young people will need some higher education. Itís a simple fact the more education youíve got, the more likely you are to have a good job and work your way into the middle class. But today, skyrocketing costs price too many young people out of a higher education, or saddle them with unsustainable debt. Through tax credits, grants and better loans, weíve made college more affordable for millions of students and families over the last few years. But taxpayers canít keep on subsidizing higher and higher and higher costs for higher education. Colleges must do their part to keep costs down, and itís our job to make sure that they do. So tonight, I ask Congress to change the Higher Education Act so that affordability and value are included in determining which colleges receive certain types of federal aid. And tomorrow, my administration will release a new ìCollege Scorecardî that parents and students can use to compare schools based on a simple criteria -- where you can get the most bang for your educational buck. Now, to grow our middle class, our citizens have to have access to the education and training that todayís jobs require. But we also have to make sure that America remains a place where everyone whoís willing to work -- everybody whoís willing to work hard has the chance to get ahead. Our economy is stronger when we harness the talents and ingenuity of striving, hopeful immigrants. And right now, leaders from the business, labor, law enforcement, faith communities -- they all agree that the time has come to pass comprehensive immigration reform. Now is the time to do it. Now is the time to get it done. Now is the time to get it done. Real reform means strong border security, and we can build on the progress my administration has already made -- putting more boots on the Southern border than at any time in our history and reducing illegal crossings to their lowest levels in 40 years. Real reform means establishing a responsible pathway to earned citizenship -- a path that includes passing a background check, paying taxes and a meaningful penalty, learning English, and going to the back of the line behind the folks trying to come here legally. And real reform means fixing the legal immigration system to cut waiting periods and attract the highly-skilled entrepreneurs and engineers that will help create jobs and grow our economy. In other words, we know what needs to be done. And as we speak, bipartisan groups in both chambers are working diligently to draft a bill, and I applaud their efforts. So letís get this done. Send me a comprehensive immigration reform bill in the next few months, and I will sign it right away. And America will be better for it. Letís get it done. Letís get it done. But we canít stop there. We know our economy is stronger when our wives, our mothers, our daughters can live their lives free from discrimination in the workplace, and free from the fear of domestic violence. Today, the Senate passed the Violence Against Women Act that Joe Biden originally wrote almost 20 years ago. And I now urge the House to do the same. Good job, Joe. And I ask this Congress to declare that women should earn a living equal to their efforts, and finally pass the Paycheck Fairness Act this year. We know our economy is stronger when we reward an honest dayís work with honest wages. But today, a full-time worker making the minimum wage earns $14,500 a year. Even with the tax relief we put in place, a family with two kids that earns the minimum wage still lives below the poverty line. Thatís wrong. Thatís why, since the last time this Congress raised the minimum wage, 19 states have chosen to bump theirs even higher. Tonight, letís declare that in the wealthiest nation on Earth, no one who works full-time should have to live in poverty, and raise the federal minimum wage to $9.00 an hour. We should be able to get that done. This single step would raise the incomes of millions of working families. It could mean the difference between groceries or the food bank; rent or eviction; scraping by or finally getting ahead. For businesses across the country, it would mean customers with more money in their pockets. And a whole lot of folks out there would probably need less help from government. In fact, working folks shouldnít have to wait year after year for the minimum wage to go up while CEO pay has never been higher. So hereís an idea that Governor Romney and I actually agreed on last year -- letís tie the minimum wage to the cost of living, so that it finally becomes a wage you can live on. Tonight, letís also recognize that there are communities in this country where no matter how hard you work, it is virtually impossible to get ahead. Factory towns decimated from years of plants packing up. Inescapable pockets of poverty, urban and rural, where young adults are still fighting for their first job. America is not a place where the chance of birth or circumstance should decide our destiny. And thatís why we need to build new ladders of opportunity into the middle class for all who are willing to climb them. Letís offer incentives to companies that hire Americans whoíve got what it takes to fill that job opening, but have been out of work so long that no one will give them a chance anymore. Letís put people back to work rebuilding vacant homes in run-down neighborhoods. And this year, my administration will begin to partner with 20 of the hardest-hit towns in America to get these communities back on their feet. Weíll work with local leaders to target resources at public safety, and education, and housing. Weíll give new tax credits to businesses that hire and invest. And weíll work to strengthen families by removing the financial deterrents to marriage for low-income couples, and do more to encourage fatherhood -- because what makes you a man isnít the ability to conceive a child; itís having the courage to raise one. And we want to encourage that. We want to help that. Stronger families. Stronger communities. A stronger America. It is this kind of prosperity -- broad, shared, built on a thriving middle class -- that has always been the source of our progress at home. Itís also the foundation of our power and influence throughout the world. Tonight, we stand united in saluting the troops and civilians who sacrifice every day to protect us. Because of them, we can say with confidence that America will complete its mission in Afghanistan and achieve our objective of defeating the core of al Qaeda. Already, we have brought home 33,000 of our brave servicemen and women. This spring, our forces will move into a support role, while Afghan security forces take the lead. Tonight, I can announce that over the next year, another 34,000 American troops will come home from Afghanistan. This drawdown will continue and by the end of next year, our war in Afghanistan will be over. Beyond 2014, Americaís commitment to a unified and sovereign Afghanistan will endure, but the nature of our commitment will change. We're negotiating an agreement with the Afghan government that focuses on two missions -- training and equipping Afghan forces so that the country does not again slip into chaos, and counterterrorism efforts that allow us to pursue the remnants of al Qaeda and their affiliates. Today, the organization that attacked us on 9/11 is a shadow of its former self. It's true, different al Qaeda affiliates and extremist groups have emerged -- from the Arabian Peninsula to Africa. The threat these groups pose is evolving. But to meet this threat, we donít need to send tens of thousands of our sons and daughters abroad or occupy other nations. Instead, we'll need to help countries like Yemen, and Libya, and Somalia provide for their own security, and help allies who take the fight to terrorists, as we have in Mali. And where necessary, through a range of capabilities, we will continue to take direct action against those terrorists who pose the gravest threat to Americans. Now, as we do, we must enlist our values in the fight. That's why my administration has worked tirelessly to forge a durable legal and policy framework to guide our counterterrorism efforts. Throughout, we have kept Congress fully informed of our efforts. I recognize that in our democracy, no one should just take my word for it that weíre doing things the right way. So in the months ahead, I will continue to engage Congress to ensure not only that our targeting, detention and prosecution of terrorists remains consistent with our laws and system of checks and balances, but that our efforts are even more transparent to the American people and to the world. Of course, our challenges donít end with al Qaeda. America will continue to lead the effort to prevent the spread of the worldís most dangerous weapons. The regime in North Korea must know they will only achieve security and prosperity by meeting their international obligations. Provocations of the sort we saw last night will only further isolate them, as we stand by our allies, strengthen our own missile defense and lead the world in taking firm action in response to these threats. Likewise, the leaders of Iran must recognize that now is the time for a diplomatic solution, because a coalition stands united in demanding that they meet their obligations, and we will do what is necessary to prevent them from getting a nuclear weapon. At the same time, weíll engage Russia to seek further reductions in our nuclear arsenals, and continue leading the global effort to secure nuclear materials that could fall into the wrong hands -- because our ability to influence others depends on our willingness to lead and meet our obligations. America must also face the rapidly growing threat from cyber-attacks. Now, we know hackers steal peopleís identities and infiltrate private emails. We know foreign countries and companies swipe our corporate secrets. Now our enemies are also seeking the ability to sabotage our power grid, our financial institutions, our air traffic control systems. We cannot look back years from now and wonder why we did nothing in the face of real threats to our security and our economy. And thatís why, earlier today, I signed a new executive order that will strengthen our cyber defenses by increasing information sharing, and developing standards to protect our national security, our jobs, and our privacy. But now Congress must act as well, by passing legislation to give our government a greater capacity to secure our networks and deter attacks. This is something we should be able to get done on a bipartisan basis. Now, even as we protect our people, we should remember that todayís world presents not just dangers, not just threats, it presents opportunities. To boost American exports, support American jobs and level the playing field in the growing markets of Asia, we intend to complete negotiations on a Trans-Pacific Partnership. And tonight, Iím announcing that we will launch talks on a comprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the European Union -- because trade that is fair and free across the Atlantic supports millions of good-paying American jobs. We also know that progress in the most impoverished parts of our world enriches us all -- not only because it creates new markets, more stable order in certain regions of the world, but also because itís the right thing to do. In many places, people live on little more than a dollar a day. So the United States will join with our allies to eradicate such extreme poverty in the next two decades by connecting more people to the global economy; by empowering women; by giving our young and brightest minds new opportunities to serve, and helping communities to feed, and power, and educate themselves; by saving the worldís children from preventable deaths; and by realizing the promise of an AIDS-free generation, which is within our reach. You see, America must remain a beacon to all who seek freedom during this period of historic change. I saw the power of hope last year in Rangoon, in Burma, when Aung San Suu Kyi welcomed an American President into the home where she had been imprisoned for years; when thousands of Burmese lined the streets, waving American flags, including a man who said, ìThere is justice and law in the United States. I want our country to be like that.î In defense of freedom, weíll remain the anchor of strong alliances from the Americas to Africa; from Europe to Asia. In the Middle East, we will stand with citizens as they demand their universal rights, and support stable transitions to democracy. We know the process will be messy, and we cannot presume to dictate the course of change in countries like Egypt, but we can -- and will -- insist on respect for the fundamental rights of all people. Weíll keep the pressure on a Syrian regime that has murdered its own people, and support opposition leaders that respect the rights of every Syrian. And we will stand steadfast with Israel in pursuit of security and a lasting peace. These are the messages I'll deliver when I travel to the Middle East next month. And all this work depends on the courage and sacrifice of those who serve in dangerous places at great personal risk ñ- our diplomats, our intelligence officers, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces. As long as Iím Commander-in-Chief, we will do whatever we must to protect those who serve their country abroad, and we will maintain the best military the world has ever known. We'll invest in new capabilities, even as we reduce waste and wartime spending. We will ensure equal treatment for all servicemembers, and equal benefits for their families -- gay and straight. We will draw upon the courage and skills of our sisters and daughters and moms, because women have proven under fire that they are ready for combat. We will keep faith with our veterans, investing in world-class care, including mental health care, for our wounded warriors -- supporting our military families; giving our veterans the benefits and education and job opportunities that they have earned. And I want to thank my wife, Michelle, and Dr. Jill Biden for their continued dedication to serving our military families as well as they have served us. Thank you, honey. Thank you, Jill. Defending our freedom, though, is not just the job of our military alone. We must all do our part to make sure our God-given rights are protected here at home. That includes one of the most fundamental right of a democracy: the right to vote. When any American, no matter where they live or what their party, are denied that right because they canít afford to wait for five or six or seven hours just to cast their ballot, we are betraying our ideals. So tonight, Iím announcing a nonpartisan commission to improve the voting experience in America. And it definitely needs improvement. Iím asking two long-time experts in the field -- who, by the way, recently served as the top attorneys for my campaign and for Governor Romneyís campaign -- to lead it. We can fix this, and we will. The American people demand it, and so does our democracy. Of course, what Iíve said tonight matters little if we donít come together to protect our most precious resource: our children. It has been two months since Newtown. I know this is not the first time this country has debated how to reduce gun violence. But this time is different. Overwhelming majorities of Americans -- Americans who believe in the Second Amendment -- have come together around common-sense reform, like background checks that will make it harder for criminals to get their hands on a gun. Senators of both parties are working together on tough new laws to prevent anyone from buying guns for resale to criminals. Police chiefs are asking our help to get weapons of war and massive ammunition magazines off our streets, because these police chiefs, theyíre tired of seeing their guys and gals being outgunned. Each of these proposals deserves a vote in Congress. Now, if you want to vote no, thatís your choice. But these proposals deserve a vote. Because in the two months since Newtown, more than a thousand birthdays, graduations, anniversaries have been stolen from our lives by a bullet from a gun -- more than a thousand. One of those we lost was a young girl named Hadiya Pendleton. She was 15 years old. She loved Fig Newtons and lip gloss. She was a majorette. She was so good to her friends they all thought they were her best friend. Just three weeks ago, she was here, in Washington, with her classmates, performing for her country at my inauguration. And a week later, she was shot and killed in a Chicago park after school, just a mile away from my house. Hadiyaís parents, Nate and Cleo, are in this chamber tonight, along with more than two dozen Americans whose lives have been torn apart by gun violence. They deserve a vote. They deserve a vote. Gabby Giffords deserves a vote. The families of Newtown deserve a vote. The families of Aurora deserve a vote. The families of Oak Creek and Tucson and Blacksburg, and the countless other communities ripped open by gun violence ñ- they deserve a simple vote. They deserve a simple vote. Our actions will not prevent every senseless act of violence in this country. In fact, no laws, no initiatives, no administrative acts will perfectly solve all the challenges Iíve outlined tonight. But we were never sent here to be perfect. We were sent here to make what difference we can, to secure this nation, expand opportunity, uphold our ideals through the hard, often frustrating, but absolutely necessary work of self-government. We were sent here to look out for our fellow Americans the same way they look out for one another, every single day, usually without fanfare, all across this country. We should follow their example. We should follow the example of a New York City nurse named Menchu Sanchez. When Hurricane Sandy plunged her hospital into darkness, she wasnít thinking about how her own home was faring. Her mind was on the 20 precious newborns in her care and the rescue plan she devised that kept them all safe. We should follow the example of a North Miami woman named Desiline Victor. When Desiline arrived at her polling place, she was told the wait to vote might be six hours. And as time ticked by, her concern was not with her tired body or aching feet, but whether folks like her would get to have their say. And hour after hour, a throng of people stayed in line to support her -- because Desiline is 102 years old. And they erupted in cheers when she finally put on a sticker that read, ìI voted.î We should follow the example of a police officer named Brian Murphy. When a gunman opened fire on a Sikh temple in Wisconsin and Brian was the first to arrive, he did not consider his own safety. He fought back until help arrived and ordered his fellow officers to protect the safety of the Americans worshiping inside, even as he lay bleeding from 12 bullet wounds. And when asked how he did that, Brian said, ìThatís just the way weíre made.î Thatís just the way weíre made. We may do different jobs and wear different uniforms, and hold different views than the person beside us. But as Americans, we all share the same proud title -- we are citizens. Itís a word that doesnít just describe our nationality or legal status. It describes the way weíre made. It describes what we believe. It captures the enduring idea that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations, that our rights are wrapped up in the rights of others; and that well into our third century as a nation, it remains the task of us all, as citizens of these United States, to be the authors of the next great chapter of our American story. Thank you. God bless you, and God bless these United States of America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Today in America, a teacher spent extra time with a student who needed it, and did her part to lift Americaís graduation rate to its highest level in more than three decades. An entrepreneur flipped on the lights in her tech startup, and did her part to add to the more than eight million new jobs our businesses have created over the past four years. An autoworker fine-tuned some of the best, most fuel-efficient cars in the world, and did his part to help America wean itself off foreign oil. A farmer prepared for the spring after the strongest five-year stretch of farm exports in our history. A rural doctor gave a young child the first prescription to treat asthma that his mother could afford. A man took the bus home from the graveyard shift, bone-tired but dreaming big dreams for his son. And in tight-knit communities across America, fathers and mothers will tuck in their kids, put an arm around their spouse, remember fallen comrades, and give thanks for being home from a war that, after twelve long years, is finally coming to an end. Tonight, this chamber speaks with one voice to the people we represent: it is you, our citizens, who make the state of our union strong. Here are the results of your efforts: The lowest unemployment rate in over five years. A rebounding housing market. A manufacturing sector thatís adding jobs for the first time since the 1990s. More oil produced at home than we buy from the rest of the world ñ the first time thatís happened in nearly twenty years. Our deficits ñ cut by more than half. And for the first time in over a decade, business leaders around the world have declared that China is no longer the worldís number one place to invest; America is. Thatís why I believe this can be a breakthrough year for America. After five years of grit and determined effort, the United States is better-positioned for the 21st century than any other nation on Earth. The question for everyone in this chamber, running through every decision we make this year, is whether we are going to help or hinder this progress. For several years now, this town has been consumed by a rancorous argument over the proper size of the federal government. Itís an important debate ñ one that dates back to our very founding. But when that debate prevents us from carrying out even the most basic functions of our democracy ñ when our differences shut down government or threaten the full faith and credit of the United States ñ then we are not doing right by the American people. As President, Iím committed to making Washington work better, and rebuilding the trust of the people who sent us here. I believe most of you are, too. Last month, thanks to the work of Democrats and Republicans, this Congress finally produced a budget that undoes some of last yearís severe cuts to priorities like education. Nobody got everything they wanted, and we can still do more to invest in this countryís future while bringing down our deficit in a balanced way. But the budget compromise should leave us freer to focus on creating new jobs, not creating new crises. In the coming months, letís see where else we can make progress together. Letís make this a year of action. Thatís what most Americans want ñ for all of us in this chamber to focus on their lives, their hopes, their aspirations. And what I believe unites the people of this nation, regardless of race or region or party, young or old, rich or poor, is the simple, profound belief in opportunity for all ñ the notion that if you work hard and take responsibility, you can get ahead. Letís face it: that belief has suffered some serious blows. Over more than three decades, even before the Great Recession hit, massive shifts in technology and global competition had eliminated a lot of good, middle-class jobs, and weakened the economic foundations that families depend on. Today, after four years of economic growth, corporate profits and stock prices have rarely been higher, and those at the top have never done better. But average wages have barely budged. Inequality has deepened. Upward mobility has stalled. The cold, hard fact is that even in the midst of recovery, too many Americans are working more than ever just to get by ñ let alone get ahead. And too many still arenít working at all. Our job is to reverse these trends. It wonít happen right away, and we wonít agree on everything. But what I offer tonight is a set of concrete, practical proposals to speed up growth, strengthen the middle class, and build new ladders of opportunity into the middle class. Some require Congressional action, and Iím eager to work with all of you. But America does not stand still ñ and neither will I. So wherever and whenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for more American families, thatís what Iím going to do. As usual, our First Lady sets a good example. Michelleís Letís Move partnership with schools, businesses, and local leaders has helped bring down childhood obesity rates for the first time in thirty years ñ an achievement that will improve lives and reduce health care costs for decades to come. The Joining Forces alliance that Michelle and Jill Biden launched has already encouraged employers to hire or train nearly 400,000 veterans and military spouses. Taking a page from that playbook, the White House just organized a College Opportunity Summit where already, 150 universities, businesses, and nonprofits have made concrete commitments to reduce inequality in access to higher education ñ and help every hardworking kid go to college and succeed when they get to campus. Across the country, weíre partnering with mayors, governors, and state legislatures on issues from homelessness to marriage equality. The point is, there are millions of Americans outside Washington who are tired of stale political arguments, and are moving this country forward. They believe, and I believe, that here in America, our success should depend not on accident of birth, but the strength of our work ethic and the scope of our dreams. Thatís what drew our forebears here. Itís how the daughter of a factory worker is CEO of Americaís largest automaker; how the son of a barkeeper is Speaker of the House; how the son of a single mom can be President of the greatest nation on Earth. Opportunity is who we are. And the defining project of our generation is to restore that promise. We know where to start: the best measure of opportunity is access to a good job. With the economy picking up speed, companies say they intend to hire more people this year. And over half of big manufacturers say theyíre thinking of insourcing jobs from abroad. So letís make that decision easier for more companies. Both Democrats and Republicans have argued that our tax code is riddled with wasteful, complicated loopholes that punish businesses investing here, and reward companies that keep profits abroad. Letís flip that equation. Letís work together to close those loopholes, end those incentives to ship jobs overseas, and lower tax rates for businesses that create jobs here at home. Moreover, we can take the money we save with this transition to tax reform to create jobs rebuilding our roads, upgrading our ports, unclogging our commutes ñ because in todayís global economy, first-class jobs gravitate to first-class infrastructure. Weíll need Congress to protect more than three million jobs by finishing transportation and waterways bills this summer. But I will act on my own to slash bureaucracy and streamline the permitting process for key projects, so we can get more construction workers on the job as fast as possible. We also have the chance, right now, to beat other countries in the race for the next wave of high-tech manufacturing jobs. My administration has launched two hubs for high-tech manufacturing in Raleigh and Youngstown, where weíve connected businesses to research universities that can help America lead the world in advanced technologies. Tonight, Iím announcing weíll launch six more this year. Bipartisan bills in both houses could double the number of these hubs and the jobs they create. So get those bills to my desk and put more Americans back to work. Letís do more to help the entrepreneurs and small business owners who create most new jobs in America. Over the past five years, my administration has made more loans to small business owners than any other. And when ninety-eight percent of our exporters are small businesses, new trade partnerships with Europe and the Asia-Pacific will help them create more jobs. We need to work together on tools like bipartisan trade promotion authority to protect our workers, protect our environment, and open new markets to new goods stamped ìMade in the USA.î China and Europe arenít standing on the sidelines. Neither should we. We know that the nation that goes all-in on innovation today will own the global economy tomorrow. This is an edge America cannot surrender. Federally-funded research helped lead to the ideas and inventions behind Google and smartphones. Thatís why Congress should undo the damage done by last yearís cuts to basic research so we can unleash the next great American discovery ñ whether itís vaccines that stay ahead of drug-resistant bacteria, or paper-thin material thatís stronger than steel. And letís pass a patent reform bill that allows our businesses to stay focused on innovation, not costly, needless litigation. Now, one of the biggest factors in bringing more jobs back is our commitment to American energy. The all-of-the-above energy strategy I announced a few years ago is working, and today, America is closer to energy independence than weíve been in decades. One of the reasons why is natural gas ñ if extracted safely, itís the bridge fuel that can power our economy with less of the carbon pollution that causes climate change. Businesses plan to invest almost $100 billion in new factories that use natural gas. Iíll cut red tape to help states get those factories built, and this Congress can help by putting people to work building fueling stations that shift more cars and trucks from foreign oil to American natural gas. My administration will keep working with the industry to sustain production and job growth while strengthening protection of our air, our water, and our communities. And while weíre at it, Iíll use my authority to protect more of our pristine federal lands for future generations. Itís not just oil and natural gas production thatís booming; weíre becoming a global leader in solar, too. Every four minutes, another American home or business goes solar; every panel pounded into place by a worker whose job canít be outsourced. Letís continue that progress with a smarter tax policy that stops giving $4 billion a year to fossil fuel industries that donít need it, so that we can invest more in fuels of the future that do. And even as weíve increased energy production, weíve partnered with businesses, builders, and local communities to reduce the energy we consume. When we rescued our automakers, for example, we worked with them to set higher fuel efficiency standards for our cars. In the coming months, Iíll build on that success by setting new standards for our trucks, so we can keep driving down oil imports and what we pay at the pump. Taken together, our energy policy is creating jobs and leading to a cleaner, safer planet. Over the past eight years, the United States has reduced our total carbon pollution more than any other nation on Earth. But we have to act with more urgency ñ because a changing climate is already harming western communities struggling with drought, and coastal cities dealing with floods. Thatís why I directed my administration to work with states, utilities, and others to set new standards on the amount of carbon pollution our power plants are allowed to dump into the air. The shift to a cleaner energy economy wonít happen overnight, and it will require tough choices along the way. But the debate is settled. Climate change is a fact. And when our childrenís children look us in the eye and ask if we did all we could to leave them a safer, more stable world, with new sources of energy, I want us to be able to say yes, we did. Finally, if we are serious about economic growth, it is time to heed the call of business leaders, labor leaders, faith leaders, and law enforcement ñ and fix our broken immigration system. Republicans and Democrats in the Senate have acted. I know that members of both parties in the House want to do the same. Independent economists say immigration reform will grow our economy and shrink our deficits by almost $1 trillion in the next two decades. And for good reason: when people come here to fulfill their dreams ñ to study, invent, and contribute to our culture ñ they make our country a more attractive place for businesses to locate and create jobs for everyone. So letís get immigration reform done this year. The ideas Iíve outlined so far can speed up growth and create more jobs. But in this rapidly-changing economy, we have to make sure that every American has the skills to fill those jobs. The good news is, we know how to do it. Two years ago, as the auto industry came roaring back, Andra Rush opened up a manufacturing firm in Detroit. She knew that Ford needed parts for the best-selling truck in America, and she knew how to make them. She just needed the workforce. So she dialed up what we call an American Job Center ñ places where folks can walk in to get the help or training they need to find a new job, or better job. She was flooded with new workers. And today, Detroit Manufacturing Systems has more than 700 employees. What Andra and her employees experienced is how it should be for every employer ñ and every job seeker. So tonight, Iíve asked Vice President Biden to lead an across-the-board reform of Americaís training programs to make sure they have one mission: train Americans with the skills employers need, and match them to good jobs that need to be filled right now. That means more on-the-job training, and more apprenticeships that set a young worker on an upward trajectory for life. It means connecting companies to community colleges that can help design training to fill their specific needs. And if Congress wants to help, you can concentrate funding on proven programs that connect more ready-to-work Americans with ready-to-be-filled jobs. Iím also convinced we can help Americans return to the workforce faster by reforming unemployment insurance so that itís more effective in todayís economy. But first, this Congress needs to restore the unemployment insurance you just let expire for 1.6 million people. Let me tell you why. Misty DeMars is a mother of two young boys. Sheíd been steadily employed since she was a teenager. She put herself through college. Sheíd never collected unemployment benefits. In May, she and her husband used their life savings to buy their first home. A week later, budget cuts claimed the job she loved. Last month, when their unemployment insurance was cut off, she sat down and wrote me a letter ñ the kind I get every day. ìWe are the face of the unemployment crisis,î she wrote. ìI am not dependent on the governmentÖOur country depends on people like us who build careers, contribute to societyÖcare about our neighborsÖI am confident that in time I will find a jobÖI will pay my taxes, and we will raise our children in their own home in the community we love. Please give us this chance.î Congress, give these hardworking, responsible Americans that chance. They need our help, but more important, this country needs them in the game. Thatís why Iíve been asking CEOs to give more long-term unemployed workers a fair shot at that new job and new chance to support their families; this week, many will come to the White House to make that commitment real. Tonight, I ask every business leader in America to join us and to do the same ñ because we are stronger when America fields a full team. Of course, itís not enough to train todayís workforce. We also have to prepare tomorrowís workforce, by guaranteeing every child access to a world-class education. Estiven Rodriguez couldnít speak a word of English when he moved to New York City at age nine. But last month, thanks to the support of great teachers and an innovative tutoring program, he led a march of his classmates ñ through a crowd of cheering parents and neighbors ñ from their high school to the post office, where they mailed off their college applications. And this son of a factory worker just found out heís going to college this fall. Five years ago, we set out to change the odds for all our kids. We worked with lenders to reform student loans, and today, more young people are earning college degrees than ever before. Race to the Top, with the help of governors from both parties, has helped states raise expectations and performance. Teachers and principals in schools from Tennessee to Washington, D.C. are making big strides in preparing students with skills for the new economy ñ problem solving, critical thinking, science, technology, engineering, and math. Some of this change is hard. It requires everything from more challenging curriculums and more demanding parents to better support for teachers and new ways to measure how well our kids think, not how well they can fill in a bubble on a test. But itís worth it ñ and itís working. The problem is weíre still not reaching enough kids, and weíre not reaching them in time. That has to change. Research shows that one of the best investments we can make in a childís life is high-quality early education. Last year, I asked this Congress to help states make high-quality pre-K available to every four year-old. As a parent as well as a President, I repeat that request tonight. But in the meantime, thirty states have raised pre-k funding on their own. They know we canít wait. So just as we worked with states to reform our schools, this year, weíll invest in new partnerships with states and communities across the country in a race to the top for our youngest children. And as Congress decides what itís going to do, Iím going to pull together a coalition of elected officials, business leaders, and philanthropists willing to help more kids access the high-quality pre-K they need. Last year, I also pledged to connect 99 percent of our students to high-speed broadband over the next four years. Tonight, I can announce that with the support of the FCC and companies like Apple, Microsoft, Sprint, and Verizon, weíve got a down payment to start connecting more than 15,000 schools and twenty million students over the next two years, without adding a dime to the deficit. Weíre working to redesign high schools and partner them with colleges and employers that offer the real-world education and hands-on training that can lead directly to a job and career. Weíre shaking up our system of higher education to give parents more information, and colleges more incentives to offer better value, so that no middle-class kid is priced out of a college education. Weíre offering millions the opportunity to cap their monthly student loan payments to ten percent of their income, and I want to work with Congress to see how we can help even more Americans who feel trapped by student loan debt. And Iím reaching out to some of Americaís leading foundations and corporations on a new initiative to help more young men of color facing tough odds stay on track and reach their full potential. The bottom line is, Michelle and I want every child to have the same chance this country gave us. But we know our opportunity agenda wonít be complete ñ and too many young people entering the workforce today will see the American Dream as an empty promise ñ unless we do more to make sure our economy honors the dignity of work, and hard work pays off for every single American. Today, women make up about half our workforce. But they still make 77 cents for every dollar a man earns. That is wrong, and in 2014, itís an embarrassment. A woman deserves equal pay for equal work. She deserves to have a baby without sacrificing her job. A mother deserves a day off to care for a sick child or sick parent without running into hardship ñ and you know what, a father does, too. Itís time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a ìMad Menî episode. This year, letís all come together ñ Congress, the White House, and businesses from Wall Street to Main Street ñ to give every woman the opportunity she deserves. Because I firmly believe when women succeed, America succeeds. Now, women hold a majority of lower-wage jobs ñ but theyíre not the only ones stifled by stagnant wages. Americans understand that some people will earn more than others, and we donít resent those who, by virtue of their efforts, achieve incredible success. But Americans overwhelmingly agree that no one who works full time should ever have to raise a family in poverty. In the year since I asked this Congress to raise the minimum wage, five states have passed laws to raise theirs. Many businesses have done it on their own. Nick Chute is here tonight with his boss, John Soranno. Johnís an owner of Punch Pizza in Minneapolis, and Nick helps make the dough. Only now he makes more of it: John just gave his employees a raise, to ten bucks an hour ñ a decision that eased their financial stress and boosted their morale. Tonight, I ask more of Americaís business leaders to follow Johnís lead and do what you can to raise your employeesí wages. To every mayor, governor, and state legislator in America, I say, you donít have to wait for Congress to act; Americans will support you if you take this on. And as a chief executive, I intend to lead by example. Profitable corporations like Costco see higher wages as the smart way to boost productivity and reduce turnover. We should too. In the coming weeks, I will issue an Executive Order requiring federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees a fair wage of at least $10.10 an hour ñ because if you cook our troopsí meals or wash their dishes, you shouldnít have to live in poverty. Of course, to reach millions more, Congress needs to get on board. Today, the federal minimum wage is worth about twenty percent less than it was when Ronald Reagan first stood here. Tom Harkin and George Miller have a bill to fix that by lifting the minimum wage to $10.10. This will help families. It will give businesses customers with more money to spend. It doesnít involve any new bureaucratic program. So join the rest of the country. Say yes. Give America a raise. There are other steps we can take to help families make ends meet, and few are more effective at reducing inequality and helping families pull themselves up through hard work than the Earned Income Tax Credit. Right now, it helps about half of all parents at some point. But I agree with Republicans like Senator Rubio that it doesnít do enough for single workers who donít have kids. So letís work together to strengthen the credit, reward work, and help more Americans get ahead. Letís do more to help Americans save for retirement. Today, most workers donít have a pension. A Social Security check often isnít enough on its own. And while the stock market has doubled over the last five years, that doesnít help folks who donít have 401ks. Thatís why, tomorrow, I will direct the Treasury to create a new way for working Americans to start their own retirement savings: MyRA. Itís a new savings bond that encourages folks to build a nest egg. MyRA guarantees a decent return with no risk of losing what you put in. And if this Congress wants to help, work with me to fix an upside-down tax code that gives big tax breaks to help the wealthy save, but does little to nothing for middle-class Americans. Offer every American access to an automatic IRA on the job, so they can save at work just like everyone in this chamber can. And since the most important investment many families make is their home, send me legislation that protects taxpayers from footing the bill for a housing crisis ever again, and keeps the dream of homeownership alive for future generations of Americans. One last point on financial security. For decades, few things exposed hard-working families to economic hardship more than a broken health care system. And in case you havenít heard, weíre in the process of fixing that. A pre-existing condition used to mean that someone like Amanda Shelley, a physician assistant and single mom from Arizona, couldnít get health insurance. But on January 1st, she got covered. On January 3rd, she felt a sharp pain. On January 6th, she had emergency surgery. Just one week earlier, Amanda said, that surgery wouldíve meant bankruptcy. Thatís what health insurance reform is all about ñ the peace of mind that if misfortune strikes, you donít have to lose everything. Already, because of the Affordable Care Act, more than three million Americans under age 26 have gained coverage under their parentsí plans. More than nine million Americans have signed up for private health insurance or Medicaid coverage. And hereís another number: zero. Because of this law, no American can ever again be dropped or denied coverage for a preexisting condition like asthma, back pain, or cancer. No woman can ever be charged more just because sheís a woman. And we did all this while adding years to Medicareís finances, keeping Medicare premiums flat, and lowering prescription costs for millions of seniors. Now, I donít expect to convince my Republican friends on the merits of this law. But I know that the American people arenít interested in refighting old battles. So again, if you have specific plans to cut costs, cover more people, and increase choice ñ tell America what youíd do differently. Letís see if the numbers add up. But letís not have another forty-something votes to repeal a law thatís already helping millions of Americans like Amanda. The first forty were plenty. We got it. We all owe it to the American people to say what weíre for, not just what weíre against. And if you want to know the real impact this law is having, just talk to Governor Steve Beshear of Kentucky, whoís here tonight. Kentuckyís not the most liberal part of the country, but heís like a man possessed when it comes to covering his commonwealthís families. ìThey are our friends and neighbors,î he said. ìThey are people we shop and go to church withÖfarmers out on the tractorsÖgrocery clerksÖthey are people who go to work every morning praying they donít get sick. No one deserves to live that way.î Steveís right. Thatís why, tonight, I ask every American who knows someone without health insurance to help them get covered by March 31st. Moms, get on your kids to sign up. Kids, call your mom and walk her through the application. It will give her some peace of mind ñ plus, sheíll appreciate hearing from you. After all, thatís the spirit that has always moved this nation forward. Itís the spirit of citizenship ñ the recognition that through hard work and responsibility, we can pursue our individual dreams, but still come together as one American family to make sure the next generation can pursue its dreams as well. Citizenship means standing up for everyoneís right to vote. Last year, part of the Voting Rights Act was weakened. But conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats are working together to strengthen it; and the bipartisan commission I appointed last year has offered reforms so that no one has to wait more than a half hour to vote. Letís support these efforts. It should be the power of our vote, not the size of our bank account, that drives our democracy. Citizenship means standing up for the lives that gun violence steals from us each day. I have seen the courage of parents, students, pastors, and police officers all over this country who say ìwe are not afraid,î and I intend to keep trying, with or without Congress, to help stop more tragedies from visiting innocent Americans in our movie theaters, shopping malls, or schools like Sandy Hook. Citizenship demands a sense of common cause; participation in the hard work of self-government; an obligation to serve to our communities. And I know this chamber agrees that few Americans give more to their country than our diplomats and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces. Tonight, because of the extraordinary troops and civilians who risk and lay down their lives to keep us free, the United States is more secure. When I took office, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, all our troops are out of Iraq. More than 60,000 of our troops have already come home from Afghanistan. With Afghan forces now in the lead for their own security, our troops have moved to a support role. Together with our allies, we will complete our mission there by the end of this year, and Americaís longest war will finally be over. After 2014, we will support a unified Afghanistan as it takes responsibility for its own future. If the Afghan government signs a security agreement that we have negotiated, a small force of Americans could remain in Afghanistan with NATO allies to carry out two narrow missions: training and assisting Afghan forces, and counterterrorism operations to pursue any remnants of al Qaeda. For while our relationship with Afghanistan will change, one thing will not: our resolve that terrorists do not launch attacks against our country. The fact is, that danger remains. While we have put al Qaedaís core leadership on a path to defeat, the threat has evolved, as al Qaeda affiliates and other extremists take root in different parts of the world. In Yemen, Somalia, Iraq, and Mali, we have to keep working with partners to disrupt and disable these networks. In Syria, weíll support the opposition that rejects the agenda of terrorist networks. Here at home, weíll keep strengthening our defenses, and combat new threats like cyberattacks. And as we reform our defense budget, we have to keep faith with our men and women in uniform, and invest in the capabilities they need to succeed in future missions. We have to remain vigilant. But I strongly believe our leadership and our security cannot depend on our military alone. As Commander-in-Chief, I have used force when needed to protect the American people, and I will never hesitate to do so as long as I hold this office. But I will not send our troops into harmís way unless itís truly necessary; nor will I allow our sons and daughters to be mired in open-ended conflicts. We must fight the battles that need to be fought, not those that terrorists prefer from us ñ large-scale deployments that drain our strength and may ultimately feed extremism. So, even as we aggressively pursue terrorist networks ñ through more targeted efforts and by building the capacity of our foreign partners ñ America must move off a permanent war footing. Thatís why Iíve imposed prudent limits on the use of drones ñ for we will not be safer if people abroad believe we strike within their countries without regard for the consequence. Thatís why, working with this Congress, I will reform our surveillance programs ñ because the vital work of our intelligence community depends on public confidence, here and abroad, that the privacy of ordinary people is not being violated. And with the Afghan war ending, this needs to be the year Congress lifts the remaining restrictions on detainee transfers and we close the prison at Guantanamo Bay ñ because we counter terrorism not just through intelligence and military action, but by remaining true to our Constitutional ideals, and setting an example for the rest of the world. You see, in a world of complex threats, our security and leadership depends on all elements of our power ñ including strong and principled diplomacy. American diplomacy has rallied more than fifty countries to prevent nuclear materials from falling into the wrong hands, and allowed us to reduce our own reliance on Cold War stockpiles. American diplomacy, backed by the threat of force, is why Syriaís chemical weapons are being eliminated, and we will continue to work with the international community to usher in the future the Syrian people deserve ñ a future free of dictatorship, terror and fear. As we speak, American diplomacy is supporting Israelis and Palestinians as they engage in difficult but necessary talks to end the conflict there; to achieve dignity and an independent state for Palestinians, and lasting peace and security for the State of Israel ñ a Jewish state that knows America will always be at their side. And it is American diplomacy, backed by pressure, that has halted the progress of Iranís nuclear program ñ and rolled parts of that program back ñ for the very first time in a decade. As we gather here tonight, Iran has begun to eliminate its stockpile of higher levels of enriched uranium. It is not installing advanced centrifuges. Unprecedented inspections help the world verify, every day, that Iran is not building a bomb. And with our allies and partners, weíre engaged in negotiations to see if we can peacefully achieve a goal we all share: preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. These negotiations will be difficult. They may not succeed. We are clear-eyed about Iranís support for terrorist organizations like Hezbollah, which threaten our allies; and the mistrust between our nations cannot be wished away. But these negotiations do not rely on trust; any long-term deal we agree to must be based on verifiable action that convinces us and the international community that Iran is not building a nuclear bomb. If John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan could negotiate with the Soviet Union, then surely a strong and confident America can negotiate with less powerful adversaries today. The sanctions that we put in place helped make this opportunity possible. But let me be clear: if this Congress sends me a new sanctions bill now that threatens to derail these talks, I will veto it. For the sake of our national security, we must give diplomacy a chance to succeed. If Iranís leaders do not seize this opportunity, then I will be the first to call for more sanctions, and stand ready to exercise all options to make sure Iran does not build a nuclear weapon. But if Iranís leaders do seize the chance, then Iran could take an important step to rejoin the community of nations, and we will have resolved one of the leading security challenges of our time without the risks of war. Finally, letís remember that our leadership is defined not just by our defense against threats, but by the enormous opportunities to do good and promote understanding around the globe ñ to forge greater cooperation, to expand new markets, to free people from fear and want. And no one is better positioned to take advantage of those opportunities than America. Our alliance with Europe remains the strongest the world has ever known. From Tunisia to Burma, weíre supporting those who are willing to do the hard work of building democracy. In Ukraine, we stand for the principle that all people have the right to express themselves freely and peacefully, and have a say in their countryís future. Across Africa, weíre bringing together businesses and governments to double access to electricity and help end extreme poverty. In the Americas, we are building new ties of commerce, but weíre also expanding cultural and educational exchanges among young people. And we will continue to focus on the Asia-Pacific, where we support our allies, shape a future of greater security and prosperity, and extend a hand to those devastated by disaster ñ as we did in the Philippines, when our Marines and civilians rushed to aid those battered by a typhoon, and were greeted with words like, ìWe will never forget your kindnessî and ìGod bless America!î We do these things because they help promote our long-term security. And we do them because we believe in the inherent dignity and equality of every human being, regardless of race or religion, creed or sexual orientation. And next week, the world will see one expression of that commitment ñ when Team USA marches the red, white, and blue into the Olympic Stadium ñ and brings home the gold. My fellow Americans, no other country in the world does what we do. On every issue, the world turns to us, not simply because of the size of our economy or our military might ñ but because of the ideals we stand for, and the burdens we bear to advance them. No one knows this better than those who serve in uniform. As this time of war draws to a close, a new generation of heroes returns to civilian life. Weíll keep slashing that backlog so our veterans receive the benefits theyíve earned, and our wounded warriors receive the health care ñ including the mental health care ñ that they need. Weíll keep working to help all our veterans translate their skills and leadership into jobs here at home. And we all continue to join forces to honor and support our remarkable military families. Let me tell you about one of those families Iíve come to know. I first met Cory Remsburg, a proud Army Ranger, at Omaha Beach on the 65th anniversary of D-Day. Along with some of his fellow Rangers, he walked me through the program ñ a strong, impressive young man, with an easy manner, sharp as a tack. We joked around, and took pictures, and I told him to stay in touch. A few months later, on his tenth deployment, Cory was nearly killed by a massive roadside bomb in Afghanistan. His comrades found him in a canal, face down, underwater, shrapnel in his brain. For months, he lay in a coma. The next time I met him, in the hospital, he couldnít speak; he could barely move. Over the years, heís endured dozens of surgeries and procedures, and hours of grueling rehab every day. Even now, Cory is still blind in one eye. He still struggles on his left side. But slowly, steadily, with the support of caregivers like his dad Craig, and the community around him, Cory has grown stronger. Day by day, heís learned to speak again and stand again and walk again ñ and heís working toward the day when he can serve his country again. ìMy recovery has not been easy,î he says. ìNothing in life thatís worth anything is easy.î Cory is here tonight. And like the Army he loves, like the America he serves, Sergeant First Class Cory Remsburg never gives up, and he does not quit. My fellow Americans, men and women like Cory remind us that America has never come easy. Our freedom, our democracy, has never been easy. Sometimes we stumble; we make mistakes; we get frustrated or discouraged. But for more than two hundred years, we have put those things aside and placed our collective shoulder to the wheel of progress ñ to create and build and expand the possibilities of individual achievement; to free other nations from tyranny and fear; to promote justice, and fairness, and equality under the law, so that the words set to paper by our founders are made real for every citizen. The America we want for our kids ñ a rising America where honest work is plentiful and communities are strong; where prosperity is widely shared and opportunity for all lets us go as far as our dreams and toil will take us ñ none of it is easy. But if we work together; if we summon what is best in us, with our feet planted firmly in today but our eyes cast towards tomorrow ñ I know itís within our reach. Believe it. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: We are 15 years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many. But tonight, we turn the page. Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before. More of our people are insured than ever before. And we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as weíve been in almost 30 years. Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service. America, for all that we have endured; for all the grit and hard work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this: The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the Union is strong. At this moment -- with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling industry, booming energy production -- we have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth. Itís now up to us to choose who we want to be over the next 15 years and for decades to come. Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort? Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing? Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat new threats and protect our planet? Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned against one another? Or will we recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America forward? In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead, Iíll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas. So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us. It begins with our economy. Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds. She waited tables. He worked construction. Their first child, Jack, was on the way. They were young and in love in America. And it doesnít get much better than that. ìIf only we had known,î Rebekah wrote to me last spring, ìwhat was about to happen to the housing and construction market.î As the crisis worsened, Benís business dried up, so he took what jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of time. Rebekah took out student loans and enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for each other. And slowly, it paid off. They bought their first home. They had a second son, Henry. Rebekah got a better job and then a raise. Ben is back in construction -- and home for dinner every night. ìIt is amazing,î Rebekah wrote, ìwhat you can bounce back from when you have toÖwe are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.î We are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times. America, Rebekah and Benís story is our story. They represent the millions who have worked hard and scrimped, and sacrificed and retooled. You are the reason that I ran for this office. You are the people I was thinking of six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation. And it has been your resilience, your effort that has made it possible for our country to emerge stronger. We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing and draw new jobs to our shores. And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs. We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet. And today, America is number one in oil and gas. America is number one in wind power. Every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008. And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical family this year should save about $750 at the pump. We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world. And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record. Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high. More Americans finish college than ever before. We believed that sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition. Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and abusive credit card practices. And in the past year alone, about 10 million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage. At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits. Instead, weíve seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health care inflation at its lowest rate in 50 years. This is good news, people. So the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work as long as politics donít get in the way. We canít slow down businesses or put our economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns. We canít put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when weíve got to fix a broken system. And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, I will veto it. It will have earned my veto. Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again. We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employeesí pay than at any time since 2007. But hereís the thing: Those of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure government doesnít screw things up; that government doesnít halt the progress weíre making. We need to do more than just do no harm. Tonight, together, letís do more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American. Because families like Rebekahís still need our help. She and Ben are working as hard as ever, but theyíve had to forego vacations and a new car so that they can pay off student loans and save for retirement. Friday night pizza, thatís a big splurge. Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota. Like millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isnít asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead. And in fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot. We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the Internet -- tools they needed to go as far as their effort and their dreams will take them. Thatís what middle-class economics is -- the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, everyone plays by the same set of rules. We donít just want everyone to share in Americaís success, we want everyone to contribute to our success. So what does middle-class economics require in our time? First, middle-class economics means helping working families feel more secure in a world of constant change. That means helping folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement. And my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year. Hereís one example. During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a national security priority -- so this country provided universal childcare. In todayís economy, when having both parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever. Itís not a nice-to-have -- itís a must-have. So itís time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or as a womenís issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it is for all of us. And thatís why my plan will make quality childcare more available and more affordable for every middle-class and low-income family with young children in America -- by creating more slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year. Hereís another example. Today, we are the only advanced country on Earth that doesnít guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave -- 43 million. Think about that. And that forces too many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home. So Iíll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws of their own. And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot last November, letís put it to a vote right here in Washington. Send me a bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave. Itís the right thing to do. Itís the right thing to do. Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages. Thatís why this Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same work. Itís 2015. Itís time. We still need to make sure employees get the overtime theyíve earned. And to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this: If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family on less than $15,000 a year, try it. If not, vote to give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise. Now, these ideas wonít make everybody rich, wonít relieve every hardship. Thatís not the job of government. To give working families a fair shot, we still need more employers to see beyond next quarterís earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in their companyís long-term interest. We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken unions, and give American workers a voice. But you know, things like childcare and sick leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage -- these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families. Thatís a fact. And thatís what all of us, Republicans and Democrats alike, were sent here to do. Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills. America thrived in the 20th century because we made high school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, trained the best workforce in the world. We were ahead of the curve. But other countries caught on. And in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to up our game. We need to do more. By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require some higher education -- two in three. And yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out of the education they need. Itís not fair to them, and itís sure not smart for our future. Thatís why Iím sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college -- to zero. Keep in mind 40 percent of our college students choose community college. Some are young and starting out. Some are older and looking for a better job. Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready for the new economy without a load of debt. Understand, youíve got to earn it. Youíve got to keep your grades up and graduate on time. Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is possible. I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today. Letís stay ahead of the curve. And I want to work with this Congress to make sure those already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments so that student debt doesnít derail anyoneís dreams. Thanks to Vice President Bidenís great work to update our job training system, weíre connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics. Tonight, Iím also asking more businesses to follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid apprenticeships -- opportunities that give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they donít have a higher education. And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. Already, weíve made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the highest quality care. Weíre slashing the backlog that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need. And weíre making it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into civilian jobs. And Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden -- thank you, Michelle; thank you, Jill -- has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military spouses get a new job. So to every CEO in America, let me repeat: If you want somebody whoís going to get the job done and done right, hire a veteran. Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill. Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined. Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry, are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didnít even exist 10 or 20 years ago -- jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla. So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the jobs of the future. But we do know we want them here in America. We know that. And thatís why the third part of middle-class economics is all about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire. Twenty-first century businesses need 21st century infrastructure -- modern ports, and stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest Internet. Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this. So letís set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline. Letís pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than 30 times as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades to come. Letís do it. Letís get it done. Letís get it done. Twenty-first century businesses, including small businesses, need to sell more American products overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the worldís fastest-growing region. That would put our workers and our businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that happen? We should write those rules. We should level the playing field. Thatís why Iím asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that arenít just free, but are also fair. Itís the right thing to do. Look, Iím the first one to admit that past trade deals havenít always lived up to the hype, and thatís why weíve gone after countries that break the rules at our expense. But 95 percent of the worldís customers live outside our borders. We canít close ourselves off from those opportunities. More than half of manufacturing executives have said theyíre actively looking to bring jobs back from China. So letís give them one more reason to get it done. Twenty-first century businesses will rely on American science and technology, research and development. I want the country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era of medicine -- one that delivers the right treatment at the right time. In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable. So tonight, Iím launching a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes, and to give all of us access to the personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier. We can do this. I intend to protect a free and open Internet, extend its reach to every classroom, and every community -- and help folks build the fastest networks so that the next generation of digital innovators and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world. I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash new jobs -- converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can play catch with his kids again. Pushing out into the solar system not just to visit, but to stay. Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a reenergized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars. And in two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay in space. So good luck, Captain. Make sure to Instagram it. Weíre proud of you. Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know thereís bipartisan support in this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, we donít mind paying our fair share of taxes as long as everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight. Theyíve riddled it with giveaways that the super-rich donít need, while denying a break to middle-class families who do. This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Letís close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest here in America. Letís use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and to make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Letís simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford. And letís close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together. We can achieve it together. Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy. Maintaining the conditions of growth and competitiveness. This is where America needs to go. I believe itís where the American people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now, 15 years from now, and deep into the century ahead. Of course, if thereís one thing this new century has taught us, itís that we cannot separate our work here at home from challenges beyond our shores. My first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of America. In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military -- then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world. Thatís what our enemies want us to do. I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership. We lead best when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with coalition building; when we donít let our fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents. Thatís exactly what weíre doing right now. And around the globe, it is making a difference. First, we stand united with people around the world who have been targeted by terrorists -- from a school in Pakistan to the streets of Paris. We will continue to hunt down terrorists and dismantle their networks, and we reserve the right to act unilaterally, as we have done relentlessly since I took office to take out terrorists who pose a direct threat to us and our allies. At the same time, weíve learned some costly lessons over the last 13 years. Instead of Americans patrolling the valleys of Afghanistan, weíve trained their security forces, who have now taken the lead, and weíve honored our troopsí sacrifice by supporting that countryís first democratic transition. Instead of sending large ground forces overseas, weíre partnering with nations from South Asia to North Africa to deny safe haven to terrorists who threaten America. In Iraq and Syria, American leadership -- including our military power -- is stopping ISILís advance. Instead of getting dragged into another ground war in the Middle East, we are leading a broad coalition, including Arab nations, to degrade and ultimately destroy this terrorist group. Weíre also supporting a moderate opposition in Syria that can help us in this effort, and assisting people everywhere who stand up to the bankrupt ideology of violent extremism. Now, this effort will take time. It will require focus. But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force against ISIL. We need that authority. Second, weíre demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy. Weíre upholding the principle that bigger nations canít bully the small -- by opposing Russian aggression, and supporting Ukraineís democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies. Last year, as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with our allies, as we were reinforcing our presence with frontline states, Mr. Putinís aggression it was suggested was a masterful display of strategy and strength. That's what I heard from some folks. Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated with its economy in tatters. Thatís how America leads -- not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve. In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date. When what youíre doing doesnít work for 50 years, itís time to try something new. And our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere. It removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba. It stands up for democratic values, and extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo. As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of ìsmall steps.î These small steps have added up to new hope for the future in Cuba. And after years in prison, we are overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs. Welcome home, Alan. We're glad you're here. Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the first time in a decade, weíve halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran, secures America and our allies -- including Israel, while avoiding yet another Middle East conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran. But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails -- alienating America from its allies; making it harder to maintain sanctions; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesnít make sense. And that's why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress. The American people expect us only to go to war as a last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom. Third, weíre looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century. No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids. So we're making sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism. And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our childrenís information. That should be a bipartisan effort. If we donít act, weíll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable. If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people around the globe. In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses, our health care workers are rolling back Ebola -- saving countless lives and stopping the spread of disease. I could not be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of their efforts. But the job is not yet done, and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and eradicate extreme poverty. In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play by the rules -- in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes, how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge -- no challenge -- poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change. 2014 was the planetís warmest year on record. Now, one year doesnít make a trend, but this does: 14 of the 15 warmest years on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century. Iíve heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying theyíre not scientists; that we donít have enough information to act. Well, Iím not a scientist, either. But you know what, I know a lot of really good scientists at NASA, and at NOAA, and at our major universities. And the best scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are changing the climate, and if we donít act forcefully, weíll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration and conflict and hunger around the globe. The Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our national security. We should act like it. And thatís why, over the past six years, weíve done more than ever to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy to the way we use it. Thatís why weíve set aside more public lands and waters than any administration in history. And thatís why I will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the clock on our efforts. I am determined to make sure that American leadership drives international action. In Beijing, we made a historic announcement: The United States will double the pace at which we cut carbon pollution. And China committed, for the first time, to limiting their emissions. And because the worldís two largest economies came together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that this year the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one planet weíve got. And thereís one last pillar of our leadership, and thatís the example of our values. As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when weíre threatened, which is why I have prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained. Itís why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world. Itís why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims, the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace. Thatís why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender. We do these things not only because they are the right thing to do, but because ultimately they will make us safer. As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice. So it makes no sense to spend $3 million per prisoner to keep open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. Since Iíve been President, weíve worked responsibly to cut the population of Gitmo in half. Now it is time to finish the job. And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down. It is not who we are. Itís time to close Gitmo. As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties, and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks. So while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance programs, I have not. As promised, our intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential abuse. And next month, weíll issue a report on how weíre keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy. Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities. Leading -- always -- with the example of our values. Thatís what makes us exceptional. Thatís what keeps us strong. Thatís why we have to keep striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards -- our own. You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said there wasnít a liberal America or a conservative America; a black America or a white America -- but a United States of America. I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois my home -- a state of small towns, rich farmland, one of the worldís great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values. Over the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my presidency hasnít delivered on this vision. How ironic, they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever. Itís held up as proof not just of my own flaws -- of which there are many -- but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, naÔve, that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it. I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the cynics are wrong. I still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, we can do great things, even when the odds are long. I believe this because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at its best. Iíve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York to California, and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, New London. Iíve mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown, in Boston, in West Texas, and West Virginia. Iíve watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains, from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. Iíve seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in states that seven in 10 Americans call home. So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people who every day live the idea that we are our brotherís keeper and our sisterís keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example. So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, can better reflect Americaís hopes. Iíve served in Congress with many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have told me that this isnít what you signed up for -- arguing past each other on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your shoulder at how the base will react to every decision. Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if we did something different. Understand, a better politics isnít one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine. A better politics is one where we appeal to each otherís basic decency instead of our basest fears. A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other; where we talk issues and values, and principles and facts, rather than ìgotchaî moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with peopleís daily lives. A politics -- a better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up with a sense of purpose and possibility, asking them to join in the great mission of building America. If weíre going to have arguments, letís have arguments, but letís make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country. We still may not agree on a womanís right to choose, but surely we can agree itís a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care that she needs. Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is snatched from her child, and that itís possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants. Iíve talked to Republicans and Democrats about that. Thatís something that we can share. We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that itís being denied to too many -- and that on this 50th anniversary of the great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier for every single American. We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son canít walk home without being harassed. And surely we can understand the wife who wonít rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift. And surely we can agree that itís a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform Americaís criminal justice system so that it protects and serves all of us. Thatís a better politics. Thatís how we start rebuilding trust. Thatís how we move this country forward. Thatís what the American people want. And thatís what they deserve. I have no more campaigns to run. My only agenda -- I know because I won both of them. My only agenda for the next two years is the same as the one Iíve had since the day I swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol -- to do what I believe is best for America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, I ask you to join me in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope youíll at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger. Because I want this chamber, I want this city to reflect the truth -- that for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, to help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the world. I want our actions to tell every child in every neighborhood, your life matters, and we are committed to improving your life chances as committed as we are to working on behalf of our own kids. I want future generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a great gift, that weíre a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen -- man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino, Asian, immigrant, Native American, gay, straight, Americans with mental illness or physical disability. Everybody matters. I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true: that we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that we are the United States of America. I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom can sit down and write a letter to her President with a story that sums up these past six years: ìItís amazing what you can bounce back from when you have toÖwe are a strong, tight-knit family whoís made it through some very, very hard times.î My fellow Americans, we, too, are a strong, tight-knit family. We, too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of remaking America. We have laid a new foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Letís begin this new chapter together -- and letís start the work right now. Thank you. God bless you. God bless this country we love. Thank you. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Tonight marks the eighth year that Iíve come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, Iím going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa. (I've been there. I'll be shaking hands afterwards if you want some tips.) Now, I understand that because itís an election season, expectations for what we will achieve this year are low. But Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach that you and other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on some bipartisan priorities -- like criminal justice reform, and helping -- and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse and heroin abuse. So, who knows, we might just surprise the cynics again. But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Donít worry, Iíve got plenty -- from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I will keep pushing for progress on the work that I believe still needs to be done: fixing a broken immigration system; protecting our kids from gun violence; equal pay for equal work; paid leave; raising the minimum wage. All these things -- All these things still matter to hardworking families. Theyíre still the right thing to do, and I wonít let up until they get done. But for my final address to this chamber, I donít want to just talk about next year. I want to focus on the next five years, the next ten years, and beyond. I want to focus on our future. We live in a time of extraordinary change -- change thatís reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet, our place in the world. Itís change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. Itís change that can broaden opportunity or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate. America's been through big changes before -- wars and depression, the influx of new immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future, who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, who promised to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to 'the dogmas of the quiet past.'1 Instead we thought anew and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending Americaís promise outward -- to the next frontier, to more people. And because we did, because we saw opportunity where there -- where others others saw peril, we emerged stronger and better than before. What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation, our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery, our diversity, our commitment to rule of law -- these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come. In fact, itís in that spirit that we have made the progress these past seven years. Thatís how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. Thatís how we reformed our health care system and reinvented our energy sector. Thatís how -- Thatís how we -- Thatís how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops coming home and our veterans. Thatís how we -- Thatís -- Thatís how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love. But -- But such progress is not inevitable. Itís the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear -- turning inward as a nation, turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, in what we stand for, and the incredible things that we can do together? So letís talk about the future, and four big questions that I believe we as a country have to answer, regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress. First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy? Second, how do we make technology work for us and not against us, especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change? Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman? And finally, how can we make our politics reflect whatís best in us, and not whatís worst? Let me start with the economy and a basic fact: The United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. Weíre in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history -- more than 14 million new jobs, the strongest two years of job growth since the 1990s, an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Thatís just part of a manufacturing surge thatís created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And weíve done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters. Anyone claiming that Americaís economy is in decline is peddling fiction. Now -- What is true, and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious, is that the economy has been changing in profound ways -- changes that started long before the Great Recession hit, changes that have not let up. Today, technology doesnít just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere and they face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top. All these trends have squeezed workers -- even when they have jobs, even when the economy is growing. Itís made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start their careers, tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are [sic] unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot. For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that also works better for everybody. Weíve made progress, but we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments that weíve had these past few years, there are actually some areas where Americans broadly agree. We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start. And together weíve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all and offering every student -- offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one. We should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. And -- And we have to make college affordable for every American. No hardworking student should be stuck in the red. Weíve already reduced student loan payments by -- to 10 percent of a borrowerís income, and thatís good. But now weíve actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and Iím going to keep fighting to get that started this year. Itís the right thing to do. But a great education isnít all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. Itís not too much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job in the same place with a health and a retirement package for 30 years are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their 40s and 50s, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, in this new economy, they may have to retool; they may have to retrain; but they shouldnít loose what theyíve already worked so hard to build in the process. Thatís why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever. We shouldnít weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That, by the way, is what the Affordable Care Act is all about. Itís about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when you lose a job, or you go back to school, or you strike out and launch that new business youíll still have coverage. Nearly 18 million people have gained coverage so far, and in the process -- in the process health care inflation has slowed, our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law. Now, Iím guessing we wonít agree on health care anytime soon. But -- (a little applause right there; just a guess) -- But there should be other ways parties can work together improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job, we shouldnít just make sure that he can get unemployment insurance. We should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business thatís ready to hire him. If that new job doesnít pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if heís going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. Thatís the way we make the new economy work better for everybody. I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a chance, a hand up, and Iíd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support -- like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers who donít have children. But there are some areas where we just have to be honest: It has been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years, and a lot of them fall under the category of what role the government should play in making sure the systemís not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And itís an honest disagreement. And the American people have a choice to make. I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed. There is red tape that needs to be cut. (There you go. Yeah. See?) But after years now of record corporate profits, working families wonít get more opportunity or bigger paychecks just by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at everybody elseís expense. The middle -- Middle-class families are not going to feel more secure because we allowed attacks on collect -- collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients did not cause the financial crisis -- recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants arenít the principal reason wages havenít gone up. Those decisions are made in the boardrooms that all too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. Itís sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. The point is, I believe, that in this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And Iím not alone in this. This year, I plan to lift up the many businesses whoíve figured out that doing right by their workers or their customers or their communities ends up being good for their shareholders. And I want to spread those best practices across America. Thatís part of a brighter future. In fact, it turns out many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. And this brings me to the second big question we as a country have to answer: How do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges? Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didnít deny Sputnik was up there. We didnít argue about the science or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later we were walking on the moon. Now, that spirit of discovery is in our DNA. America is Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. America is Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. America is every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better future. Thatís who we are. And over the past seven years, weíve nurtured that spirit. Weíve protected an open Internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. Weíve launched next-generation manufacturing hubs and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day. But we can do so much more. You know, last year Vice President Biden said that, with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources that theyíve had in over a decade. Well, so -- so tonight, Iím announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because heís gone to the mat for all of us on so many issues over the past 40 years, Iím putting Joe in charge of mission control. For the loved ones weíve all lost, for the families that we can still save, letís make America the country that cures cancer once and for all. (What do you think, Joe? Letís make it happen.) And medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources. Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You will be pretty lonely because youíll be debating our military2, most of Americaís business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community,3 and 200 nations around the world who agree itís a problem and intend to solve it. But -- But even if -- even if the planet wasnít at stake, even if 2014 wasnít the warmest year on record until 2015 turned out to be even hotter -- why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Listen, seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results: In fields from Iowa to Texas wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills and employs more Americans than coal, in jobs that pay better than average. Weíre taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy -- something, by the way, that environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. And meanwhile, weíve cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly 60 percent and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth. Gas under two bucks a gallon ainít bad either. Now weíve got to accelerate the transition away from old, dirtier energy sources. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future, especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. We do them no favor when we donít show them where the trends are going. And thatís why Iím going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. And that way we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system. Now, none of this is going to happen overnight. And yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs weíll create, the money weíll save, the planet weíll preserve -- that is the kind of future our kids and our grandkids deserve; and itís within our grasp. Now, climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world, and thatís why the third big question that we have to answer together is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere thereís a problem. I told you earlier all the talk of Americaís economic decline is political hot air. Well so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. Let me -- Let me tell you something: The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth -- period. Period. Itís not even close. Itís not even close. Itís not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation attacks us directly or our allies because they know thatís the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office. And when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead. They call us. So itís useful to level set here because when we donít we donít make good decisions. Now, as someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But thatís not primarily because of some looming superpower out there, and itís certainly not because of diminished American strength. In todayís world, weíre threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds are blowing in from a Chinese economy that is in significant transition. Even as their economy severely contracts, Russia is pouring resources in to prop up Ukraine and Syria -- client states that they saw slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality. Itís up to us, the United States of America, to help remake that system; and to do that well it means that weíve got to set priorities. Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both Al Qaida and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in todayís world even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country. Their actions undermine and destabilize our allies. We have to take them out. But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks, twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages -- they pose an enormous danger to civilians. They have to be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That -- That is the story ISIL wants to tell. Thatís the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We donít need to build them up to show that weíre serious; and we sure donít need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is somehow representative of one of the worldís largest religions. We just need to call them what they are: killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed. And thatís exactly what weíre doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISILís financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we're taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, weíre taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, their weapons. Weíre training, arming and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria. If this Congress is serious about winning this war and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. Take a vote. But the American people should know that, with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt Americaís commitment -- or mine -- to see that justice is done, just ask Osama bin Laden. Ask -- Ask the leader of Al Qaida in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. And it may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limits. Our foreign policy has to be focused on the threat from ISIL and Al Qaida, but it canít stop there. For even without ISIL, even without Al Qaida, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world -- in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and parts of Pakistan, in parts of Central America and Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks. Others will just fall victim to ethnic conflict or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet-bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite but it doesnít pass muster on the world stage. We also canít try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis -- even if itís done with the best of intentions. Thatís not leadership; thatís a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately will weaken us. Itís the lesson of Vietnam. Itís the lesson of Iraq -- and we should have learned it by now. Now, fortunately there is a smarter approach -- a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us -- and make sure other countries pull their own weight. Thatís our approach to conflicts like Syria, where weíre partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace. Thatís why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran; and as we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war. Thatís how -- Thatís how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, our development workers -- they were heroic. They set up the platform that then allowed other countries to join in behind us and stamp out that epidemic. Hundreds of thousands -- maybe [a] couple million -- lives were saved. Thatís how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, and protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products made in America, which will then support more good jobs here in America. With TPP, China does not set the rules in that region -- we do. You want to show our strength in this new century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it. Itís the right thing to do. Let me give you another example: Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy. It set us back in Latin America. Thatís why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. So if you want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere, recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo. The -- The point is American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world, except when we kill terrorists, or, occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as a part of our national security -- not something separate, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change, yes, that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our kids. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend on. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, itís the right thing to do, and it prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. You know, right now we're on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS -- thatís within our grasp. And we have the chance to accomplish the same thing with malaria -- something Iíll be pushing this Congress to fund this year. Thatís American strength. Thatís American leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That's why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo. It it expensive; it is unnecessary; and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies. Thereís a better way. And thatís why we need to reject any politics, any politics that targets people because of race or religion. Alright, let me just say this: This is not a matter of political correctness. This is a matter of understanding just what it is that makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot that Iím standing on tonight -- that 'to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place.' When politicians insult Muslims, whether abroad, or fellow citizens; when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid is called names, that doesnít make us safer. Thatís not telling it what -- telling it like it is: Itís just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. It betrays who we are as a country. 'We the People': Our Constitution begins with those three simple words -- words weíve come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together; that thatís how we might perfect our union. And that brings me to the fourth, and maybe most important thing, that I want to say tonight. The future we want, all of us want -- opportunity and security for our families, a rising standard of living, a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids -- all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates. It will only happen if we fix our politics. A better politics doesnít mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country -- different regions, different attitudes, different interests. Thatís one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, fiercely, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security. But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesnít -- It doesnít work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice. It doesnít work if we think that our political opponents are unpatriotic or trying to weaken America. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise, or when even basic facts are contested, or when we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get all the attention. And most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesnít matter -- that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some special interest. Too many Americans feel that way right now. Itís one of the few regrets of my presidency -- that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. I have no doubt a -- a President with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide. And I guarantee Iíll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office. But my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task -- or any Presidentís -- alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber -- good people -- who -- who would like to see more cooperation, would like to see a more elevated debate in Washington but feel trapped by the imperatives of getting elected, by the noise coming out of your base. I know -- youíve told me. Itís the worst-kept secret in Washington. And a lot of you arenít enjoying being trapped in that kind of rancor. But that means if we want a better politics -- and Iím addressing the American people now -- if we want a better politics, itís not enough just to change a congressman or change a senator or even change a President. We have to change the system to reflect our better selves. I think weíve got to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters and not the other way around.4 Let a bipartisan group do it. I believe weíve got to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families or hidden interests canít bankroll our elections. And if our existing approach to campaign finance reform canít pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution, because itís a problem. And most of you donít like raising money. I know. Iíve done it. Weíve got to make it easier to vote, not harder. We need to modernize it for the way we live now. This is America! We want to make it easier for people to participate. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do just that. But I canít do these things on my own. Changes in our political process -- in not just who gets elected, but how they get elected -- that will only happen when the American people demand it. It depends on you. Thatís whatís meant by a government of, by, and for the people. What Iím suggesting is hard. Itís a -- a lot easier to be cynical, to accept that change is not possible, and politics is hopeless, and the problem is, all the folks who are elected donít care, and to believe that our voices and our actions donít matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. And then, as frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into our respective tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who donít look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background. We canít afford to go down that path. It wonít deliver the economy we want. It will not produce the security we want. But most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world. So my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, whether you supported my agenda or fought as hard as you could against it, our collective futures depends on your willingness to uphold your duties as a citizen -- to vote, to speak out, to stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody somewhere stood up for us. We need every American to stay active in our public life, and not just during election time, so that our public life reflects the goodness and the decency that I see in the American people every single day. It is not easy. Our brand of democracy is hard.5 But I can promise that, a little over a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I will be right there with you as a citizen -- inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness, that have helped America travel so far; voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino; not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not Democrat or Republican; but as Americans first, bound by a common creed; voices Dr. King believed would have the final word -- voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love. And theyíre out there, those voices. They donít get a lot of attention. They donít seek a lot of fanfare. But theyíre busy doing the work this country needs doing. I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you, the American people. And in your daily acts of citizenship, I see our future unfolding. I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages instead of laying him off. I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late at night to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early, maybe with some extra supplies that she bought, because she knows that that young girl might someday cure a disease. I see it in the American whoís served his time, made bad mistakes as a child, but now is dreaming of starting over. And I see it in the business owner who gives him that second chance; the protester determined to prove that justice matters; and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe. I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him until he can run a marathon, the community that lines up to cheer him on. Itís the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything heís been taught. I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his vote for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them, in different ways, know how much that precious right is worth. Thatís the America I know. Thatís the country we love -- clear-eyed, big-hearted, undaunted by challenge, optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. Thatís what makes me so hopeful about our future. I believe in change because I believe in you, the American people. And thatís why I stand here, as confident as I have ever been, that the state of our Union is strong. Thank you. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, the First Lady of the United States, and my fellow Americans: Less than 1 year has passed since I first stood at this podium, in this majestic chamber, to speak on behalf of the American People -- and to address their concerns, their hopes, and their dreams. That night, our new Administration had already taken swift action. A new tide of optimism was already sweeping across our land. Each day since, we have gone forward with a clear vision and a righteous mission -- to make America great again for all Americans. Over the last year, we have made incredible progress and achieved extraordinary success. We have faced challenges we expected, and others we could never have imagined. We have shared in the heights of victory and the pains of hardship. We endured floods and fires and storms. But through it all, we have seen the beauty of America's soul, and the steel in America's spine. Each test has forged new American heroes to remind us who we are, and show us what we can be. We saw the volunteers of the 'Cajun Navy,' racing to the rescue with their fishing boats to save people in the aftermath of a devastating hurricane. We saw strangers shielding strangers from a hail of gunfire on the Las Vegas strip. We heard tales of Americans like Coast Guard Petty Officer Ashlee Leppert, who is here tonight in the gallery with Melania. Ashlee was aboard one of the first helicopters on the scene in Houston during Hurricane Harvey. Through 18 hours of wind and rain, Ashlee braved live power lines and deep water, to help save more than 40 lives. Thank you, Ashlee. We heard about Americans like firefighter David Dahlberg. He is here with us too. David faced down walls of flame to rescue almost 60 children trapped at a California summer camp threatened by wildfires. To everyone still recovering in Texas, Florida, Louisiana, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, California, and everywhere else -- we are with you, we love you, and we will pull through together. Some trials over the past year touched this chamber very personally. With us tonight is one of the toughest people ever to serve in this House -- a guy who took a bullet, almost died, and was back to work three and a half months later: the legend from Louisiana, Congressman Steve Scalise. We are incredibly grateful for the heroic efforts of the Capitol Police Officers, the Alexandria Police, and the doctors, nurses, and paramedics who saved his life, and the lives of many others in this room. In the aftermath of that terrible shooting, we came together, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as representatives of the people. But it is not enough to come together only in times of tragedy. Tonight, I call upon all of us to set aside our differences, to seek out common ground, and to summon the unity we need to deliver for the people we were elected to serve. Over the last year, the world has seen what we always knew: that no people on Earth are so fearless, or daring, or determined as Americans. If there is a mountain, we climb it. If there is a frontier, we cross it. If there is a challenge, we tame it. If there is an opportunity, we seize it. So let us begin tonight by recognizing that the state of our Union is strong because our people are strong. And together, we are building a safe, strong, and proud America. Since the election, we have created 2.4 million new jobs, including 200,000 new jobs in manufacturing alone. After years of wage stagnation, we are finally seeing rising wages. Unemployment claims have hit a 45-year low. African-American unemployment stands at the lowest rate ever recorded, and Hispanic American unemployment has also reached the lowest levels in history. Small business confidence is at an all-time high. The stock market has smashed one record after another, gaining $8 trillion in value. That is great news for Americans' 401k, retirement, pension, and college savings accounts. And just as I promised the American people from this podium 11 months ago, we enacted the biggest tax cuts and reforms in American history. Our massive tax cuts provide tremendous relief for the middle class and small businesses. To lower tax rates for hardworking Americans, we nearly doubled the standard deduction for everyone. Now, the first $24,000 earned by a married couple is completely tax-free. We also doubled the child tax credit. A typical family of four making $75,000 will see their tax bill reduced by $2,000 -- slashing their tax bill in half. This April will be the last time you ever file under the old broken system -- and millions of Americans will have more take-home pay starting next month. We eliminated an especially cruel tax that fell mostly on Americans making less than $50,000 a year -- forcing them to pay tremendous penalties simply because they could not afford government-ordered health plans. We repealed the core of disastrous Obamacare -- the individual mandate is now gone. We slashed the business tax rate from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent, so American companies can compete and win against anyone in the world. These changes alone are estimated to increase average family income by more than $4,000. Small businesses have also received a massive tax cut, and can now deduct 20 percent of their business income. Here tonight are Steve Staub and Sandy Keplinger of Staub Manufacturing -- a small business in Ohio. They have just finished the best year in their 20-year history. Because of tax reform, they are handing out raises, hiring an additional 14 people, and expanding into the building next door. One of Staub's employees, Corey Adams, is also with us tonight. Corey is an all-American worker. He supported himself through high school, lost his job during the 2008 recession, and was later hired by Staub, where he trained to become a welder. Like many hardworking Americans, Corey plans to invest his tax-cut raise into his new home and his two daughters' education. Please join me in congratulating Corey. Since we passed tax cuts, roughly 3 million workers have already gotten tax cut bonuses -- many of them thousands of dollars per worker. Apple has just announced it plans to invest a total of $350 billion in America, and hire another 20,000 workers. This is our new American moment. There has never been a better time to start living the American Dream. So to every citizen watching at home tonight -- no matter where you have been, or where you come from, this is your time. If you work hard, if you believe in yourself, if you believe in America, then you can dream anything, you can be anything, and together, we can achieve anything. Tonight, I want to talk about what kind of future we are going to have, and what kind of Nation we are going to be. All of us, together, as one team, one people, and one American family. We all share the same home, the same heart, the same destiny, and the same great American flag. Together, we are rediscovering the American way. In America, we know that faith and family, not government and bureaucracy, are the center of the American life. Our motto is 'in God we trust.' And we celebrate our police, our military, and our amazing veterans as heroes who deserve our total and unwavering support. Here tonight is Preston Sharp, a 12-year-old boy from Redding, California, who noticed that veterans' graves were not marked with flags on Veterans Day. He decided to change that, and started a movement that has now placed 40,000 flags at the graves of our great heroes. Preston: a job well done. Young patriots like Preston teach all of us about our civic duty as Americans. Preston's reverence for those who have served our Nation reminds us why we salute our flag, why we put our hands on our hearts for the pledge of allegiance, and why we proudly stand for the national anthem. Americans love their country. And they deserve a Government that shows them the same love and loyalty in return. For the last year we have sought to restore the bonds of trust between our citizens and their Government. Working with the Senate, we are appointing judges who will interpret the Constitution as written, including a great new Supreme Court Justice, and more circuit court judges than any new administration in the history of our country. We are defending our Second Amendment, and have taken historic actions to protect religious liberty. And we are serving our brave veterans, including giving our veterans choice in their healthcare decisions. Last year, the Congress passed, and I signed, the landmark VA Accountability Act. Since its passage, my Administration has already removed more than 1,500 VA employees who failed to give our veterans the care they deserve -- and we are hiring talented people who love our vets as much as we do. I will not stop until our veterans are properly taken care of, which has been my promise to them from the very beginning of this great journey. All Americans deserve accountability and respect -- and that is what we are giving them. So tonight, I call on the Congress to empower every Cabinet Secretary with the authority to reward good workers -- and to remove Federal employees who undermine the public trust or fail the American people. In our drive to make Washington accountable, we have eliminated more regulations in our first year than any administration in history. We have ended the war on American Energy -- and we have ended the war on clean coal. We are now an exporter of energy to the world. In Detroit, I halted Government mandates that crippled America's autoworkers -- so we can get the Motor City revving its engines once again. Many car companies are now building and expanding plants in the United States -- something we have not seen for decades. Chrysler is moving a major plant from Mexico to Michigan; Toyota and Mazda are opening up a plant in Alabama. Soon, plants will be opening up all over the country. This is all news Americans are unaccustomed to hearing -- for many years, companies and jobs were only leaving us. But now they are coming back. Exciting progress is happening every day. To speed access to breakthrough cures and affordable generic drugs, last year the FDA approved more new and generic drugs and medical devices than ever before in our history. We also believe that patients with terminal conditions should have access to experimental treatments that could potentially save their lives. People who are terminally ill should not have to go from country to country to seek a cure -- I want to give them a chance right here at home. It is time for the Congress to give these wonderful Americans the 'right to try.' One of my greatest priorities is to reduce the price of prescription drugs. In many other countries, these drugs cost far less than what we pay in the United States. That is why I have directed my Administration to make fixing the injustice of high drug prices one of our top priorities. Prices will come down. America has also finally turned the page on decades of unfair trade deals that sacrificed our prosperity and shipped away our companies, our jobs, and our Nation's wealth. The era of economic surrender is over. From now on, we expect trading relationships to be fair and to be reciprocal. We will work to fix bad trade deals and negotiate new ones. And we will protect American workers and American intellectual property, through strong enforcement of our trade rules. As we rebuild our industries, it is also time to rebuild our crumbling infrastructure. America is a nation of builders. We built the Empire State Building in just 1 year -- is it not a disgrace that it can now take 10 years just to get a permit approved for a simple road? I am asking both parties to come together to give us the safe, fast, reliable, and modern infrastructure our economy needs and our people deserve. Tonight, I am calling on the Congress to produce a bill that generates at least $1.5 trillion for the new infrastructure investment we need. Every Federal dollar should be leveraged by partnering with State and local governments and, where appropriate, tapping into private sector investment -- to permanently fix the infrastructure deficit. Any bill must also streamline the permitting and approval process -- getting it down to no more than two years, and perhaps even one. Together, we can reclaim our building heritage. We will build gleaming new roads, bridges, highways, railways, and waterways across our land. And we will do it with American heart, American hands, and American grit. We want every American to know the dignity of a hard day's work. We want every child to be safe in their home at night. And we want every citizen to be proud of this land that we love. We can lift our citizens from welfare to work, from dependence to independence, and from poverty to prosperity. As tax cuts create new jobs, let us invest in workforce development and job training. Let us open great vocational schools so our future workers can learn a craft and realize their full potential. And let us support working families by supporting paid family leave. As America regains its strength, this opportunity must be extended to all citizens. That is why this year we will embark on reforming our prisons to help former inmates who have served their time get a second chance. Struggling communities, especially immigrant communities, will also be helped by immigration policies that focus on the best interests of American workers and American families. For decades, open borders have allowed drugs and gangs to pour into our most vulnerable communities. They have allowed millions of low-wage workers to compete for jobs and wages against the poorest Americans. Most tragically, they have caused the loss of many innocent lives. Here tonight are two fathers and two mothers: Evelyn Rodriguez, Freddy Cuevas, Elizabeth Alvarado, and Robert Mickens. Their two teenage daughters -- Kayla Cuevas and Nisa Mickens -- were close friends on Long Island. But in September 2016, on the eve of Nisa's 16th Birthday, neither of them came home. These two precious girls were brutally murdered while walking together in their hometown. Six members of the savage gang MS-13 have been charged with Kayla and Nisa's murders. Many of these gang members took advantage of glaring loopholes in our laws to enter the country as unaccompanied alien minors -- and wound up in Kayla and Nisa's high school. Evelyn, Elizabeth, Freddy, and Robert: Tonight, everyone in this chamber is praying for you. Everyone in America is grieving for you. And 320 million hearts are breaking for you. We cannot imagine the depth of your sorrow, but we can make sure that other families never have to endure this pain. Tonight, I am calling on the Congress to finally close the deadly loopholes that have allowed MS-13, and other criminals, to break into our country. We have proposed new legislation that will fix our immigration laws, and support our ICE and Border Patrol Agents, so that this cannot ever happen again. The United States is a compassionate nation. We are proud that we do more than any other country to help the needy, the struggling, and the underprivileged all over the world. But as President of the United States, my highest loyalty, my greatest compassion, and my constant concern is for America's children, America's struggling workers, and America's forgotten communities. I want our youth to grow up to achieve great things. I want our poor to have their chance to rise. So tonight, I am extending an open hand to work with members of both parties -- Democrats and Republicans -- to protect our citizens of every background, color, religion, and creed. My duty, and the sacred duty of every elected official in this chamber, is to defend Americans -- to protect their safety, their families, their communities, and their right to the American Dream. Because Americans are dreamers too. Here tonight is one leader in the effort to defend our country: Homeland Security Investigations Special Agent Celestino Martinez -- he goes by CJ. CJ served 15 years in the Air Force before becoming an ICE agent and spending the last 15 years fighting gang violence and getting dangerous criminals off our streets. At one point, MS-13 leaders ordered CJ's murder. But he did not cave to threats or fear. Last May, he commanded an operation to track down gang members on Long Island. His team has arrested nearly 400, including more than 220 from MS-13. CJ: Great work. Now let us get the Congress to send you some reinforcements. Over the next few weeks, the House and Senate will be voting on an immigration reform package. In recent months, my Administration has met extensively with both Democrats and Republicans to craft a bipartisan approach to immigration reform. Based on these discussions, we presented the Congress with a detailed proposal that should be supported by both parties as a fair compromise -- one where nobody gets everything they want, but where our country gets the critical reforms it needs. Here are the four pillars of our plan: The first pillar of our framework generously offers a path to citizenship for 1.8 million illegal immigrants who were brought here by their parents at a young age -- that covers almost three times more people than the previous administration. Under our plan, those who meet education and work requirements, and show good moral character, will be able to become full citizens of the United States. The second pillar fully secures the border. That means building a wall on the Southern border, and it means hiring more heroes like CJ to keep our communities safe. Crucially, our plan closes the terrible loopholes exploited by criminals and terrorists to enter our country -- and it finally ends the dangerous practice of 'catch and release.' The third pillar ends the visa lottery -- a program that randomly hands out green cards without any regard for skill, merit, or the safety of our people. It is time to begin moving towards a merit-based immigration system -- one that admits people who are skilled, who want to work, who will contribute to our society, and who will love and respect our country. The fourth and final pillar protects the nuclear family by ending chain migration. Under the current broken system, a single immigrant can bring in virtually unlimited numbers of distant relatives. Under our plan, we focus on the immediate family by limiting sponsorships to spouses and minor children. This vital reform is necessary, not just for our economy, but for our security, and our future. In recent weeks, two terrorist attacks in New York were made possible by the visa lottery and chain migration. In the age of terrorism, these programs present risks we can no longer afford. It is time to reform these outdated immigration rules, and finally bring our immigration system into the 21st century. These four pillars represent a down-the-middle compromise, and one that will create a safe, modern, and lawful immigration system. For over 30 years, Washington has tried and failed to solve this problem. This Congress can be the one that finally makes it happen. Most importantly, these four pillars will produce legislation that fulfills my ironclad pledge to only sign a bill that puts America first. So let us come together, set politics aside, and finally get the job done. These reforms will also support our response to the terrible crisis of opioid and drug addiction. In 2016, we lost 64,000 Americans to drug overdoses: 174 deaths per day. Seven per hour. We must get much tougher on drug dealers and pushers if we are going to succeed in stopping this scourge. My Administration is committed to fighting the drug epidemic and helping get treatment for those in need. The struggle will be long and difficult -- but, as Americans always do, we will prevail. As we have seen tonight, the most difficult challenges bring out the best in America. We see a vivid expression of this truth in the story of the Holets family of New Mexico. Ryan Holets is 27 years old, and an officer with the Albuquerque Police Department. He is here tonight with his wife Rebecca. Last year, Ryan was on duty when he saw a pregnant, homeless woman preparing to inject heroin. When Ryan told her she was going to harm her unborn child, she began to weep. She told him she did not know where to turn, but badly wanted a safe home for her baby. In that moment, Ryan said he felt God speak to him: 'You will do it -- because you can.' He took out a picture of his wife and their four kids. Then, he went home to tell his wife Rebecca. In an instant, she agreed to adopt. The Holets named their new daughter Hope. Ryan and Rebecca: You embody the goodness of our Nation. Thank you, and congratulations. As we rebuild America's strength and confidence at home, we are also restoring our strength and standing abroad. Around the world, we face rogue regimes, terrorist groups, and rivals like China and Russia that challenge our interests, our economy, and our values. In confronting these dangers, we know that weakness is the surest path to conflict, and unmatched power is the surest means of our defense. For this reason, I am asking the Congress to end the dangerous defense sequester and fully fund our great military. As part of our defense, we must modernize and rebuild our nuclear arsenal, hopefully never having to use it, but making it so strong and powerful that it will deter any acts of aggression. Perhaps someday in the future there will be a magical moment when the countries of the world will get together to eliminate their nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, we are not there yet. Last year, I also pledged that we would work with our allies to extinguish ISIS from the face of the Earth. One year later, I am proud to report that the coalition to defeat ISIS has liberated almost 100 percent of the territory once held by these killers in Iraq and Syria. But there is much more work to be done. We will continue our fight until ISIS is defeated. Army Staff Sergeant Justin Peck is here tonight. Near Raqqa last November, Justin and his comrade, Chief Petty Officer Kenton Stacy, were on a mission to clear buildings that ISIS had rigged with explosives so that civilians could return to the city. Clearing the second floor of a vital hospital, Kenton Stacy was severely wounded by an explosion. Immediately, Justin bounded into the booby-trapped building and found Kenton in bad shape. He applied pressure to the wound and inserted a tube to reopen an airway. He then performed CPR for 20 straight minutes during the ground transport and maintained artificial respiration through 2 hours of emergency surgery. Kenton Stacy would have died if not for Justin's selfless love for a fellow warrior. Tonight, Kenton is recovering in Texas. Raqqa is liberated. And Justin is wearing his new Bronze Star, with a 'V' for 'Valor.' Staff Sergeant Peck: All of America salutes you. Terrorists who do things like place bombs in civilian hospitals are evil. When possible, we annihilate them. When necessary, we must be able to detain and question them. But we must be clear: Terrorists are not merely criminals. They are unlawful enemy combatants. And when captured overseas, they should be treated like the terrorists they are. In the past, we have foolishly released hundreds of dangerous terrorists, only to meet them again on the battlefield -- including the ISIS leader, al-Baghdadi. So today, I am keeping another promise. I just signed an order directing Secretary Mattis to reexamine our military detention policy and to keep open the detention facilities at Guant·namo Bay. I am also asking the Congress to ensure that, in the fight against ISIS and al-Qa'ida, we continue to have all necessary power to detain terrorists -- wherever we chase them down. Our warriors in Afghanistan also have new rules of engagement. Along with their heroic Afghan partners, our military is no longer undermined by artificial timelines, and we no longer tell our enemies our plans. Last month, I also took an action endorsed unanimously by the Senate just months before: I recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Shortly afterwards, dozens of countries voted in the United Nations General Assembly against America's sovereign right to make this recognition. American taxpayers generously send those same countries billions of dollars in aid every year. That is why, tonight, I am asking the Congress to pass legislation to help ensure American foreign-assistance dollars always serve American interests, and only go to America's friends. As we strengthen friendships around the world, we are also restoring clarity about our adversaries. When the people of Iran rose up against the crimes of their corrupt dictatorship, I did not stay silent. America stands with the people of Iran in their courageous struggle for freedom. I am asking the Congress to address the fundamental flaws in the terrible Iran nuclear deal. My Administration has also imposed tough sanctions on the communist and socialist dictatorships in Cuba and Venezuela. But no regime has oppressed its own citizens more totally or brutally than the cruel dictatorship in North Korea. North Korea's reckless pursuit of nuclear missiles could very soon threaten our homeland. We are waging a campaign of maximum pressure to prevent that from happening. Past experience has taught us that complacency and concessions only invite aggression and provocation. I will not repeat the mistakes of past administrations that got us into this dangerous position. We need only look at the depraved character of the North Korean regime to understand the nature of the nuclear threat it could pose to America and our allies. Otto Warmbier was a hardworking student at the University of Virginia. On his way to study abroad in Asia, Otto joined a tour to North Korea. At its conclusion, this wonderful young man was arrested and charged with crimes against the state. After a shameful trial, the dictatorship sentenced Otto to 15 years of hard labor, before returning him to America last June -- horribly injured and on the verge of death. He passed away just days after his return. Otto's Parents, Fred and Cindy Warmbier, are with us tonight -- along with Otto's brother and sister, Austin and Greta. You are powerful witnesses to a menace that threatens our world, and your strength inspires us all. Tonight, we pledge to honor Otto's memory with American resolve. Finally, we are joined by one more witness to the ominous nature of this regime. His name is Mr. Ji Seong-ho. In 1996, Seong-ho was a starving boy in North Korea. One day, he tried to steal coal from a railroad car to barter for a few scraps of food. In the process, he passed out on the train tracks, exhausted from hunger. He woke up as a train ran over his limbs. He then endured multiple amputations without anything to dull the pain. His brother and sister gave what little food they had to help him recover and ate dirt themselves -- permanently stunting their own growth. Later, he was tortured by North Korean authorities after returning from a brief visit to China. His tormentors wanted to know if he had met any Christians. He had -- and he resolved to be free. Seong-ho traveled thousands of miles on crutches across China and Southeast Asia to freedom. Most of his family followed. His father was caught trying to escape, and was tortured to death. Today he lives in Seoul, where he rescues other defectors, and broadcasts into North Korea what the regime fears the most -- the truth. Today he has a new leg, but Seong-ho, I understand you still keep those crutches as a reminder of how far you have come. Your great sacrifice is an inspiration to us all. Seong-ho's story is a testament to the yearning of every human soul to live in freedom. It was that same yearning for freedom that nearly 250 years ago gave birth to a special place called America. It was a small cluster of colonies caught between a great ocean and a vast wilderness. But it was home to an incredible people with a revolutionary idea: that they could rule themselves. That they could chart their own destiny. And that, together, they could light up the world. That is what our country has always been about. That is what Americans have always stood for, always strived for, and always done. Atop the dome of this Capitol stands the Statue of Freedom. She stands tall and dignified among the monuments to our ancestors who fought and lived and died to protect her. Monuments to Washington and Jefferson -- to Lincoln and King. Memorials to the heroes of Yorktown and Saratoga -- to young Americans who shed their blood on the shores of Normandy, and the fields beyond. And others, who went down in the waters of the Pacific and the skies over Asia. And freedom stands tall over one more monument: this one. This Capitol. This living monument to the American people. A people whose heroes live not only in the past, but all around us -- defending hope, pride, and the American way. They work in every trade. They sacrifice to raise a family. They care for our children at home. They defend our flag abroad. They are strong moms and brave kids. They are firefighters, police officers, border agents, medics, and Marines. But above all else, they are Americans. And this Capitol, this city, and this Nation, belong to them. Our task is to respect them, to listen to them, to serve them, to protect them, and to always be worthy of them. Americans fill the world with art and music. They push the bounds of science and discovery. And they forever remind us of what we should never forget: The people dreamed this country. The people built this country. And it is the people who are making America great again. As long as we are proud of who we are, and what we are fighting for, there is nothing we cannot achieve. As long as we have confidence in our values, faith in our citizens, and trust in our God, we will not fail. Our families will thrive. Our people will prosper. And our Nation will forever be safe and strong and proud and mighty and free. Thank you, and God bless America. Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, the First Lady of the United States, and my fellow Americans: We meet tonight at a moment of unlimited potential. As we begin a new Congress, I stand here ready to work with you to achieve historic breakthroughs for all Americans. Millions of our fellow citizens are watching us now, gathered in this great chamber, hoping that we will govern not as two parties but as one Nation. The agenda I will lay out this evening is not a Republican agenda or a Democrat agenda. It is the agenda of the American people. Many of us campaigned on the same core promises: to defend American jobs and demand fair trade for American workers; to rebuild and revitalize our Nation's infrastructure; to reduce the price of healthcare and prescription drugs; to create an immigration system that is safe, lawful, modern and secure; and to pursue a foreign policy that puts America's interests first. There is a new opportunity in American politics, if only we have the courage to seize it. Victory is not winning for our party. Victory is winning for our country. This year, America will recognize two important anniversaries that show us the majesty of America's mission, and the power of American pride. In June, we mark 75 years since the start of what General Dwight D. Eisenhower called the Great Crusade -- the Allied liberation of Europe in World War II. On D-Day, June 6, 1944, 15,000 young American men jumped from the sky, and 60,000 more stormed in from the sea, to save our civilization from tyranny. Here with us tonight are three of those heroes: Private First Class Joseph Reilly, Staff Sergeant Irving Locker, and Sergeant Herman Zeitchik. Gentlemen, we salute you. In 2019, we also celebrate 50 years since brave young pilots flew a quarter of a million miles through space to plant the American flag on the face of the moon. Half a century later, we are joined by one of the Apollo 11 astronauts who planted that flag: Buzz Aldrin. This year, American astronauts will go back to space on American rockets. In the 20th century, America saved freedom, transformed science, and redefined the middle class standard of living for the entire world to see. Now, we must step boldly and bravely into the next chapter of this great American adventure, and we must create a new standard of living for the 21st century. An amazing quality of life for all of our citizens is within our reach. We can make our communities safer, our families stronger, our culture richer, our faith deeper, and our middle class bigger and more prosperous than ever before. But we must reject the politics of revenge, resistance, and retribution -- and embrace the boundless potential of cooperation, compromise, and the common good. Together, we can break decades of political stalemate. We can bridge old divisions, heal old wounds, build new coalitions, forge new solutions, and unlock the extraordinary promise of America's future. The decision is ours to make. We must choose between greatness or gridlock, results or resistance, vision or vengeance, incredible progress or pointless destruction. Tonight, I ask you to choose greatness. Over the last 2 years, my Administration has moved with urgency and historic speed to confront problems neglected by leaders of both parties over many decades. In just over 2 years since the election, we have launched an unprecedented economic boom -- a boom that has rarely been seen before. We have created 5.3 million new jobs and importantly added 600,000 new manufacturing jobs -- something which almost everyone said was impossible to do, but the fact is, we are just getting started. Wages are rising at the fastest pace in decades, and growing for blue collar workers, who I promised to fight for, faster than anyone else. Nearly 5 million Americans have been lifted off food stamps. The United States economy is growing almost twice as fast today as when I took office, and we are considered far and away the hottest economy anywhere in the world. Unemployment has reached the lowest rate in half a century. African-American, Hispanic-American and Asian-American unemployment have all reached their lowest levels ever recorded. Unemployment for Americans with disabilities has also reached an all-time low. More people are working now than at any time in our history --- 157 million. We passed a massive tax cut for working families and doubled the child tax credit. We virtually ended the estate, or death, tax on small businesses, ranches, and family farms. We eliminated the very unpopular Obamacare individual mandate penalty -- and to give critically ill patients access to life-saving cures, we passed right to try. My Administration has cut more regulations in a short time than any other administration during its entire tenure. Companies are coming back to our country in large numbers thanks to historic reductions in taxes and regulations. We have unleashed a revolution in American energy -- the United States is now the number one producer of oil and natural gas in the world. And now, for the first time in 65 years, we are a net exporter of energy. After 24 months of rapid progress, our economy is the envy of the world, our military is the most powerful on earth, and America is winning each and every day. Members of Congress: the State of our Union is strong. Our country is vibrant and our economy is thriving like never before. On Friday, it was announced that we added another 304,000 jobs last month alone -- almost double what was expected. An economic miracle is taking place in the United States -- and the only thing that can stop it are foolish wars, politics, or ridiculous partisan investigations. If there is going to be peace and legislation, there cannot be war and investigation. It just doesn't work that way! We must be united at home to defeat our adversaries abroad. This new era of cooperation can start with finally confirming the more than 300 highly qualified nominees who are still stuck in the Senate -- some after years of waiting. The Senate has failed to act on these nominations, which is unfair to the nominees and to our country. Now is the time for bipartisan action. Believe it or not, we have already proven that it is possible. In the last Congress, both parties came together to pass unprecedented legislation to confront the opioid crisis, a sweeping new Farm Bill, historic VA reforms, and after four decades of rejection, we passed VA Accountability so we can finally terminate those who mistreat our wonderful veterans. And just weeks ago, both parties united for groundbreaking criminal justice reform. Last year, I heard through friends the story of Alice Johnson. I was deeply moved. In 1997, Alice was sentenced to life in prison as a first-time non-violent drug offender. Over the next two decades, she became a prison minister, inspiring others to choose a better path. She had a big impact on that prison population -- and far beyond. Alice's story underscores the disparities and unfairness that can exist in criminal sentencing -- and the need to remedy this injustice. She served almost 22 years and had expected to be in prison for the rest of her life. In June, I commuted Alice's sentence -- and she is here with us tonight. Alice, thank you for reminding us that we always have the power to shape our own destiny. When I saw Alice's beautiful family greet her at the prison gates, hugging and kissing and crying and laughing, I knew I did the right thing. Inspired by stories like Alice's, my Administration worked closely with members of both parties to sign the First Step Act into law. This legislation reformed sentencing laws that have wrongly and disproportionately harmed the African-American community. The First Step Act gives non-violent offenders the chance to re-enter society as productive, law-abiding citizens. Now, States across the country are following our lead. America is a Nation that believes in redemption. We are also joined tonight by Matthew Charles from Tennessee. In 1996, at age 30, Matthew was sentenced to 35 years for selling drugs and related offenses. Over the next two decades, he completed more than 30 Bible studies, became a law clerk, and mentored fellow inmates. Now, Matthew is the very first person to be released from prison under the First Step Act. Matthew, on behalf of all Americans: welcome home. As we have seen, when we are united, we can make astonishing strides for our country. Now, Republicans and Democrats must join forces again to confront an urgent national crisis. The Congress has 10 days left to pass a bill that will fund our Government, protect our homeland, and secure our southern border. Now is the time for the Congress to show the world that America is committed to ending illegal immigration and putting the ruthless coyotes, cartels, drug dealers, and human traffickers out of business. As we speak, large, organized caravans are on the march to the United States. We have just heard that Mexican cities, in order to remove the illegal immigrants from their communities, are getting trucks and buses to bring them up to our country in areas where there is little border protection. I have ordered another 3,750 troops to our southern border to prepare for the tremendous onslaught. This is a moral issue. The lawless state of our southern border is a threat to the safety, security, and financial well-being of all Americans. We have a moral duty to create an immigration system that protects the lives and jobs of our citizens. This includes our obligation to the millions of immigrants living here today, who followed the rules and respected our laws. Legal immigrants enrich our Nation and strengthen our society in countless ways. I want people to come into our country, but they have to come in legally. Tonight, I am asking you to defend our very dangerous southern border out of love and devotion to our fellow citizens and to our country. No issue better illustrates the divide between America's working class and America's political class than illegal immigration. Wealthy politicians and donors push for open borders while living their lives behind walls and gates and guards. Meanwhile, working class Americans are left to pay the price for mass illegal migration -- reduced jobs, lower wages, overburdened schools and hospitals, increased crime, and a depleted social safety net. Tolerance for illegal immigration is not compassionate -- it is cruel. One in three women is sexually assaulted on the long journey north. Smugglers use migrant children as human pawns to exploit our laws and gain access to our country. Human traffickers and sex traffickers take advantage of the wide open areas between our ports of entry to smuggle thousands of young girls and women into the United States and to sell them into prostitution and modern-day slavery. Tens of thousands of innocent Americans are killed by lethal drugs that cross our border and flood into our cities -- including meth, heroin, cocaine, and fentanyl. The savage gang, MS-13, now operates in 20 different American States, and they almost all come through our southern border. Just yesterday, an MS-13 gang member was taken into custody for a fatal shooting on a subway platform in New York City. We are removing these gang members by the thousands, but until we secure our border they're going to keep streaming back in. Year after year, countless Americans are murdered by criminal illegal aliens. I've gotten to know many wonderful Angel Moms, Dads, and families -- no one should ever have to suffer the horrible heartache they have endured. Here tonight is Debra Bissell. Just three weeks ago, Debra's parents, Gerald and Sharon, were burglarized and shot to death in their Reno, Nevada, home by an illegal alien. They were in their eighties and are survived by four children, 11 grandchildren, and 20 great-grandchildren. Also here tonight are Gerald and Sharon's granddaughter, Heather, and great-granddaughter, Madison. To Debra, Heather, Madison, please stand: few can understand your pain. But I will never forget, and I will fight for the memory of Gerald and Sharon, that it should never happen again. Not one more American life should be lost because our Nation failed to control its very dangerous border. In the last 2 years, our brave ICE officers made 266,000 arrests of criminal aliens, including those charged or convicted of nearly 100,000 assaults, 30,000 sex crimes, and 4,000 killings. We are joined tonight by one of those law enforcement heroes: ICE Special Agent Elvin Hernandez. When Elvin was a boy, he and his family legally immigrated to the United States from the Dominican Republic. At the age of eight, Elvin told his dad he wanted to become a Special Agent. Today, he leads investigations into the scourge of international sex trafficking. Elvin says: 'If I can make sure these young girls get their justice, I've done my job.' Thanks to his work and that of his colleagues, more than 300 women and girls have been rescued from horror and more than 1,500 sadistic traffickers have been put behind bars in the last year. Special Agent Hernandez, please stand: We will always support the brave men and women of Law Enforcement -- and I pledge to you tonight that we will never abolish our heroes from ICE. My Administration has sent to the Congress a commonsense proposal to end the crisis on our southern border. It includes humanitarian assistance, more law enforcement, drug detection at our ports, closing loopholes that enable child smuggling, and plans for a new physical barrier, or wall, to secure the vast areas between our ports of entry. In the past, most of the people in this room voted for a wall -- but the proper wall never got built. I'll get it built. This is a smart, strategic, see-through steel barrier -- not just a simple concrete wall. It will be deployed in the areas identified by border agents as having the greatest need, and as these agents will tell you, where walls go up, illegal crossings go way down. San Diego used to have the most illegal border crossings in the country. In response, and at the request of San Diego residents and political leaders, a strong security wall was put in place. This powerful barrier almost completely ended illegal crossings. The border city of El Paso, Texas, used to have extremely high rates of violent crime -- one of the highest in the country, and considered one of our Nation's most dangerous cities. Now, with a powerful barrier in place, El Paso is one of our safest cities. Simply put, walls work and walls save lives. So let's work together, compromise, and reach a deal that will truly make America safe. As we work to defend our people's safety, we must also ensure our economic resurgence continues at a rapid pace. No one has benefitted more from our thriving economy than women, who have filled 58 percent of the new jobs created in the last year. All Americans can be proud that we have more women in the workforce than ever before -- and exactly one century after the Congress passed the Constitutional amendment giving women the right to vote, we also have more women serving in the Congress than ever before. As part of our commitment to improving opportunity for women everywhere, this Thursday we are launching the first ever Government-wide initiative focused on economic empowerment for women in developing countries. To build on our incredible economic success, one priority is paramount -- reversing decades of calamitous trade policies. We are now making it clear to China that after years of targeting our industries, and stealing our intellectual property, the theft of American jobs and wealth has come to an end. Therefore, we recently imposed tariffs on $250 billion of Chinese goods -- and now our Treasury is receiving billions of dollars a month from a country that never gave us a dime. But I don't blame China for taking advantage of us -- I blame our leaders and representatives for allowing this travesty to happen. I have great respect for President Xi, and we are now working on a new trade deal with China. But it must include real, structural change to end unfair trade practices, reduce our chronic trade deficit, and protect American jobs. Another historic trade blunder was the catastrophe known as NAFTA. I have met the men and women of Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Indiana, New Hampshire, and many other States whose dreams were shattered by NAFTA. For years, politicians promised them they would negotiate for a better deal. But no one ever tried -- until now. Our new U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement -- or USMCA -- will replace NAFTA and deliver for American workers: bringing back our manufacturing jobs, expanding American agriculture, protecting intellectual property, and ensuring that more cars are proudly stamped with four beautiful words: made in the USA. Tonight, I am also asking you to pass the United States Reciprocal Trade Act, so that if another country places an unfair tariff on an American product, we can charge them the exact same tariff on the same product that they sell to us. Both parties should be able to unite for a great rebuilding of America's crumbling infrastructure. I know that the Congress is eager to pass an infrastructure bill -- and I am eager to work with you on legislation to deliver new and important infrastructure investment, including investments in the cutting edge industries of the future. This is not an option. This is a necessity. The next major priority for me, and for all of us, should be to lower the cost of healthcare and prescription drugs -- and to protect patients with pre-existing conditions. Already, as a result of my Administration's efforts, in 2018 drug prices experienced their single largest decline in 46 years. But we must do more. It is unacceptable that Americans pay vastly more than people in other countries for the exact same drugs, often made in the exact same place. This is wrong, unfair, and together we can stop it. I am asking the Congress to pass legislation that finally takes on the problem of global freeloading and delivers fairness and price transparency for American patients. We should also require drug companies, insurance companies, and hospitals to disclose real prices to foster competition and bring costs down. No force in history has done more to advance the human condition than American freedom. In recent years we have made remarkable progress in the fight against HIV and AIDS. Scientific breakthroughs have brought a once-distant dream within reach. My budget will ask Democrats and Republicans to make the needed commitment to eliminate the HIV epidemic in the United States within 10 years. Together, we will defeat AIDS in America. Tonight, I am also asking you to join me in another fight that all Americans can get behind: the fight against childhood cancer. Joining Melania in the gallery this evening is a very brave 10-year-old girl, Grace Eline. Every birthday since she was 4, Grace asked her friends to donate to St. Jude Children's Research Hospital. She did not know that one day she might be a patient herself. Last year, Grace was diagnosed with brain cancer. Immediately, she began radiation treatment. At the same time, she rallied her community and raised more than $40,000 for the fight against cancer. When Grace completed treatment last fall, her doctors and nurses cheered with tears in their eyes as she hung up a poster that read: 'Last Day of Chemo.' Grace -- you are an inspiration to us all. Many childhood cancers have not seen new therapies in decades. My budget will ask the Congress for $500 million over the next 10 years to fund this critical life-saving research. To help support working parents, the time has come to pass school choice for America's children. I am also proud to be the first President to include in my budget a plan for nationwide paid family leave -- so that every new parent has the chance to bond with their newborn child. There could be no greater contrast to the beautiful image of a mother holding her infant child than the chilling displays our Nation saw in recent days. Lawmakers in New York cheered with delight upon the passage of legislation that would allow a baby to be ripped from the mother's womb moments before birth. These are living, feeling, beautiful babies who will never get the chance to share their love and dreams with the world. And then, we had the case of the Governor of Virginia where he basically stated he would execute a baby after birth. To defend the dignity of every person, I am asking the Congress to pass legislation to prohibit the late-term abortion of children who can feel pain in the mother's womb. Let us work together to build a culture that cherishes innocent life. And let us reaffirm a fundamental truth: all children -- born and unborn -- are made in the holy image of God. The final part of my agenda is to protect America's National Security. Over the last 2 years, we have begun to fully rebuild the United States Military -- with $700 billion last year and $716 billion this year. We are also getting other nations to pay their fair share. For years, the United States was being treated very unfairly by NATO -- but now we have secured a $100 billion increase in defense spending from NATO allies. As part of our military build-up, the United States is developing a state-of-the-art Missile Defense System. Under my Administration, we will never apologize for advancing America's interests. For example, decades ago the United States entered into a treaty with Russia in which we agreed to limit and reduce our missile capabilities. While we followed the agreement to the letter, Russia repeatedly violated its terms. That is why I announced that the United States is officially withdrawing from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, or INF Treaty. Perhaps we can negotiate a different agreement, adding China and others, or perhaps we can't --- in which case, we will outspend and out-innovate all others by far. As part of a bold new diplomacy, we continue our historic push for peace on the Korean Peninsula. Our hostages have come home, nuclear testing has stopped, and there has not been a missile launch in 15 months. If I had not been elected President of the United States, we would right now, in my opinion, be in a major war with North Korea with potentially millions of people killed. Much work remains to be done, but my relationship with Kim Jong Un is a good one. And Chairman Kim and I will meet again on February 27 and 28 in Vietnam. Two weeks ago, the United States officially recognized the legitimate government of Venezuela, and its new interim President, Juan Guaido. We stand with the Venezuelan people in their noble quest for freedom -- and we condemn the brutality of the Maduro regime, whose socialist policies have turned that nation from being the wealthiest in South America into a state of abject poverty and despair. Here, in the United States, we are alarmed by new calls to adopt socialism in our country. America was founded on liberty and independence --- not government coercion, domination, and control. We are born free, and we will stay free. Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country. One of the most complex set of challenges we face is in the Middle East. Our approach is based on principled realism -- not discredited theories that have failed for decades to yield progress. For this reason, my Administration recognized the true capital of Israel -- and proudly opened the American Embassy in Jerusalem. Our brave troops have now been fighting in the Middle East for almost 19 years. In Afghanistan and Iraq, nearly 7,000 American heroes have given their lives. More than 52,000 Americans have been badly wounded. We have spent more than $7 trillion in the Middle East. As a candidate for President, I pledged a new approach. Great nations do not fight endless wars. When I took office, ISIS controlled more than 20,000 square miles in Iraq and Syria. Today, we have liberated virtually all of that territory from the grip of these bloodthirsty killers. Now, as we work with our allies to destroy the remnants of ISIS, it is time to give our brave warriors in Syria a warm welcome home. I have also accelerated our negotiations to reach a political settlement in Afghanistan. Our troops have fought with unmatched valor -- and thanks to their bravery, we are now able to pursue a political solution to this long and bloody conflict. In Afghanistan, my Administration is holding constructive talks with a number of Afghan groups, including the Taliban. As we make progress in these negotiations, we will be able to reduce our troop presence and focus on counter-terrorism. We do not know whether we will achieve an agreement -- but we do know that after two decades of war, the hour has come to at least try for peace. Above all, friend and foe alike must never doubt this Nation's power and will to defend our people. Eighteen years ago, terrorists attacked the USS Cole -- and last month American forces killed one of the leaders of the attack. We are honored to be joined tonight by Tom Wibberley, whose son, Navy Seaman Craig Wibberley, was one of the 17 sailors we tragically lost. Tom: we vow to always remember the heroes of the USS Cole. My Administration has acted decisively to confront the world's leading state sponsor of terror: the radical regime in Iran. To ensure this corrupt dictatorship never acquires nuclear weapons, I withdrew the United States from the disastrous Iran nuclear deal. And last fall, we put in place the toughest sanctions ever imposed on a country. We will not avert our eyes from a regime that chants death to America and threatens genocide against the Jewish people. We must never ignore the vile poison of anti-Semitism, or those who spread its venomous creed. With one voice, we must confront this hatred anywhere and everywhere it occurs. Just months ago, 11 Jewish-Americans were viciously murdered in an anti-semitic attack on the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh. SWAT Officer Timothy Matson raced into the gunfire and was shot seven times chasing down the killer. Timothy has just had his 12th surgery -- but he made the trip to be here with us tonight. Officer Matson: we are forever grateful for your courage in the face of evil. Tonight, we are also joined by Pittsburgh survivor Judah Samet. He arrived at the synagogue as the massacre began. But not only did Judah narrowly escape death last fall -- more than seven decades ago, he narrowly survived the Nazi concentration camps. Today is Judah's 81st birthday. Judah says he can still remember the exact moment, nearly 75 years ago, after 10 months in a concentration camp, when he and his family were put on a train, and told they were going to another camp. Suddenly the train screeched to a halt. A soldier appeared. Judah's family braced for the worst. Then, his father cried out with joy: 'It's the Americans.' A second Holocaust survivor who is here tonight, Joshua Kaufman, was a prisoner at Dachau Concentration Camp. He remembers watching through a hole in the wall of a cattle car as American soldiers rolled in with tanks. 'To me,' Joshua recalls, 'the American soldiers were proof that God exists, and they came down from the sky.' I began this evening by honoring three soldiers who fought on D-Day in the Second World War. One of them was Herman Zeitchik. But there is more to Herman's story. A year after he stormed the beaches of Normandy, Herman was one of those American soldiers who helped liberate Dachau. He was one of the Americans who helped rescue Joshua from that hell on earth. Almost 75 years later, Herman and Joshua are both together in the gallery tonight -- seated side-by-side, here in the home of American freedom. Herman and Joshua: your presence this evening honors and uplifts our entire Nation. When American soldiers set out beneath the dark skies over the English Channel in the early hours of D-Day, 1944, they were just young men of 18 and 19, hurtling on fragile landing craft toward the most momentous battle in the history of war. They did not know if they would survive the hour. They did not know if they would grow old. But they knew that America had to prevail. Their cause was this Nation, and generations yet unborn. Why did they do it? They did it for America -- they did it for us. Everything that has come since -- our triumph over communism, our giant leaps of science and discovery, our unrivaled progress toward equality and justice -- all of it is possible thanks to the blood and tears and courage and vision of the Americans who came before. Think of this Capitol -- think of this very chamber, where lawmakers before you voted to end slavery, to build the railroads and the highways, to defeat fascism, to secure civil rights, to face down an evil empire. Here tonight, we have legislators from across this magnificent republic. You have come from the rocky shores of Maine and the volcanic peaks of Hawaii; from the snowy woods of Wisconsin and the red deserts of Arizona; from the green farms of Kentucky and the golden beaches of California. Together, we represent the most extraordinary Nation in all of history. What will we do with this moment? How will we be remembered? I ask the men and women of this Congress: Look at the opportunities before us! Our most thrilling achievements are still ahead. Our most exciting journeys still await. Our biggest victories are still to come. We have not yet begun to dream. We must choose whether we are defined by our differences -- or whether we dare to transcend them. We must choose whether we will squander our inheritance -- or whether we will proudly declare that we are Americans. We do the incredible. We defy the impossible. We conquer the unknown. This is the time to re-ignite the American imagination. This is the time to search for the tallest summit, and set our sights on the brightest star. This is the time to rekindle the bonds of love and loyalty and memory that link us together as citizens, as neighbors, as patriots. This is our future -- our fate -- and our choice to make. I am asking you to choose greatness. No matter the trials we face, no matter the challenges to come, we must go forward together. We must keep America first in our hearts. We must keep freedom alive in our souls. And we must always keep faith in America's destiny -- that one Nation, under God, must be the hope and the promise and the light and the glory among all the nations of the world! Thank you. God Bless You, God Bless America, and good night! Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, the First Lady of the United States and my fellow citizens: Three years ago, we launched the great American comeback. Tonight, I stand before you to share the incredible results. Jobs are booming, incomes are soaring, poverty is plummeting, crime is falling, confidence is surging, and our country is thriving and highly respected again. Americaís enemies are on the run, Americaís fortunes are on the rise, and Americaís future is blazing bright. The years of economic decay are over. The days of our country being used, taken advantage of, and even scorned by other nations are long behind us. Gone too are the broken promises, jobless recoveries, tired platitudes, and constant excuses for the depletion of American wealth, power, and prestige. In just three short years, we have shattered the mentality of American decline, and we have rejected the downsizing of Americaís destiny. We have totally rejected the downsizing. We are moving forward at a pace that was unimaginable ó just a short time ago, and we are never, ever going back. I am thrilled to report to you tonight that our economy is the best it has ever been. Our military is completely rebuilt, with its power being unmatched anywhere in the world ó and itís not even close. Our borders are secure. Our families are flourishing. Our values are renewed. Our pride is restored. And for all of these reasons, I say to the people of our great country and to the members of Congress: The state of our Union is stronger than ever before. The vision I will lay out this evening demonstrates how we are building the worldís most prosperous and inclusive society ó one where every citizen can join in Americaís unparalleled success and where every community can take part in Americaís extraordinary rise. From the instant I took office, I moved rapidly to revive the U.S. economy ó slashing a record number of job-killing regulations, enacting historic and record-setting tax cuts, and fighting for fair and reciprocal trade agreements. Our agenda is relentlessly pro-worker, pro-family, pro-growth, and, most of all, pro-American. Thank you. We are advancing with unbridled optimism and lifting our citizens of every race, color, religion, and creed very, very high. Since my election, we have created 7 million new jobs ó 5 million more than government experts projected during the previous administration. The unemployment rate is the lowest in over half a century. And very incredibly, the average unemployment rate under my administration is lower than any administration in the history of our country. True. If we hadnít reversed the failed economic policies of the previous administration, the world would not now be witnessing this great economic success. The unemployment rate for African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans has reached the lowest levels in history. African American youth unemployment has reached an all-time low. African American poverty has declined to the lowest rate ever recorded. The unemployment rate for women reached the lowest level in almost 70 years. And, last year, women filled 72 percent of all new jobs added. The veterans unemployment rate dropped to a record low. The unemployment rate for disabled Americans has reached an all-time low. Workers without a high school diploma have achieved the lowest unemployment rate recorded in U.S. history. A record number of young Americans are now employed. Under the last administration, more than 10 million people were added to the food stamp rolls. Under my administration, 7 million Americans have come off food stamps, and 10 million people have been lifted off of welfare. In eight years under the last administration, over 300,000 working-age people dropped out of the workforce. In just three years of my administration, 3.5 million people ó working-age people ó have joined the workforce. Since my election, the net worth of the bottom half of wage earners has increased by 47 percent ó three times faster than the increase for the top 1 percent. After decades of flat and falling incomes, wages are rising fast ó and, wonderfully, they are rising fastest for low-income workers, who have seen a 16 percent pay increase since my election. This is a blue-collar boom. Real median household income is now at the highest level ever recorded. Since my election, U.S. stock markets have soared 70 percent, adding more than $12 trillion to our nationís wealth, transcending anything anyone believed was possible. This is a record. It is something that every country in the world is looking up to. They admire. Consumer confidence has just reached amazing new highs. All of those millions of people with 401(k)s and pensions are doing far better than they have ever done before with increases of 60, 70, 80, 90, and 100 percent, and even more. Jobs and investments are pouring into 9,000 previously neglected neighborhoods thanks to Opportunity Zones, a plan spearheaded by Senator Tim Scott as part of our great Republican tax cuts. In other words, wealthy people and companies are pouring money into poor neighborhoods or areas that havenít seen investment in many decades, creating jobs, energy, and excitement. This is the first time that these deserving communities have seen anything like this. Itís all working. Opportunity Zones are helping Americans like Army veteran Tony Rankins from Cincinnati, Ohio. After struggling with drug addiction, Tony lost his job, his house, and his family. He was homeless. But then Tony found a construction company that invests in Opportunity Zones. He is now a top tradesman, drug-free, reunited with his family, and he is here tonight. Tony, keep up the great work. Tony. Thank you, Tony. Our roaring economy has, for the first time ever, given many former prisoners the ability to get a great job and a fresh start. This second chance at life is made possible because we passed landmark criminal justice reform into law. Everybody said that criminal justice reform couldnít be done, but I got it done, and the people in this room got it done. Thanks to our bold regulatory reduction campaign, the United States has become the number one producer of oil and natural gas anywhere in the world, by far. With the tremendous progress we have made over the past three years, America is now energy independent, and energy jobs, like so many other elements of our country, are at a record high. We are doing numbers that no one would have thought possible just three years ago. Likewise, we are restoring our nationís manufacturing might, even though predictions were, as you all know, that this could never, ever be done. After losing 60,000 factories under the previous two administrations, America has now gained 12,000 new factories under my administration, with thousands upon thousands of plants and factories being planned or being built. Companies are not leaving; they are coming back to the USA. The fact is that everybody wants to be where the action is, and the United States of America is indeed the place where the action is. One of the biggest promises I made to the American people was to replace the disastrous NAFTA trade deal. In fact, unfair trade is perhaps the single biggest reason that I decided to run for President. Following NAFTAís adoption, our nation lost one in four manufacturing jobs. Many politicians came and went, pledging to change or replace NAFTA, only to do so, and then absolutely nothing happened. But unlike so many who came before me, I keep my promises. We did our job. Six days ago, I replaced NAFTA and signed the brand-new U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement into law. The USMCA will create nearly 100,000 new high-paying American auto jobs, and massively boost exports for our farmers, ranchers, and factory workers. It will also bring trade with Mexico and Canada to a much higher level, but also to be a much greater degree of fairness and reciprocity. We will have that: fairness and reciprocity. And I say that, finally, because itís been many, many years that we were treated fairly on trade. This is the first major trade deal in many years to earn the strong backing of Americaís labor unions. I also promised our citizens that I would impose tariffs to confront Chinaís massive theft of Americaís jobs. Our strategy has worked. Days ago, we signed the groundbreaking new agreement with China that will defend our workers, protect our intellectual property, bring billions and billions of dollars into our treasury, and open vast new markets for products made and grown right here in the USA. For decades, China has taken advantage of the United States. Now we have changed that, but, at the same time, we have perhaps the best relationship weíve ever had with China, including with President Xi. They respect what weíve done because, quite frankly, they could never really believe that they were able to get away with what they were doing year after year, decade after decade, without someone in our country stepping up and saying, ìThatís enough.î Now we want to rebuild our country, and thatís exactly what weíre doing. We are rebuilding our country. As we restore American leadership throughout the world, we are once again standing up for freedom in our hemisphere. Thatís why my administration reversed the failing policies of the previous administration on Cuba. We are supporting the hopes of Cubans, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans to restore democracy. The United States is leading a 59-nation diplomatic coalition against the socialist dictator of Venezuela, Nicol·s Maduro. Maduro is an illegitimate ruler, a tyrant who brutalizes his people. But Maduroís grip on tyranny will be smashed and broken. Here this evening is a very brave man who carries with him the hopes, dreams, and aspirations of all Venezuelans. Joining us in the Gallery is the true and legitimate President of Venezuela, Juan GuaidÛ. Mr. President, please take this message back to your homeland. Thank you, Mr. President. Great honor. Thank you very much. Please take this message back that all Americans are united with the Venezuelan people in their righteous struggle for freedom. Thank you very much, Mr. President. Thank you very much. Socialism destroys nations. But always remember: Freedom unifies the soul. To safeguard American liberty, we have invested a record-breaking $2.2 trillion in the United States military. We have purchased the finest planes, missiles, rockets, ships, and every other form of military equipment, and itís all made right here in the USA. We are also getting our allies, finally, to help pay their fair share. I have raised contributions from the other NATO members by more than $400 billion, and the number of Allies meeting their minimum obligations has more than doubled. And just weeks ago, for the first time since President Truman established the Air Force more than 70 years earlier, we created a brand-new branch of the United States Armed Forces. Itís called the Space Force. Very important. In the Gallery tonight, we have a young gentleman. And what he wants so badly ó 13 years old ó Iain Lanphier. Heís an eighth grader from Arizona. Iain, please stand up. Iain has always dreamed of going to space. He was the first in his class and among the youngest at an aviation academy. He aspires to go to the Air Force Academy, and then he has his eye on the Space Force. As Iain says, ìMost people look up at space. I want to look down on the world.î But sitting behind Iain tonight is his greatest hero of them all. Charles McGee was born in Cleveland, Ohio, one century ago. Charles is one of the last surviving Tuskegee Airmen ó the first black fighter pilots ó and he also happens to be Iainís great-grandfather. Incredible story. After more than 130 combat missions in World War Two, he came back home to a country still struggling for civil rights and went on to serve America in Korea and Vietnam. On December 7th, Charles celebrated his 100th birthday. A few weeks ago, I signed a bill promoting Charles McGee to Brigadier General. And earlier today, I pinned the stars on his shoulders in the Oval Office. General McGee, our nation salutes you. Thank you, sir. From the pilgrims to the Founders, from the soldiers at Valley Forge to the marchers at Selma, and from President Lincoln to the Reverend Martin Luther King, Americans have always rejected limits on our childrenís future. Members of Congress, we must never forget that the only victories that matter in Washington are victories that deliver for the American people. The people are the heart of our country, their dreams are the soul of our country, and their love is what powers and sustains our country. We must always remember that our job is to put America first. The next step forward in building an inclusive society is making sure that every young American gets a great education and the opportunity to achieve the American Dream. Yet, for too long, countless American children have been trapped in failing government schools. To rescue these students, 18 states have created school choice in the form of Opportunity Scholarships. The programs are so popular that tens of thousands of students remain on a waiting list. One of those students is Janiyah Davis, a fourth grader from Philadelphia. Janiyah. Janiyahís mom, Stephanie, is a single parent. She would do anything to give her daughter a better future. But last year, that future was put further out of reach when Pennsylvaniaís governor vetoed legislation to expand school choice to 50,000 children. Janiyah and Stephanie are in the Gallery. Stephanie, thank you so much for being here with your beautiful daughter. Thank you very much. But, Janiyah, I have some good news for you, because I am pleased to inform you that your long wait is over. I can proudly announce tonight that an Opportunity Scholarship has become available, itís going to you, and you will soon be heading to the school of your choice. Now I call on Congress to give one million American children the same opportunity Janiyah has just received. Pass the Education Freedom Scholarships and Opportunities Act ó because no parent should be forced to send their child to a failing government school. Every young person should have a safe and secure environment in which to learn and to grow. For this reason, our magnificent First Lady has launched the BE BEST initiative to advance a safe, healthy, supportive, and drug-free life for the next generation ó online, in school, and in our communities. Thank you, Melania, for your extraordinary love and profound care for Americaís children. Thank you very much. My administration is determined to give our citizens the opportunities they need regardless of age or background. Through our Pledge to American Workers, over 400 companies will also provide new jobs and education opportunities to almost 15 million Americans. My budget also contains an exciting vision for our nationís high schools. Tonight, I ask Congress to support our students and back my plan to offer vocational and technical education in every single high school in America. To expand equal opportunity, I am also proud that we achieved record and permanent funding for our nationís historically black colleges and universities. A good life for American families also requires the most affordable, innovative, and high-quality healthcare system on Earth. Before I took office, health insurance premiums had more than doubled in just five years. I moved quickly to provide affordable alternatives. Our new plans are up to 60 percent less expensive ó and better. Iíve also made an ironclad pledge to American families: We will always protect patients with pre-existing conditions. And we will always protect your Medicare and we will always protect your Social Security. Always. The American patient should never be blindsided by medical bills. That is why I signed an executive order requiring price transparency. Many experts believe that transparency, which will go into full effect at the beginning of next year, will be even bigger than healthcare reform. It will save families massive amounts of money for substantially better care. But as we work to improve Americansí healthcare, there are those who want to take away your healthcare, take away your doctor, and abolish private insurance entirely. One hundred thirty-two lawmakers in this room have endorsed legislation to impose a socialist takeover of our healthcare system, wiping out the private health insurance plans of 180 million very happy Americans. To those watching at home tonight, I want you to know: We will never let socialism destroy American healthcare. Over 130 legislators in this chamber have endorsed legislation that would bankrupt our nation by providing free taxpayer-funded healthcare to millions of illegal aliens, forcing taxpayers to subsidize free care for anyone in the world who unlawfully crosses our borders. These proposals would raid the Medicare benefits of our seniors and that our seniors depend on, while acting as a powerful lure for illegal immigration. That is what is happening in California and other states. Their systems are totally out of control, costing taxpayers vast and unaffordable amounts of money. If forcing American taxpayers to provide unlimited free healthcare to illegal aliens sounds fair to you, then stand with the radical left. But if you believe that we should defend American patients and American seniors, then stand with me and pass legislation to prohibit free government healthcare for illegal aliens. This will be a tremendous boon to our already very strongly guarded southern border where, as we speak, a long, tall, and very powerful wall is being built. We have now completed over 100 miles and have over 500 miles fully completed in a very short period of time. Early next year, we will have substantially more than 500 miles completed. My administration is also taking on the big pharmaceutical companies. We have approved a record number of affordable generic drugs, and medicines are being approved by the FDA at a faster clip than ever before. And I was pleased to announce last year that, for the first time in 51 years, the cost of prescription drugs actually went down. And working together, Congress can reduce drug prices substantially from current levels. Iíve been speaking to Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa and others in Congress in order to get something on drug pricing done, and done quickly and properly. Iím calling for bipartisan legislation that achieves the goal of dramatically lowering prescription drug prices. Get a bill on my desk, and I will sign it into law immediately. AUDIENCE: H.R.3! H.R.3! H.R.3! With unyielding commitment, we are curbing the opioid epidemic. Drug overdose deaths declined for the first time in nearly 30 years. Among the states hardest hit, Ohio is down 22 percent, Pennsylvania is down 18 percent, Wisconsin is down 10 percent ó and we will not quit until we have beaten the opioid epidemic once and for all. Protecting Americansí health also means fighting infectious diseases. We are coordinating with the Chinese government and working closely together on the coronavirus outbreak in China. My administration will take all necessary steps to safeguard our citizens from this threat. We have launched ambitious new initiatives to substantially improve care for Americans with kidney disease, Alzheimerís, and those struggling with mental health. And because Congress was so good as to fund my request, new cures for childhood cancer, and we will eradicate the AIDS epidemic in America by the end of this decade. Almost every American family knows the pain when a loved one is diagnosed with a serious illness. Here tonight is a special man, beloved by millions of Americans who just received a Stage 4 advanced cancer diagnosis. This is not good news, but what is good news is that he is the greatest fighter and winner that you will ever meet. Rush Limbaugh, thank you for your decades of tireless devotion to our country. And, Rush, in recognition of all that you have done for our nation, the millions of people a day that you speak to and that you inspire, and all of the incredible work that you have done for charity, I am proud to announce tonight that you will be receiving our countryís highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom. I will now ask the First Lady of the United States to present you with the honor. Please. (The Medal of Freedom is presented.) Rush and Kathryn, congratulations. Thank you, Kathryn. As we pray for all who are sick, we know that America is constantly achieving new medical breakthroughs. In 2017, doctors at St. Lukeís Hospital in Kansas City delivered one of the earliest premature babies ever to survive. Born at just 21 weeks and 6 days, and weighing less than a pound, Ellie Schneider was a born fighter. Through the skill of her doctors and the prayers of her parents, little Ellie kept on winning the battle of life. Today, Ellie is a strong, healthy two-year-old girl sitting with her amazing mother Robin in the Gallery. Ellie and Robin, we are glad to have you with us tonight. Ellie reminds us that every child is a miracle of life. And thanks to modern medical wonders, 50 percent of very premature babies delivered at the hospital where Ellie was born now survive. Itís an incredible thing. Thank you very much. Our goal should be to ensure that every baby has the best chance to thrive and grow just like Ellie. That is why Iím asking Congress to provide an additional $50 million to fund neonatal research for Americaís youngest patients. That is why Iím also calling upon members of Congress here tonight to pass legislation finally banning the late-term abortion of babies. Whether we are Republican, Democrat, or independent, surely we must all agree that every human life is a sacred gift from God. As we support Americaís moms and dads, I was recently proud to sign the law providing new parents in the federal workforce paid family leave, serving as a model for the rest of the country. Now I call on the Congress to pass the bipartisan Advancing Support for Working Families Act, extending family leave to mothers and fathers all across our nation. Forty million American families have an average $2,200 extra thanks to our child tax credit. Iíve also overseen historic funding increases for high-quality child care, enabling 17 states to help more children, many of which have reduced or eliminated their waitlists altogether. And I sent Congress a plan with a vision to further expand access to high-quality child care, and urge you to act immediately. To protect the environment, days ago I announced that the United States will join the One Trillion Trees Initiative, an ambitious effort to bring together government and private sector to plant new trees in America and all around the world. We must also rebuild Americaís infrastructure. I ask you to pass Senator John Barrassoís highway bill to invest in new roads, bridges, and tunnels all across our land. Iím also committed to ensuring that every citizen can have access to high-speed Internet, including and especially in rural America. A better tomorrow for all Americans also requires us to keep America safe. That means supporting the men and women of law enforcement at every level, including our nationís heroic ICE officers. Last year, our brave ICE officers arrested more than 120,000 criminal aliens charged with nearly 10,000 burglaries, 5,000 sexual assaults, 45,000 violent assaults, and 2,000 murders. Tragically, there are many cities in America where radical politicians have chosen to provide sanctuary for these criminal illegal aliens. In sanctuary cities, local officials order police to release dangerous criminal aliens to prey upon the public, instead of handing them over to ICE to be safely removed. Just 29 days ago, a criminal alien freed by the sanctuary city of New York was charged with the brutal rape and murder of a 92-year-old woman. The killer had been previously arrested for assault, but under New Yorkís sanctuary policies, he was set free. If the city had honored ICEís detainer request, his victim would still be alive today. The state of California passed an outrageous law declaring their whole state to be a sanctuary for criminal illegal immigrants ó a very terrible sanctuary ó with catastrophic results. Here is just one tragic example. In December 2018, California police detained an illegal alien with five prior arrests, including convictions for robbery and assault. But as required by Californiaís Sanctuary Law, local authorities released him. Days later, the criminal alien went on a gruesome spree of deadly violence. He viciously shot one man going about his daily work. He approached a woman sitting in her car and shot her in the arm and in the chest. He walked into a convenience store and wildly fired his weapon. He hijacked a truck and smashed into vehicles, critically injuring innocent victims. One of the victims is ó a terrible, terrible situation; died ó 51-year-old American named Rocky Jones. Rocky was at a gas station when this vile criminal fired eight bullets at him from close range, murdering him in cold blood. Rocky left behind a devoted family, including his brothers, who loved him more than anything else in the world. One of his grieving brothers is here with us tonight. Jody, would you please stand? Jody, thank you. Jody our hearts weep for your loss, and we will not rest until you have justice. Senator Thom Tillis has introduced legislation to allow Americans like Jody to sue sanctuary cities and states when a loved one is hurt or killed as a result of these deadly practices. I ask Congress to pass the Justice for Victims of Sanctuary Cities Act immediately. The United States of America should be a sanctuary for law-abiding Americans, not criminal aliens. In the last three years, ICE has arrested over 5,000 wicked human traffickers. And I have signed nine pieces of legislation to stamp out the menace of human trafficking, domestically and all around the globe. My administration has undertaken an unprecedented effort to secure the southern border of the United States. Before I came into office, if you showed up illegally on our southern border and were arrested, you were simply released and allowed into our country, never to be seen again. My administration has ended catch and release. If you come illegally, you will now be promptly removed from our country. Very importantly, we entered into historic cooperation agreements with the governments of Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. As a result of our unprecedented efforts, illegal crossings are down 75 percent since May, dropping eight straight months in a row. And as the wall rapidly goes up, drug seizures rise, and the border crossings are down, and going down very rapidly. Last year, I traveled to the border in Texas and met Chief Patrol Agent Raul Ortiz. Over the last 24 months, Agent Ortiz and his team have seized more than 200,000 pounds of poisonous narcotics, arrested more than 3,000 human smugglers, and rescued more than 2,000 migrants. Days ago, Agent Ortiz was promoted to Deputy Chief of Border Patrol, and he joins us tonight. Chief Ortiz, please stand. A grateful nation thanks you and all of the heroes of Border Patrol and ICE. Thank you very much. Thank you. To build on these historic gains, we are working on legislation to replace our outdated and randomized immigration system with one based on merit, welcoming those who follow the rules, contribute to our economy, support themselves financially, and uphold our values. With every action, my administration is restoring the rule of law and reasserting the culture of American freedom. Working with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ó thank you, Mitch ó and his colleagues in the Senate, we have confirmed a record number of 187 new federal judges to uphold our Constitution as written. This includes two brilliant new Supreme Court justices, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh. Thank you. And we have many in the pipeline. My administration is also defending religious liberty, and that includes the constitutional right to pray in public schools. In America, we donít punish prayer. We donít tear down crosses. We donít ban symbols of faith. We donít muzzle preachers and pastors. In America, we celebrate faith, we cherish religion, we lift our voices in prayer, and we raise our sights to the Glory of God. Just as we believe in the First Amendment, we also believe in another constitutional right that is under siege all across our country. So long as I am President, I will always protect your Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms. In reaffirming our heritage as a free nation, we must remember that America has always been a frontier nation. Now we must embrace the next frontier, Americaís manifest destiny in the stars. I am asking Congress to fully fund the Artemis program to ensure that the next man and the first woman on the Moon will be American astronauts using this as a launching pad to ensure that America is the first nation to plant its flag on Mars. My administration is also strongly defending our national security and combating radical Islamic terrorism. Last week, I announced a groundbreaking plan for peace between Israel and the Palestinians. Recognizing that all past attempts have failed, we must be determined and creative in order to stabilize the region and give millions of young people the chance to realize a better future. Three years ago, the barbarians of ISIS held over 20,000 square miles of territory in Iraq and Syria. Today, the ISIS territorial caliphate has been 100 percent destroyed, and the founder and leader of ISIS ó the bloodthirsty killer known as al-Baghdadi ó is dead. We are joined this evening by Carl and Marsha Mueller. After graduating from college, their beautiful daughter Kayla became a humanitarian aid worker. She once wrote, ìSome people find God in church. Some people find God in nature. Some people find God in love. I find God in suffering. Iíve known for some time what my lifeís work is, using my hands as tools to relieve suffering.î In 2013, while caring for suffering civilians in Syria, Kayla was kidnapped, tortured, and enslaved by ISIS, and kept as a prisoner of al-Baghdadi himself. After more than 500 horrifying days of captivity, al-Baghdadi murdered young, beautiful Kayla. She was just 26 years old. On the night that U.S. Special Forces Operations ended al-Baghdadiís miserable life, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Mark Milley, received a call in the Situation Room. He was told that the brave men of the elite Special Forces team that so perfectly carried out the operation had given their mission a name: ìTask Force 8-14.î It was a reference to a special day: August 14th ó Kaylaís birthday. Carl and Marsha, Americaís warriors never forgot Kayla ó and neither will we. Thank you. Every day, Americaís men and women in uniform demonstrate the infinite depth of love that dwells in the human heart. One of these American heroes was Army Staff Sergeant Christopher Hake. On his second deployment to Iraq in 2008, Sergeant Hake wrote a letter to his one-year-old son, Gage: ìI will be with you again,î he wrote to Gage. ìI will teach you to ride your first bike, build your first sand box, watch you play sports, and see you have kids also. I love you son. Take care of your mother. I am always with you. Daddy.î On Easter Sunday of 2008, Chris was out on patrol in Baghdad when his Bradley Fighting Vehicle was hit by a roadside bomb. That night, he made the ultimate sacrifice for our country. Sergeant Hake now rests in eternal glory in Arlington, and his wife Kelli is in the Gallery tonight, joined by their son, who is now a 13-year-old and doing very, very well. To Kelli and Gage: Chris will live in our hearts forever. He is looking down on you now. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you both very much. The terrorist responsible for killing Sergeant Hake was Qasem Soleimani, who provided the deadly roadside bomb that took Chrisís life. Soleimani was the Iranian regimeís most ruthless butcher, a monster who murdered or wounded thousands of American service members in Iraq. As the worldís top terrorist, Soleimani orchestrated the deaths of countless men, women, and children. He directed the December assault and went on to assault U.S. forces in Iraq. Was actively planning new attacks when we hit him very hard. And thatís why, last month, at my direction, the U.S. military executed a flawless precision strike that killed Soleimani and terminated his evil reign of terror forever. Our message to the terrorists is clear: You will never escape American justice. If you attack our citizens, you forfeit your life. In recent months, we have seen proud Iranians raise their voices against their oppressive rulers. The Iranian regime must abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons; stop spreading terror, death, and destruction; and start working for the good of its own people. Because of our powerful sanctions, the Iranian economy is doing very, very poorly. We can help them make a very good and short-time recovery. It can all go very quickly, but perhaps they are too proud or too foolish to ask for that help. We are here. Letís see which road they choose. It is totally up to them. As we defend American lives, we are working to end Americaís wars in the Middle East. In Afghanistan, the determination and valor of our warfighters has allowed us to make tremendous progress, and peace talks are now underway. I am not looking to kill hundreds of thousands of people in Afghanistan, many of them totally innocent. It is also not our function to serve other nations as law enforcement agencies. These are warfighters that we have ó the best in the world ó and they either want to fight to win or not fight at all. We are working to finally end Americaís longest war and bring our troops back home. War places a heavy burden on our nationís extraordinary military families, especially spouses like Amy Williams from Fort Bragg, North Carolina, and her two children ó six-year-old Elliana and three-year-old Rowan. Amy works full-time and volunteers countless hours helping other military families. For the past seven months, she has done it all while her husband, Sergeant First Class Townsend Williams, is in Afghanistan on his fourth deployment in the Middle East. Amyís kids havenít seen their fatherís face in many months. Amy, your familyís sacrifice makes it possible for all of our families to live in safety and in peace, and we want to thank you. Thank you, Amy. But, Amy, there is one more thing. Tonight, we have a very special surprise. I am thrilled to inform you that your husband is back from deployment. He is here with us tonight, and we couldnít keep him waiting any longer. Welcome home, Sergeant Williams. Thank you very much. As the world bears witness tonight, America is a land of heroes. This is a place where greatness is born, where destinies are forged, and where legends come to life. This is the home of Thomas Edison and Teddy Roosevelt, of many great generals including Washington, Pershing, Patton, and MacArthur. This is the home of Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, Amelia Earhart, Harriet Tubman, the Wright Brothers, Neil Armstrong, and so many more. This is the country where children learn names like Wyatt Earp, Davy Crockett, and Annie Oakley. This is the place where the pilgrims landed at Plymouth and where Texas patriots made their last stand at the Alamo ó the beautiful, beautiful Alamo. The American nation was carved out of the vast frontier by the toughest, strongest, fiercest, and most determined men and women ever to walk on the face of the Earth. Our ancestors braved the unknown; tamed the wilderness; settled the Wild West; lifted millions from poverty, disease, and hunger; vanquished tyranny and fascism; ushered the world to new heights of science and medicine; laid down the railroads, dug out the canals, raised up the skyscrapers. And, ladies and gentlemen, our ancestors built the most exceptional republic ever to exist in all of human history, and we are making it greater than ever before. This is our glorious and magnificent inheritance. We are Americans. We are pioneers. We are the pathfinders. We settled the New World, we built the modern world, and we changed history forever by embracing the eternal truth that everyone is made equal by the hand of Almighty God. America is the place where anything can happen. America is the place where anyone can rise. And here, on this land, on this soil, on this continent, the most incredible dreams come true. This nation is our canvas, and this country is our masterpiece. We look at tomorrow and see unlimited frontiers just waiting to be explored. Our brightest discoveries are not yet known. Our most thrilling stories are not yet told. Our grandest journeys are not yet made. The American Age, the American Epic, the American adventure has only just begun. Our spirit is still young, the sun is still rising, Godís grace is still shining, and, my fellow Americans, the best is yet to come. Thank you. God Bless You. God Bless America. ‘Elke tijd is overgangstijd’, schreef de historicus H.W. von der Dunk. Daarmee gaf hij uitdrukking aan de gedachte dat er terugkijkend in de geschiedenis vaak sprake is van continuïteit en doorlopende lijnen. Toch is het heel verklaarbaar dat velen onze eigen tijd ervaren als een periode van grote en onvermijdelijke veranderingen. Natuurlijk vanwege de coronacrisis, die ons leven nog altijd sterk beheerst. Vanwege grote binnenlandse thema’s, zoals de toegankelijkheid van de woningmarkt, vermindering van de stikstofuitstoot, kansengelijkheid in het onderwijs en op de arbeidsmarkt, en de bescherming en versterking van de rechtsstaat. En vooral ook vanwege alomvattende problemen als klimaatverandering en schuivende machtsverhoudingen op het wereldtoneel. Deze grote internationale ontwikkelingen voelen misschien abstract en ver weg, maar zijn dat niet. Klimaatverandering kwam deze zomer dichtbij toen inwoners van Limburg in een paar dramatische dagen hun huizen en bedrijven na extreme regenval onder water zagen lopen. Geopolitieke ontwikkelingen kwamen dichtbij met de hartverscheurende beelden en verhalen uit Afghanistan. Twintig jaar lang heeft de internationale gemeenschap zich daar ingezet voor internationale stabiliteit en veiligheid, democratie en mensenrechten, en kansen voor meisjes en vrouwen. Nu wacht het Afghaanse volk opnieuw een ongewisse toekomst. Voor veel Nederlandse Afghanistanveteranen is deze afloop na jaren militaire aanwezigheid en vele offers een hard gelag. Voor onze militairen en diplomaten waren het extreem intensieve en spannende laatste weken, waarin zij binnen de mogelijkheden zoveel mogelijk mensen in veiligheid brachten. Daarvoor verdienen zij diep respect en grote waardering. Tegelijkertijd realiseren we ons dat dit boek niet gesloten is. Degenen die achterbleven, wacht een onzeker lot. Wat vijfduizend kilometer verderop gebeurt, raakt direct aan onze diepste waarden en aan onze eigen veiligheid. Het is logisch dat mensen zich afvragen: wat betekenen al deze ontwikkelingen voor mij persoonlijk? Voor onze manier van leven? Voor mijn toekomst en die van mijn kinderen? Onderzoek laat al jaren zien dat Nederlanders hun eigen leven een hoog cijfer geven, maar dat zij zich grote zorgen maken over het land en de wereld om hen heen. Deze onrust en onzekerheid worden nog gevoed doordat het maatschappelijk debat nationaal en internationaal steeds vaker op polariserende toon wordt gevoerd. Bij al deze terechte zorgen past tegelijkertijd de nuchtere vaststelling dat Nederland een goed land is en blijft om in te leven. Een land dat zich macro-economisch met de beste kan meten. Als we de toekomst gezamenlijk tegemoet blijven treden, kunnen we veel aan. De begroting die de regering vandaag aan u voorlegt, staat in het teken van uitvoering van lopend beleid. Dat past bij de demissionaire status van een kabinet dat in januari van dit jaar zijn ontslag aanbood en daarmee verantwoordelijkheid nam voor de toeslagenaffaire. Grote nieuwe keuzes voor de langere termijn zijn aan een volgend kabinet. Tegelijkertijd ontslaat dat de zittende regering niet van de plicht te doen wat nodig is. Sommige onderwerpen zijn zo urgent, dat stilstand nu ons land onnodig op achterstand zou zetten. Daarom meent de regering er goed aan te doen in het lopende beleid voor komend jaar een aantal extra stappen te zetten, onder andere op het terrein van klimaat, rechtsstaat en woningbouw. Achter ons ligt een periode die voor een belangrijk deel in het teken stond van het coronavirus. Voor ons ligt een jaar waarin we mogen hopen op een verdere terugkeer naar meer normale verhoudingen. Daarmee ontstaat ruimte om terug te kijken en vooruit te blikken. Voorop staat dat wij Nederlanders in coronatijd opnieuw hebben laten zien er als familie, vrienden, collega’s en buren voor elkaar te willen zijn. Velen rouwen na deze periode om het verlies van een geliefde. Anderen worstelen met de lichamelijke en geestelijke gevolgen van corona. En weer anderen, oud én jong, kregen te maken met eenzaamheid en depressie. Gelukkig konden en kunnen velen met hun zorgen en verdriet terecht bij mensen in hun omgeving. Aanvullend zijn er overal in het land initiatieven ontstaan om mensen te helpen en uit hun isolement te halen. Het is belangrijk dat die aandacht voor de gevolgen van corona blijft bestaan, ook in een volgende fase. Positief is ook hoeveel mensen tijdens de coronacrisis in ons aller belang doorwerkten, vaak onder moeilijke omstandigheden. Nederland is u dankbaar. Dank aan de politiemensen en boa’s die pal staan voor onze veiligheid. Dank aan de militairen die op verschillende plaatsen bijsprongen. Dank aan alle mensen in het onderwijs en de kinderopvang, het openbaar vervoer en de logistiek. Dank aan allen die op welke plek dan ook een bijdrage leverden. En natuurlijk dank aan iedereen in de ziekenhuizen, verpleeghuizen en thuiszorg. Daar is een buitengewone prestatie geleverd. De komende periode staat in het teken van mentaal en fysiek herstel voor deze beroepsgroep, terwijl tegelijkertijd uitgestelde operaties en behandelingen moeten worden uitgevoerd. Tijdens de coronacrisis is gebleken hoe belangrijk en effectief regionale, nationale en internationale samenwerking en afstemming in de zorg kunnen zijn. Dat is belangrijk met het oog op de periode na corona, waarin twee grote vragen beantwoord moeten worden. De eerste is: hoe zorgen we dat we paraat staan voor een volgende pandemie? Daarvoor werkt de regering aan een plan. Dat is per definitie ook een internationaal vraagstuk, want een virus stopt niet bij landsgrenzen. Het belangrijkste is nu dat overal ter wereld voldoende vaccins beschikbaar komen. Nederland neemt daarin verantwoordelijkheid door voor elk vaccin dat hier aan iemand wordt gegeven, er ook een te doneren. De tweede vraag is hoe de zorg in de toekomst georganiseerd moet worden om toegankelijk, betaalbaar en van hoge kwaliteit te blijven. Nu is de tijd om over deze onderwerpen het gesprek verder te voeren en besluitvorming voor te bereiden. Gedurende de pandemie zijn groepen die al kwetsbaar waren, nog harder getroffen door alle maatregelen. Denk aan kwetsbare ouderen in een instelling of thuis, of mensen met een zwakke gezondheid of een beperking. Voor hen kwam de kwaliteit van leven in coronatijd nog meer onder druk te staan. Voor veel jongeren en jongvolwassenen dreigt na anderhalf jaar leven met de handrem erop een valse of vertraagde start in opleiding en werk. In de afgelopen jaren is de nodige aandacht uitgegaan naar het tegengaan van eenzaamheid, de aanpak van schulden en het stimuleren van kansengelijkheid in het onderwijs en op de arbeidsmarkt. Die inzet blijft nodig. Vooruitlopend op noodzakelijke keuzes voor de lange termijn, stelt de regering tot eind 2023 ruim 8 miljard euro beschikbaar om onderwijsachterstanden in te lopen die in de coronaperiode zijn ontstaan. Het is belangrijk dat scholen daarbij ook aandacht geven aan de sociale en emotionele gevolgen die deze periode op leerlingen en studenten heeft gehad. Voor de jeugdzorg is volgend jaar 1,3 miljard euro extra beschikbaar, om knelpunten op te lossen en tegelijkertijd structurele verbeteringen te realiseren. En ook voor hulp aan mensen met problematische schulden vanwege corona of de toeslagenaffaire, is in de begroting extra geld opgenomen. De Nederlandse economie staat er gelukkig goed voor, zeker in vergelijking met andere landen. Dat is een compliment aan het innovatieve Nederlandse bedrijfsleven en het geeft perspectief aan mensen die nu aan de kant staan. De doorgevoerde steunmaatregelen voor bedrijven waren ongekend in financiële omvang en reikwijdte, maar hebben wel het beoogde effect gehad. Dit jaar en volgend jaar veert de Nederlandse economie naar verwachting op en de werkloosheid blijft historisch laag, terwijl de staatsschuld door de steunmaatregelen niet uit het lood is geslagen en de koopkracht gemiddeld op peil blijft. In het Caribisch deel van ons Koninkrijk is het leven voor veel mensen door corona moeilijker geworden, omdat de eilandeconomieën hard zijn geraakt door de enorme terugval in het toerisme. Voor Bonaire, Sint Eustatius en Saba – samen Caribisch Nederland – gelden economische steunmaatregelen vergelijkbaar met die in ons land. Met de landen Curaçao, Aruba en Sint Maarten zijn afspraken gemaakt om te bereiken dat financiële steun leidt tot een economie die weerbaarder en schokbestendiger is. In het gesprek daarover is het belangrijk steeds de eensgezindheid te zoeken. Dat maakt ons Koninkrijk als geheel sterker. De intrinsieke kracht van de Nederlandse economie biedt ruimte om verder te bouwen aan het Nederland van morgen. De realiteit daarbij is wel dat veel vraagstukken de grenzen van één kabinetsperiode overstijgen. Of de grenzen van ons land. Of beide. De overspannen woningmarkt is een belangrijk voorbeeld van een binnenlands thema dat niet in één periode oplosbaar is. Hoe wordt een betaalbare woning weer bereikbaar voor iedereen en vooral voor starters? De regering heeft daaraan de afgelopen jaren gewerkt via afspraken met gemeenten en provincies en met extra geld voor nieuwbouw. De uitvoering van dat beleid loopt door in het parlementaire jaar dat voor ons ligt. Door eerdere financiële impulsen worden meer dan honderdduizend nieuwe woningen gebouwd. De regering stelt nog eens 1 miljard euro extra beschikbaar om te zorgen dat er doorgebouwd kan worden. Ook het Nationaal Groeifonds overstijgt de grenzen van deze kabinetsperiode. In de eerste ronde is dit jaar ongeveer 4 miljard euro vrijgemaakt, onder andere voor infrastructuur en voor projecten in de sfeer van kunstmatige intelligentie en groene waterstof. In de volgende ronde is een bedrag van ruim 7 miljard euro beschikbaar. Voor natuur en biodiversiteit en de terugdringing van de stikstofuitstoot zijn tot 2030 al forse bedragen beschikbaar gesteld. Daarmee worden ook volgend jaar investeringen in natuurontwikkeling, schonere stallen en opkoopregelingen gedaan. Het is nodig dat er een goed toekomstperspectief blijft voor Nederlandse boeren, die zo belangrijk zijn voor onze voedselvoorziening en een vitaal platteland. Tegelijkertijd is het belangrijk in kaart te brengen wat er nodig en mogelijk is om ook perspectief te bieden voor infrastructuur, economie en woningbouw. Daaraan blijft de regering werken. Van de onderwerpen die zowel de grenzen van een kabinetsperiode als onze landsgrenzen overstijgen, is klimaatverandering zonder twijfel het meest dringend. Deze zomer kwam het International Panel on Climate Change met een harde en uitermate zorgelijke waarschuwing. De klimaatverandering en de stijging van de zeespiegel gaan veel sneller en zijn veel ernstiger dan eerder voorzien. Dat raakt onze veiligheid, natuur en leefomgeving, maar bijvoorbeeld ook het wereldwijde armoedevraagstuk en toekomstige migratiestromen. In Nederland houdt de bescherming tegen hoogwater uiteraard de allerhoogste prioriteit. De grootschalige overstromingen in Limburg zijn voor de regering aanleiding om in overleg alle geplande maatregelen opnieuw tegen het licht te houden en te kijken of en waar versnelling nodig is. Met het Klimaatakkoord en de Klimaatwet is in deze regeerperiode in ons land een belangrijke aanzet gegeven voor het terugdringen van de CO2-uitstoot. De uitvoering van de gemaakte afspraken is in volle gang. Maar dat neemt niet weg dat de gerechtelijke uitspraak in de zogeheten Urgenda-zaak tot een versnelling dwingt, ook om de doelstellingen van de Klimaatwet te halen. De regering reserveert bijna 7 miljard euro extra voor aanvullende maatregelen, bijvoorbeeld voor verduurzaming van woningen en industrie en om elektrisch rijden verder te stimuleren. In Europees verband heeft de regering een verhoging bepleit van 49 naar 55 procent CO2-reductie in 2030. Daarnaast steunt zij de doelstelling van klimaatneutraliteit in 2050, zoals vastgelegd in de Europese Green Deal. Het is duidelijk dat de komende jaren extra inspanningen nodig zijn om deze aangescherpte doelstellingen te halen. Tegelijkertijd biedt een ambitieus klimaatbeleid ook kansen: voorop de kans een mooier, schoner en veiliger land na te laten. Maar ook economische kansen, bijvoorbeeld in de export en toepassing van Nederlandse kennis op het gebied van duurzame technologie en waterveiligheid. Vandaag, op de Internationale Dag van de Vrede, realiseren we ons hoe ruim 75 jaar vrede en internationale samenwerking ons land ongekende welvaart en welzijn heeft gebracht. De internationale inbedding van ons land in de naoorlogse multilaterale wereldorde blijft van wezenlijk belang, want de wereld waarin we leven is meer en meer als de bekende Rubik-kubus. Alles hangt met alles samen. Zo is vrede ook welvaart, klimaat ook veiligheid, armoedebestrijding ook mensenrechten, duurzaamheid ook economie, en internationale stabiliteit ook migratie. Elke draai aan de kubus, elk besluit, werkt door op meerdere terreinen en niveaus. In dat besef is en blijft Nederland een betrouwbare internationale partner. Omdat het in ons eigen belang is, maar ook vanuit de solidariteit en verantwoordelijkheid die we voelen met en voor andere delen van de wereld. Onze uitgezonden militairen verdienen steun en respect voor de belangrijke en moeilijke taak die zij hierin steeds vervullen, zowel tijdens als na afloop van een missie. De regering stelt structureel extra geld beschikbaar voor de operationele inzetbaarheid van onze militairen en voor hulp aan veteranen die dat nodig hebben. De lidmaatschappen van de Europese Unie, de NAVO en de Verenigde Naties zijn de hoekstenen van het Nederlandse buitenlands beleid. Het is duidelijk dat Nederland samen met de andere lidstaten van de Europese Unie voor strategische keuzes staat in de relaties met China en Rusland, maar ook in de relatie met de Verenigde Staten. Trans-Atlantische samenwerking blijft de basis onder het Nederlandse veiligheidsbeleid, maar we zullen tegelijkertijd meer moeten investeren in Europees veiligheidsbeleid. In de Europese Unie ligt de prioriteit onder andere bij corona-herstelbeleid, bij de gezamenlijke klimaataanpak via de Green Deal en bij de bewaking van de Europese rechtsstaat en van de Unie als waardengemeenschap. Die waardengemeenschap is fundamenteel. In de landen van de Europese Unie mag iemands leeftijd, huidskleur, geloof, geaardheid, geslacht of herkomst nooit een reden zijn voor ongelijke behandeling, uitsluiting of andere vormen van discriminatie. De rechtsstaat is het fundament onder de vrije en democratische samenleving, die al zo lang kenmerkend is voor ons land. Maar die Nederlandse rechtsstaat staat onder druk. De georganiseerde misdaad wordt steeds meedogenlozer en gewelddadiger. De schokkende moord op Peter R. de Vries is in deze ontwikkeling een nieuw dieptepunt. Het kabinet werkt al langer aan een stevige en meerjarige aanpak die verschillende sporen kent en stelt daarvoor opnieuw extra geld beschikbaar. Criminele organisaties moeten worden opgerold, hun leiders opgepakt en crimineel geld afgepakt. We moeten daarbij ook meer investeren in de aanpak van digitale criminaliteit en veiligheid, omdat de wereldwijde digitale dreigingen op tal van manieren toenemen. Tegelijkertijd moeten kwetsbare wijken worden versterkt, is het belangrijk dat jongeren via scholing en werk worden toegerust om niet in criminaliteit te vervallen, en moeten mensen worden beschermd die zich voor onze rechtsstaat inzetten. Versterking van de rechtsstaat is per definitie een zaak van lange adem. Hiervoor komt per jaar ongeveer een half miljard euro extra beschikbaar. Tot slot moet de regering bij dat gesprek over de rechtsstaat en rechtszekerheid de hand in eigen boezem steken. De afhandeling van de aardbevingsschade in Groningen is te lang te stroperig geweest. In de toeslagenaffaire heeft de overheid mensen letterlijk en figuurlijk onrecht gedaan. In beide gevallen geldt: fouten moeten worden hersteld en wie recht heeft op compensatie moet die zo snel mogelijk krijgen. Dat blijft voor de regering absolute prioriteit. Belangrijk is ook dat de deur van de rechtsstaat voor iedereen openstaat. Het kabinet maakt vanaf volgend jaar extra geld vrij voor de sociale advocatuur. Het antwoord op de dieperliggende vraag hoe het vertrouwen te herstellen, vergt een langere adem en meer aandacht voor de uitvoerbaarheid van beleid. Leden van de Staten Generaal, Als elke tijd overgangstijd is, is maatschappelijke verandering een constante. Onze geschiedenis laat dat ook zien. Het komt er steeds op aan, ook in het hier en nu, elke verandering die zich aandient met open vizier tegemoet te treden. Zo bouwen we samen aan een beter land voor volgende generaties. In dat streven zal de regering de samenwerking blijven zoeken met u, leden van de Staten-Generaal. U mag zich in uw belangrijke werk gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Nooit zal ik de Nationale Dodenherdenking van 4 mei 2020 vergeten. Het was onwerkelijk en zeer realistisch tegelijk: die bijna lege Dam, de stilte nog oorverdovender dan anders, en het besef dat de viering van 75 jaar vrijheid noodgedwongen een ingetogen karakter had gekregen. Door het coronavirus werd dit voorjaar ineens alles anders. Ook deze anders-dan-anders-Prinsjesdag op anderhalve meter afstand, niet in de Ridderzaal, en met minder mensen, tradities en uitbundig rood-wit-blauw, maakt dat tastbaar. Mijn bewondering en dank gaan uit naar iedereen die in de zorg en elders in de samenleving al het mogelijke deed om de coronacrisis het hoofd te bieden. Verpleegkundigen en schoonmakers, boa’s en defensiepersoneel, supermarktmedewerkers en mensen in het openbaar vervoer. Ik wil daarnaast mijn steun en medeleven betuigen aan hen die door corona zijn getroffen, of die een geliefde moeten missen. Maar ook voor wie dat niet geldt, is de impact enorm. Corona raakt ons allemaal. Van Terschelling tot Aruba. Jong en oud. Mensen met een beperking vaak nog harder dan anderen. Corona raakt ons in school en werk. In het gemis van een aanraking. En vooral: in ons gevoel van veiligheid en vertrouwen. Want geen eindexamen kunnen doen, een begrafenis in zeer kleine kring, niet op bezoek kunnen bij je man of vrouw in het verpleeghuis, als ondernemer ineens je levenswerk verliezen, of je baan – het is allemaal enorm ingrijpend. Voor al die gevoelens van stress, eenzaamheid en verlies moet ruimte zijn en erkenning. Binnenkort geven we daar in het hele Koninkrijk in verbondenheid uitdrukking aan onder de noemer ’aandacht voor elkaar’. Toch gebeurt er deze maanden ook veel goeds. We waarderen meer het land waarin we wonen. Het weefsel van onze samenleving is opnieuw sterk gebleken. Het blijft bijzonder hoe Nederlanders er voor elkaar zijn als de nood aan de man komt. Bijzonder was ook hoe we in een paar maanden samen voor elkaar kregen dat de grootste beperkingen konden worden opgeheven. En bijzonder is de veerkracht van ondernemers die op allerlei creatieve manieren hun bedrijf draaiende hielden, van leraren die hun leerlingen online gingen begeleiden, en van ouders die plotseling werk en onderwijs thuis combineerden. Nederland heeft in de coronacrisis bewezen verantwoordelijk, saamhorig en flexibel te zijn. Laat ons dat volhouden zolang dat nodig is. En laat ons daar vertrouwen aan ontlenen voor de toekomst. Want juist in tijden van plotselinge schokken is het zaak oog te houden voor de lange termijn. Dat zijn we verplicht aan de jongeren, die de laatste maanden niet alleen moesten inleveren op hun leven nu, maar ook op hun vooruitzichten voor straks. Een 94-jarige veteraan maakte veel los met een ingezonden brief waarin hij de jongeren van Nederland opriep vol te houden en solidair te zijn met zijn generatie. Een 18-jarige student schreef hem terug hoe dankbaar hij was voor de vrijheid en alle mogelijkheden waarmee hij en zijn leeftijdgenoten opgroeien. Maar hij schreef ook hoezeer zij die vrijheid nu missen, hoe zij sleutelmomenten in het leven zomaar zien passeren en hoe extra onzeker de toekomst door de coronacrisis voelt. Die onzekerheid is er op het gebied van opleiding, wonen en werk. Tegelijkertijd is er de zorg over overkoepelende problemen als klimaatverandering, die door corona niet minder urgent worden. Deze brief raakt de kern van Prinsjesdag, want perspectief voor de toekomst begint altijd in het hier-en-nu. Dat is de spiegel die de volwassenen van morgen voorhouden aan de volwassenen van vandaag. In dat besef maakt de regering de keuze in deze onzekere tijd niet te bezuinigen, maar juist te investeren in baanbehoud, goede publieke voorzieningen, en een sterkere economische structuur en een schoner land nu en straks. Op die pijlers rusten de plannen van de regering voor het komende jaar. De Nederlandse economie en overheidsfinanciën zijn veerkrachtig. De laatste jaren is een financiële buffer opgebouwd waarvan we nu de vruchten plukken. Deze publieke spaarpot maakt de gezondheidseffecten van het coronavirus niet minder heftig, maar maakte de eerste directe economische gevolgen wel beter draagbaar. Nu moeten we ons schrap zetten voor de gevolgen van een zware economische terugslag, die ook doorwerkt in de economie en overheidsfinanciën op lange termijn. Hoe precies, hangt af van de vraag tot wanneer en in welke mate het coronavirus ons in zijn greep blijft houden. Maar alle recente cijfers en ramingen zijn ongekend in vredestijd. Met een historische krimp van ruim 5 procent in 2020. Met een historische omslag van een overschot op de rijksbegroting naar een tekort van 7 procent in één jaar. En met een verdubbeling van de werkloosheid ook in één jaar. Onze belangrijkste handelspartners in Europa en wereldwijd hebben te kampen met een economische terugval die vaak nog groter is. Voor een open en op handel en export gericht land als Nederland is dat, zeker na brexit, een extra complicatie. De internationale gevolgen van de coronacrisis kunnen moeilijk worden overschat, niet in economisch en niet in geopolitiek opzicht. Er lijken nog diepere groeven te worden getrokken tussen de grootste machtsblokken in de wereld. In het jaar van 75 jaar Verenigde Naties domineert helaas steeds vaker het nationale eigenbelang en is de multilaterale wereldorde verder onder druk komen staan. Voor de Nederlandse regering staat buiten kijf dat goed functionerende internationale instellingen en internationale samenwerking noodzakelijk zijn om problemen aan te pakken die geen land of regio alleen de baas kan. Dat geldt voor vraagstukken van vrede en veiligheid, voor de klimaatcrisis en de toekomst van onze energievoorziening, voor armoedebestrijding en nu ook voor de bestrijding van het coronavirus. Ons land neemt hierin verantwoordelijkheid. Dat is zowel een morele plicht als welbegrepen eigenbelang. Nederland blijft steun geven aan de kwetsbaarste regio’s in de wereld, die zwaar door corona zijn getroffen. Daarnaast blijft de regering werken aan versterking van de operationele inzet van Nederlandse militairen. Het is duidelijk dat de wereld zich, over de coronacrisis heen, moet voorbereiden op de mogelijkheid van een volgende pandemie of een andere externe schok. Corona leert ons dat we ook internationaal samen sterker staan in een crisis als deze. In Europees verband geldt dat de toenemende geopolitieke onzekerheid en de coronacrisis het belang van samenwerking en een eendrachtig optreden naar buiten toe alleen maar vergroten. De inbedding in de Europese Unie en de interne markt staan aan de basis van de Nederlandse welvaart, rechtszekerheid en veiligheid. Het is waar dat Europese samenwerking vaak gepaard gaat met stevige discussies, waardoor verschillen tussen landen soms worden uitvergroot. Toch brengen de overeenkomsten en de gedeelde belangen de lidstaten altijd weer bij elkaar. Zo werkt Nederland intensief samen met andere Europese landen om de ontwikkeling en beschikbaarstelling van een vaccin te versnellen. Met het Europees herstelfonds kunnen lidstaten voor de korte termijn de gevolgen van de coronacrisis beter opvangen en voor de lange termijn werken aan structurele economische hervormingen. Het is een vorm van solidariteit die twee kanten op werkt: van buren die elkaar vanzelfsprekend helpen in tijden van nood, maar die in eigen land ook stappen zetten en hervormen om bij een volgende crisis allemaal beter voorbereid te zijn. In ons land konden met extra overheidsuitgaven de eerste gevolgen van de coronacrisis voor de bedrijven en de werkgelegenheid worden opgevangen. Voor de korte termijn is twee keer een pakket steunmaatregelen ingezet waarmee lonen zijn doorbetaald en faillissementen en grootschalige ontslagrondes zoveel mogelijk konden worden voorkomen. Het derde pakket, dat beschikbaar is vanaf 1 oktober, heeft een looptijd van negen maanden. Behoud van zoveel mogelijk banen blijft het doel. Maar na de fase van noodsteun is het nu ook belangrijk dat mensen door scholing en training de overstap kunnen maken naar sectoren waar een tekort aan personeel is, en dat bedrijven zich aan kunnen passen aan de nieuwe realiteit. Met een aanvullend pakket van bijna een half miljard euro voor kunst en cultuur onderstreept de regering het grote maatschappelijke belang van deze sector. De steun voor het openbaar vervoer wordt voortgezet, omdat veel mensen voor hun dagelijkse bezigheden afhankelijk zijn van bus, trein, tram en metro. Voor gemeenten komt bijna 800 miljoen euro extra beschikbaar, bijvoorbeeld voor buurthuizen, sociale werkvoorziening, culturele instellingen, en voor het coronaproof organiseren van de verkiezingen. Zo werken medeoverheden en Rijk als één overheid samen in deze crisis. Met de zwaar getroffen Caribische delen van het Koninkrijk wordt gesproken over welke steun onder welke voorwaarden kan worden verleend. Het doel is de bevolking nu te steunen en bij te dragen aan toekomstige economische zekerheid en maatschappelijke stabiliteit. Humanitaire steun blijft steeds beschikbaar. Bij de start van deze periode koos de regering voor versterking van publieke voorzieningen. Het belang hiervan is door corona eerder toe- dan afgenomen. Investeren in veiligheid, bestaanszekerheid en een aantrekkelijke leefomgeving draagt bij aan bestrijding van de crisis, aan de veerkracht van de economie en aan vertrouwen in de toekomst. In de plannen van de regering is dat op verschillende plaatsen zichtbaar. Nergens wordt de verantwoordelijkheid voor de toekomst van onze kinderen en jongeren directer gevoeld en waargemaakt dan voor de klas en in de collegezalen. Het onderwijs heeft extra geld gekregen om in de grote steden volgende stappen te kunnen zetten in de aanpak van het lerarentekort. Na een uitzonderlijk voorjaar met lege klassen is ook 500 miljoen euro beschikbaar om onderwijsachterstanden weg te werken. Daarmee kunnen bijvoorbeeld extra bijlessen worden gegeven. Met een bedrag van 5 miljard euro wil de regering de komende jaren de problemen rond stikstof aanpakken. Het geld dat nu beschikbaar komt, kan onder andere worden ingezet voor natuurherstel en de aanpassing van stallen. Dat is nodig voor de natuur, waarvan we allemaal genieten en die we moeten koesteren voor later. Het is nodig voor een gezonde en innovatieve toekomst van de Nederlandse landbouwsector, die ook in tijden van crisis zorgt voor een betrouwbare voedselvoorziening. En het is nodig om ruimtelijke ontwikkelingen in de sfeer van woningbouw en infrastructuur mogelijk te maken. Opgeteld wordt bijna 2 miljard euro aan geplande investeringen voor infrastructuur, woningbouw en onderhoud en verduurzaming van rijksgebouwen naar voren gehaald. Goede mobiliteit schraagt de economie. Bouw en woningmarkt krijgen een steun in de rug door bouwprojecten eerder uit te voeren. De vraag naar woningen blijft groot. Onder regie van het Rijk wordt de woningbouw versneld. Starters hoeven de komende vijf jaar geen overdrachtsbelasting te betalen. De regering stelt voor de huur te verlagen voor mensen met een laag inkomen in een dure corporatiewoning. De rechtsstaat is het belangrijkste publieke bezit van de samenleving. Het is de basis onder een democratisch land dat sociaal en economisch sterk is en waarin kansengelijkheid als norm geldt. Een jaar geleden werd Nederland geschokt door de brute moord op advocaat Derk Wiersum. Op die dag werd eens te meer manifest hoezeer georganiseerde criminaliteit de maatschappij ondermijnt. Voor de niet-aflatende strijd daartegen is volgend jaar opnieuw extra geld beschikbaar, onder andere voor een nieuw gespecialiseerd team waarin de kennis en kracht van justitie, Belastingdienst en defensie worden gebundeld. Een wezenlijke bedreiging voor de kwaliteit van de rechtsstaat is dat in ons land iemands huidskleur of naam nog te vaak bepalend is voor zijn of haar kansen. Dat is onaanvaardbaar. Het maatschappelijk debat hierover schuurt soms, maar kan ons ook verder brengen in de strijd tegen discriminatie, racisme en ongelijke behandeling. Bestaande verschillen overbruggen begint bij de bereidheid naar elkaar te luisteren. De regering realiseert zich hoe cruciaal in het publieke domein het vertrouwen is in het handelen van de overheid zelf. De overheid moet naast mensen staan, niet tegenover mensen. Daarom is het zo belangrijk dat de inwoners van Groningen die door de aardbevingen zijn getroffen zo snel mogelijk kunnen rekenen op herstel van de geleden schade en versterking van hun huizen, en is de regering er alles aan gelegen de gedupeerde ouders in de toeslagenaffaire snel te compenseren. Investeren in de kwaliteit van de publieke dienstverlening blijft noodzakelijk. Voor de lange termijn zijn in deze periode richtinggevende keuzes gemaakt in het Pensioenakkoord en het Klimaatakkoord. Als de noodzakelijke solidariteit tussen jong en oud ergens gestalte krijgt, dan wel rond deze twee thema’s. De uitwerking en uitvoering van beide akkoorden vraagt een lange adem. Het pensioen wordt persoonlijker en transparanter. Door nu te hervormen, kan er straks voor iedereen een goed pensioen zijn. De regering hoopt in 2021 het wetsvoorstel voor de vernieuwing van het pensioenstelsel in te dienen. Het perspectief van het Klimaatakkoord en de Klimaatwet is een vermindering van de CO2 -uitstoot met minimaal 49 procent in 2030, op weg naar een klimaatneutraal Nederland in 2050. Later dit najaar verschijnt de eerste Klimaatnota. Voor komend jaar zitten er verschillende maatregelen in het vat, zoals een CO2-heffing voor de industrie, een kleiner aandeel van kolencentrales in de elektriciteitsproductie, en maatregelen om de circulaire economie, waarin afval weer grondstof wordt, te stimuleren. Daarbovenop wil de regering een vliegende start maken met het Nationaal Groeifonds. Dit fonds is er voor het toekomstig verdienvermogen van ons land en daarmee voor de welvaart van morgen. Met het fonds wil de regering investeren in kennisontwikkeling, innovatie en infrastructuur. Dat laatste omvat naast wegen en spoor ook de digitale snelweg en de infrastructuur voor energie. De unieke schaal en de looptijd van het fonds maken het mogelijk Nederland welvarender, schoner en duurzamer over te dragen aan de jongeren van nu. Voor de komende vijf jaar is een bedrag van 20 miljard euro beschikbaar. Tot slot is door het coronavirus nog duidelijker geworden hoe belangrijk het is ervoor te zorgen dat ook voor volgende generaties de beste zorg beschikbaar blijft. Uit vele internationale vergelijkingen blijkt dat de Nederlandse zorg van wereldklasse is. Maar dat neemt niet weg dat er een grens is aan de spankracht van de zorginstellingen en de mensen die er werken. Voor de korte termijn moeten we daar lessen uit trekken om voorbereid te zijn op een mogelijke tweede golf. Voor de lange termijn dringen zich andere lessen op, die bijvoorbeeld te maken hebben met de organisatie van de zorg en de werkdruk van het zorgpersoneel, de vraag of meer zorg op afstand mogelijk is en de noodzaak van preventie en zorginnovaties. Het kabinet komt met voorstellen om zoveel mogelijk mensen voor de zorg te behouden en nog meer mensen te verleiden voor deze sector te kiezen, bijvoorbeeld met meer doorgroeimogelijkheden, minder administratie en meer zeggenschap. De waardering voor de werkers in de zorg komt ook tot uitdrukking in een extra bonus voor extra inspanningen, dit jaar en volgend jaar. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De coronacrisis stelt ons ernstig op de proef in alles wat van waarde is: gezondheid, werk, familie en vriendschappen. En we realiseren ons: juist nu wordt gezamenlijkheid en verantwoordelijkheid gevraagd. Bij elke generatie leven in deze tijd specifieke zorgen en vragen. Maar precies in de verbondenheid tussen generaties kan iedereen, jong en oud, op zijn of haar eigen plaats een bijdrage leveren om deze moeilijke periode te boven te komen. Onze belangrijkste zekerheid is dat Nederland economisch, sociaal en mentaal steeds veerkracht toont. De opdracht in het parlementaire jaar dat vandaag begint, is over deze crisis heen de toekomst te blijven zien en te blijven werken aan perspectief voor alle generaties. U mag zich in uw werk gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Vandaag precies 75 jaar geleden begon operatie Market Garden. Na jaren van knechting en tirannie kwam de hoop op een betere toekomst die dag letterlijk van boven, in de vorm van duizenden geallieerde parachutisten. Ooggetuigen die op 17 september 1944 de lucht boven Eindhoven, Arnhem en Nijmegen donker zagen kleuren, zouden dat beeld nooit vergeten. 75 jaar later lijken vrijheid, democratie en een sterke rechtsstaat vanzelfsprekende waarden. Maar wie de wereld beschouwt, realiseert zich hoe bijzonder het is te leven in een land waarin mensen zich veilig kunnen voelen. Waarin vrijheid samengaat met verdraagzaamheid en verantwoordelijkheidsgevoel. En waarin mensen nog altijd iets voor een ander overhebben. Hoewel in het publieke debat en op social media tegenstellingen soms de boventoon lijken te voeren, is de dagelijkse realiteit voor de meesten van ons anders. Nederland blijft een land van vrijwilligers en van verstandige compromissen in het brede midden. Van jong tot oud, van werkvloer tot bestuurskamer en van Willemstad tot Amsterdam willen mensen meedoen en hun bijdrage leveren. Dat is wat ons bindt en wat we met elkaar moeten koesteren. In die traditie is Nederland na de bevrijding met hard werken opgebouwd door de generaties voor ons. Behoud en versterking van alles wat is bereikt, is onze verplichting aan de generaties na ons. In het hart van het regeerakkoord ligt daarom de ambitie te bouwen aan een samenleving waarin mensen zich zeker voelen en vertrouwen in de toekomst kunnen hebben, houden of herwinnen. Dat vertrouwen begint bij een sterke rechtsstaat die beschermt tegen criminaliteit, willekeur en machtsmisbruik. Bij waardevol werk en een fatsoenlijk inkomen. Bij gezondheid en goede, toegankelijke zorg. Bij een opleiding die kansen biedt. Bij een stevig sociaal netwerk van familie, vrienden, geloofsgemeenschappen en verenigingen. En bij een betaalbaar huis in een veilige buurt. Vaak voeren we discussies aan de hand van cijfers. Maar de levens van ruim 17 miljoen individuele Nederlanders passen niet in een mal. Mensen volgen een opleiding, veranderen van baan, starten een onderneming, kopen een huis, gaan relaties aan, krijgen kinderen, of worden getroffen door ziekte of verlies van een dierbare. Het zijn dit soort keuzes en gebeurtenissen die grote impact hebben. Veel groter dan een koopkrachtcijfer, een macro-economisch groeipercentage of een belastingmaatregel. Geen enkel leven voegt zich naar de mediaan van een statistisch model. Tegelijkertijd staat buiten kijf dat een sterke economie nodig is om met elkaar verder te bouwen aan een sterk Nederland. Goede voorzieningen kosten nu eenmaal geld, dat eerst moet worden verdiend. De vooruitzichten voor volgend jaar zijn nog altijd positief. Niet eerder hadden zoveel mensen betaald werk. De staatsschuld is onder controle en de lasten kunnen omlaag. Zowel de ramingen van de groei, als de koopkracht en het begrotingssaldo laten voor komend jaar plussen zien. Maar de realiteit is ook dat Nederland de komende jaren in een fase van gematigder groei komt. Onze internationaal georiënteerde economie is kwetsbaar voor verstoringen op de wereldmarkt, vooral als gevolg van handelsconflicten. Bovendien werpt de dreigende brexit zijn schaduw vooruit. Daarmee geldt zowel voor de korte als de lange termijn een winstwaarschuwing, die dwingt tot nadenken over de vraag hoe Nederland in de toekomst zijn geld verdient en een land met goede voorzieningen kan blijven. In het regeerakkoord is afgesproken publieke voorzieningen sterker te maken. Dat is over de volle breedte werk in uitvoering. Zo krijgen de medewerkers in de verpleeghuizen meer tijd en ruimte om persoonlijke aandacht te geven aan bewoners. Onze militairen kunnen met nieuw materieel hun werk beter doen. Er komen meer politieagenten. We investeren in wegen en spoor. In heel Nederland komen regionale plannen tot uitvoering om de leefbaarheid van het platteland te verbeteren en economische kansen te benutten. Samen met gemeenten en maatschappelijke organisaties is een groot offensief gestart om problematische schulden in gezinnen te voorkomen of terug te dringen. Er worden maatregelen genomen om ervoor te zorgen dat mensen met een beperking makkelijker aan het werk kunnen komen. En ook in Caribisch Nederland verbeteren we de koopkracht en de infrastructuur en versterken we het bestuur. De regering realiseert zich terdege dat niet elk vraagstuk met een financiële injectie meteen is opgelost. Zo is er een forse extra investering gedaan om het vak van leraar aantrekkelijker te maken, met een lagere werkdruk en meer werkplezier als resultaat. Ook zien we een toenemende belangstelling voor de pabo en voor zij-instroom in het primair onderwijs. Desondanks blijft het probleem van het lerarentekort nijpend. De regering blijft bevorderen dat nog meer mensen voor dit mooie beroep kiezen. Met het pensioenakkoord en het klimaatakkoord verzetten we als land de bakens voor de middellange en lange termijn. Ook de generaties na ons hebben recht op een goed pensioen, schone lucht en een leefbaar land. De grote veranderingen die nodig zijn, vragen een vooruitziende blik – zoals ooit de ingrijpende besluiten om Nederland veilig te houden met de Afsluitdijk en de Deltawerken. Dat waren investeringen uit noodzaak, die ons de kennis en ervaring hebben opgeleverd om nu in eigen land en wereldwijd te werken aan waterveiligheid voor de 21e eeuw. De keuze voor een klimaatneutraal Nederland in 2050 is even noodzakelijk en even kansrijk. Schone lucht en nieuwe vormen van energie kunnen hand in hand gaan met duurzame landbouw, schone mobiliteit en kansen voor een innovatief bedrijfsleven. De uitvoering van het pensioenakkoord en het klimaatakkoord start dit parlementaire jaar. U kunt voorstellen verwachten om de AOW-leeftijd minder snel te laten stijgen en ervoor te zorgen dat mensen gezond en werkend hun pensioen kunnen halen. Voor het klimaatakkoord geldt dat de doelen worden gehaald, terwijl de rekening eerlijk wordt verdeeld en niet alles ineens anders hoeft. We zetten nu de eerste stappen. Voor de industrie komt er een CO2-heffing. Huishoudens worden in staat gesteld de energietransitie stap voor stap mee te maken. De energiebelasting daalt en er komt een warmtefonds als stimulans voor huiseigenaren om te investeren in klimaatmaatregelen. Een aantal concrete plannen voor de korte termijn komt boven op het regeerakkoord. Een land is niet statisch. Nieuwe urgente vraagstukken dienen zich steeds aan. Zo dwingt een gerechtelijke uitspraak over de uitstoot van stikstof te zoeken naar een nieuwe aanpak, waarbij ruimtelijke ontwikkelingen mogelijk blijven. Een ander voorbeeld is het besluit knelpunten in de jeugdzorg aan te pakken met extra geld voor gemeenten. Om sneller en meer woningen te kunnen bouwen voor starters en middeninkomens, komt er een woningbouwimpuls en krijgen corporaties die meer sociale woningen bouwen een korting op de verhuurdersheffing. Met meer armslag voor de rechtspraak en het Openbaar Ministerie versterken we de rechtsstaat. Een laatste voorbeeld is het besluit de gaswinning in Groningen nog sneller terug te dringen dan eerder besloten. Mensen die in een huis wonen dat versterkt moet worden, mogen op meer urgentie rekenen en de regering investeert met het Nationaal Programma Groningen in de toekomst van het hele gebied. Daarnaast wil het kabinet in de komende periode enkele lijnen voor de lange termijn uitzetten. Een belangrijke vraag is hoe de Nederlandse economie ook over twintig of dertig jaar duurzaam kan blijven groeien. Daarvoor komt de regering nog dit jaar met een breed opgezette groeiagenda en begin volgend jaar met een opzet voor een investeringsfonds. Het doel is specifieke projecten mogelijk te maken in de sfeer van kennisontwikkeling, innovatie en infrastructuur, die het fundament onder de economie van de toekomst sterker maken. Grote vragen voor de lange termijn spelen ook in de zorgsector. Het is positief dat we gemiddeld steeds langer leven. Maar daarmee stijgt ook het aantal chronische aandoeningen en is er steeds meer zorg nodig, terwijl er grenzen zijn aan de beschikbaarheid van mensen en middelen. In deze periode worden al belangrijke stappen gezet. Bijvoorbeeld met gerichte maatregelen om meer mensen te laten kiezen en te behouden voor een carrière in de zorg. Met sectorbrede akkoorden om de groei van de uitgaven te beperken en de zorg beter te maken. En met het sportakkoord en preventieakkoord, die de toekomstige zorgvraag beïnvloeden. Maar er is meer nodig. De vraag voor de lange termijn is: hoe houden we de zorg goed en toegankelijk voor iedereen? Hoe zorgen we straks voor genoeg liefdevolle handen aan het bed en in de thuiszorg – de onmisbare mensen die dag en nacht beschikbaar zijn? En hoe passen we technische zorginnovaties op brede schaal toe? Voor de zomer van 2020 schetst de regering de contouren voor de toekomstige organisatie van de zorg. Vertrouwen in de toekomst heeft ook te maken met de manier waarop mensen zich vertegenwoordigd voelen en met de kwaliteit van de publieke dienstverlening. Politiek en overheid moeten van iedereen zijn en er voor iedereen zijn. De ambitie is om op beide punten verbeteringen door te voeren. In reactie op het advies van de staatscommissie parlementair stelsel doet de regering voorstellen voor de vernieuwing en vereenvoudiging van het kiesstelsel, met meer mogelijkheden voor kiezers om invloed uit te oefenen op wie er precies in de Tweede Kamer komt. Om de stem van jongeren luider te laten klinken, komt er een jongerenparlement. De dienstverlening van de overheid moet veel hoger op de agenda. Uitvoeringsorganisaties als de Belastingdienst en het UWV zijn het gezicht van de overheid. Daar komen mensen de overheid tegen. Zij mogen eenvoudigweg verwachten aan het overheidsloket goed te worden geholpen. De oorzaken van de huidige problemen zijn divers: verouderde ICT, personeelstekorten en te veel te gedetailleerd beleid, waardoor de uitvoering te ingewikkeld wordt. Medewerkers van uitvoeringsorganisaties staan hierdoor soms voor een onmogelijke opgave en de menselijke maat verdwijnt uit het zicht. De structurele verbeteringen die nodig zijn, vragen tijd en een samenhangende aanpak, waarvoor de regering voorstellen zal doen. Uiteraard realiseren we ons bij de start van de viering van 75 jaar bevrijding nog eens extra hoezeer welvaart en welzijn in Nederland afhangen van de internationale context. Onze bevrijders kwamen van over de grens. En de belofte van een betere toekomst die toen zo intens werd gevoeld, kreeg na de oorlog internationaal vorm en inhoud door nieuwe organisaties als de Verenigde Naties, de NAVO en de Europese Unie. Die internationale inbedding heeft ons land veel gebracht. Het goed functioneren van de naoorlogse multilaterale wereldorde en internationale stabiliteit zijn cruciaal voor onze rechtsstaat en voor de kracht van onze economie. Het Nederlands belang en onze internationale verantwoordelijkheid om de waarden van vrijheid, democratie en rechtsstaat verder te brengen, liggen in elkaars verlengde. Die gedachte ligt ook ten grondslag aan het beleid op het terrein van ontwikkelingssamenwerking en de inzet van onze uitgezonden militairen. Mede dankzij hen leven wij al 75 jaar in vrede en veiligheid. Maar datzelfde multilaterale systeem staat onder druk. De spelregels veranderen in snel tempo. De positie van landen als China en India als economische en politieke grootmachten en de opstelling van Rusland veranderen de geopolitieke verhoudingen. De oude en waardevolle partnerschappen met de Verenigde Staten en het Verenigd Koninkrijk krijgen ten dele een andere invulling. De vrije wereldhandel wordt bedreigd door protectionisme en handelsconflicten. Nederland en Europa moeten daarop zelfbewust en met realisme inspelen. Voor de regering staat buiten kijf dat de trans-Atlantische samenwerking en de Europese Unie de hoekstenen zijn van het Nederlandse buitenlands beleid. Wel moet het naoorlogse multilaterale systeem in tal van opzichten dringend bij de tijd worden gebracht. Voorbeelden zijn de internationale bescherming van intellectueel eigendom, cyberveiligheid en de effectiviteit van de besluitvorming in de VN en de Wereldhandelsorganisatie. Een blik op de wereldkaart laat zien dat een sterke en eensgezinde Europese Unie steeds noodzakelijker wordt om de belangen van de afzonderlijke lidstaten te bevorderen – zeker ook het Nederlands belang. Draagvlak en effectiviteit vragen een Unie die duidelijke prioriteiten stelt, gezamenlijke kansen grijpt en werkt aan grensoverschrijdende problemen die landen niet alleen kunnen oplossen. De Nederlandse prioriteiten komen herkenbaar terug in de nieuwe strategische agenda: veiligheid, een sterke en duurzame Europese economie, een gezamenlijk klimaatbeleid, eerbiediging van de rechtsstaat en niet in de laatste plaats een effectief migratiebeleid. Het aantal migranten dat naar Europa komt is ten opzichte van 2015 weliswaar sterk gedaald. Maar de aanhoudende druk op de Europese buitengrenzen, het afschuwelijke lot van veel migranten die de Middellandse Zee proberen over te steken en de gebrekkige onderlinge solidariteit tussen de EU-lidstaten vragen nieuwe stappen. Ieder land moet zijn deel doen. Nederland vangt vluchtelingen, de mensen die onze hulp echt nodig hebben, altijd op en biedt hun de kans mee te doen, met alle rechten en plichten die daarbij horen. Juist daarom moet aan asielzoekers die geen kans maken op een status en van wie een deel overlast veroorzaakt, een halt worden toegeroepen. Ook hierin moet de EU gezamenlijk optreden, zeker in de richting van de landen van herkomst. Zo blijft het draagvlak voor een humaan en eerlijk asielbeleid intact. Door de politieke en humanitaire crisis in Venezuela wordt ook het Caribische deel van het Koninkrijk geconfronteerd met de dreiging van grootschalige migratie en de economische gevolgen daarvan. Er is vanuit Nederland praktische hulp en bijstand beschikbaar. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Een 96-jarige oud-Engelandvaarder, die als lid van de Prinses Irene Brigade deelnam aan de bevrijding van ons land, zei laatst het volgende: ‘Ik voel me verantwoordelijk om door te geven aan jongere generaties dat je in verzet moet komen als het nodig is.’ Het zijn de woorden van Rudi Hemmes. Als jonge man maakte deze held met gevaar voor eigen leven een keuze voor de toekomst van ons land. En nu, 75 jaar later, is het nog altijd de toekomst die hem drijft. Dat is niet alleen inspirerend – het is een opdracht aan ons allen. Op u, leden van de Staten-Generaal, rust daarbij een speciale verantwoordelijkheid. U mag zich in uw werk gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. In het parlementaire jaar dat voor ons ligt, start de herdenking van 75 jaar bevrijding. In het najaar van 1944 werd de bezetter uit grote delen van Zuid-Nederland verdreven. Boven de grote rivieren duurde het nog een lange Hongerwinter voordat ook daar het Wilhelmus weer klonk. Op herdenkingsmomenten als deze realiseren we ons hoe sterk het land is dat sindsdien is opgebouwd. Sterk in termen van welvaart, ondernemerschap en bestaanszekerheid. Sterk door de democratische waarden die verankerd zijn in onze rechtsstaat: gelijkwaardigheid, tolerantie, vrijheid en rechtszekerheid. En Nederland is sterk door de beschikbaarheid van zorg, onderwijs en een dak boven het hoofd. Zo vertelt de naoorlogse geschiedenis een verhaal van vooruitgang en verbetering. Ondanks perioden van neergang is de richting omhoog en vooruit. De regering wil dit sterke land nog beter maken. De economische voorwaarden zijn daarvoor aanwezig. In 2019 groeit de economie voor het zesde jaar op rij. Naar verwachting neemt het nationaal inkomen volgend jaar met 2,6 procent toe en bedraagt het overschot op de rijksbegroting 1 procent. Hierdoor wordt de staatsschuld lager en is Nederland beter voorbereid op toekomstige economische schokken. De werkloosheid daalt naar een historisch laag niveau van 3,5 procent. Daarmee is dit het moment om opnieuw richting te kiezen. Om keuzes te maken die ruimte en zekerheid bieden in het hier en nu en voor volgende generaties. Meer mensen moeten concreet merken dat het goed gaat: thuis, op het werk en in de wijk. Mensen moeten ook weer voelen dat de politiek er voor iedereen is. Er leven vragen: kunnen wij en onze kinderen blijven rekenen op goede zorg, een betaalbaar huis, een baan, goed onderwijs, een veilige buurt, een schone leefomgeving en een goed pensioen? En er is de vraag die niet in een rekenmachine past: leven we in Nederland wel voldoende met elkaar en niet te veel naast elkaar? Een steeds beter land is niet vanzelfsprekend, maar vergt permanent onderhoud en vernieuwing. Vertrouwen in de toekomst is werk in uitvoering. Bouwen aan een hechte samenleving gaat iedereen in ons land aan. Vooropgesteld: er gaat veel goed. Nederland is een land van vrijwilligers, kerken en verenigingen, dat samenkomt rond bijzondere sportprestaties en op nationale feestdagen. Waar het niet goed gaat, wil de regering actie ondernemen. Dat is niet in één programma of wet te regelen, want een hechte samenleving omvat alle beleidsterreinen en alle bestuurslagen. De regering neemt initiatieven om eenzaamheid onder ouderen tegen te gaan en kwetsbare groepen meer vaste grond onder de voeten te geven. We mogen niet berusten in het feit dat meer dan de helft van de 75+’ers zegt zich eenzaam te voelen. We mogen ook niet accepteren dat mensen met problematische schulden, personen met verward gedrag en een groeiend aantal zwerfjongeren aan de rand van de samenleving komen te staan. Samen met provincies, gemeenten en lokale instanties wil het Rijk brede coalities vormen om mensen uit hun isolement te halen en een nieuwe kans te geven. De regering investeert ook in historisch besef en culturele diversiteit. Erfgoed en cultuur laten ons zien waar we vandaan komen, houden ons een spiegel voor in het heden en zijn zo van grote betekenis voor de toekomst van ons land. Er komt in deze kabinetsperiode 325 miljoen euro extra beschikbaar voor erfgoed. Het budget voor cultuur stijgt met een bedrag dat oploopt naar 80 miljoen euro per jaar vanaf 2020. Daarmee komt er meer ruimte voor nieuw artistiek talent en wordt het mogelijk dat alle kinderen tijdens hun schooltijd een museum bezoeken. Bouwen aan een hechte samenleving gaat uiteraard ook over integratie. In de voorstellen voor een nieuw inburgeringsstelsel kunnen en moeten statushouders direct aan het werk gaan en zo snel mogelijk goed Nederlands leren. Werk en taal zijn immers de kortste weg naar volwaardig meedoen in de samenleving. Voor de kracht van de samenleving is het positief dat mensen volgend jaar meer te besteden krijgen, zowel de brede middengroep van mensen met een modaal inkomen als ouderen en uitkeringsgerechtigden. De lonen in ons land stijgen. Mensen vinden weer een baan, maken carrière of gaan meer uren werken. En door een modernisering van ons belastingstelsel gaat werken meer lonen. De belasting op consumptie gaat iets omhoog, waardoor ruimte ontstaat voor lagere lasten op arbeid. Per saldo houden huishoudens de komende jaren meer over. De gunstige economie biedt ruimte om de sociaaleconomische structuur van ons land sterker en moderner te maken. Het wetsvoorstel Arbeidsmarkt in balans heeft als doel dat het voor werkgevers minder risicovol wordt mensen een vast contract aan te bieden. De regering wil daarnaast schijnzelfstandigheid tegengaan. Zzp’ers die bewust kiezen voor het ondernemerschap wordt niets in de weg gelegd. Omdat een moderne arbeidsmarkt rekening houdt met persoonlijke omstandigheden, wordt het geboorteverlof voor partners verlengd van twee dagen tot maximaal zes weken. Nog teveel mensen met een arbeidsbeperking staan ongewild langs de kant. De regering start een breed offensief om aan hen meer kans te geven op een volwaardige baan. Werken moet lonen, ook voor deze groep. Het huidige pensioenstelsel maakt collectieve verwachtingen van mensen steeds minder waar. De stijgende levensverwachting, veranderingen op de arbeidsmarkt en de aanhoudend lage rente hebben kwetsbaarheden aan het licht gebracht. De regering wil samen met sociale partners werken aan een pensioenstelsel dat deze kwetsbaarheden niet kent en dat tegelijkertijd sterke elementen als de collectieve uitvoering en risicodeling handhaaft. Nederland heeft van oudsher een goed vestigingsklimaat en dat moet zo blijven. Ook daarom blijven we de komende jaren investeren in onderwijs, innovatie en wetenschap, en een aantrekkelijke woonomgeving. Voor een inhaalslag in infrastructuur is in deze kabinetsperiode 2 miljard euro extra beschikbaar. Daarmee worden fileknelpunten aangepakt, de verkeersveiligheid verbeterd en het openbaar vervoer versterkt. Met fiscale maatregelen vergroten we de aantrekkingskracht van ons land voor grote en kleinere bedrijven. De vennootschapsbelasting wordt lager en de dividendbelasting wordt afgeschaft. We willen echte bedrijvigheid belonen en alleen bedrijven naar ons land halen die wat toevoegen aan onze economie. Belastingontwijking, zoals in het geval van brievenbusfirma’s, wordt daarom tegengegaan. De gunstige economie biedt ook ruimte om te investeren in voorzieningen en vakmensen die de basis vormen onder een sterk land. Dat doen we met oog voor verpleegkundigen én hun patiënten en cliënten. Met verbeteringen voor leraren én leerlingen. Met aandacht voor meer agenten én veiligheid op straat. Met erkenning van de grote betekenis van het werk van onze militairen in binnen- en buitenland. En met waardering voor onze boeren, tuinders en vissers, die onder soms moeilijke omstandigheden zorgen voor ons voedsel. Het kabinet komt met gerichte maatregelen om landbouw en natuur meer met elkaar te verbinden. Daarnaast komt er een fonds voor jonge boeren die het bedrijf van hun ouders willen overnemen. In het vorige begrotingsjaar is al extra geld vrijgemaakt voor zorg aan ouderen, zodat zij kunnen vertrouwen op voldoende tijd, aandacht en goede zorg, thuis of in het verpleeghuis. Die trend zet door. Het extra bedrag voor de ouderenzorg loopt in deze kabinetsperiode op naar ongeveer 3 miljard euro per jaar. Ook onze kinderen en kleinkinderen hebben recht op goede en voor iedereen toegankelijke zorg. Daar moeten we nu aan werken, want de groep ouderen wordt groter en de ontwikkeling van nieuwe medische technieken en medicijnen staat niet stil. In de collectieve uitgaven gaat nu van elke euro al meer dan 25 cent naar de zorg. Daarom zijn met de ziekenhuizen, huisartsen, wijkverpleegkundigen en de ggz nieuwe akkoorden gesloten over de kwaliteit en een beheerste kostengroei. Om beter te kunnen voldoen aan de grote vraag naar technisch personeel krijgen vmbo-scholen met een technisch profiel extra geld. Het kabinet investeert daarnaast fors extra in voor- en vroegschools onderwijs, zodat de jongste kinderen met het risico op een achterstand meer aandacht krijgen. Om het nijpende lerarentekort aan te pakken, is geld vrijgemaakt voor hogere salarissen in het primair onderwijs, verlaging van de werkdruk en halvering van het collegegeld in de eerste twee jaar van de lerarenopleiding. Het lerarentekort vraagt ook de komende jaren om actie en samenwerking van alle partijen in het onderwijs. De bestrijding van grootschalige en georganiseerde criminaliteit vraagt meer aandacht. Nederland is een rechtsstaat waar criminelen niet de dienst uitmaken. We berusten dus niet in verloedering, in criminele afrekeningen en in drugscriminaliteit die in sommige delen van ons land industriële vormen aanneemt. Er komen ruim 1100 agenten bij, van wie het merendeel in de wijken gaat werken. Een groeiend probleem is de vermenging van onder- en bovenwereld. Met een speciaal fonds dringen we deze zogeheten ‘ondermijning’ terug. Daarnaast komt extra geld beschikbaar voor cybersecurity, omdat het nodig is de digitale infrastructuur van ons land te beveiligen. Onze militairen hebben binnen en buiten de landsgrenzen een belangrijke taak om Nederland veilig te houden. Na jaren van bezuinigen zet de trendbreuk van hogere defensie-uitgaven in 2019 en daarna steviger door. Het gaat om een bedrag dat oploopt naar 1,5 miljard euro extra per jaar aan het einde van deze kabinetsperiode. Dat is een verhoging van de defensiebegroting met 17 procent. Met deze noodzakelijke investering kan de krijgsmacht haar grondwettelijke taak het Koninkrijk te beschermen beter uitvoeren. Een groot probleem is de oververhitte woningmarkt. Vooral in de grote steden zijn betaalbare woningen schaars en komen starters er niet of nauwelijks tussen. Er is grote behoefte aan woningen met een huur van 700 tot 1000 euro per maand. De regering slaat de handen ineen met gemeenten, woningcorporaties en bouwers. Het gezamenlijke doel is de bestaande woningvoorraad beter te benutten, uitwassen op de huurmarkt tegen te gaan en een inhaalslag te maken in de bouw van nieuwe huizen. De ambitie is om per jaar gemiddeld 75.000 woningen te bouwen. Het spreekt vanzelf dat de problemen niet met één druk op de knop zijn op te lossen. Maar het is wel noodzakelijk het tij te keren. Datzelfde geldt voor het klimaatbeleid. Net zoals deze generatie volgende generaties niet mag opzadelen met een onhoudbare staatsschuld, mogen we ook geen milieuschuld doorgeven. De realiteit is dat het klimaatbeleid raakt aan onze hele manier van wonen, werken en leven. Tegelijkertijd biedt een ambitieus klimaatbeleid kansen voor de innovatiekracht van Nederland. In de zomer presenteerden vertegenwoordigers van de industrie, energiesector, landbouw, natuurorganisaties en logistieke bedrijven een voorstel voor hoofdlijnen van een klimaatakkoord. Bij de uitwerking staat voorop dat de omslag naar schonere energiebronnen en productiemethoden voor iedereen in ons land haalbaar en betaalbaar moet zijn. Deze grote bocht kunnen we alleen met elkaar maken. Het parlementaire initiatief voor de klimaatwet laat zien dat dit mogelijk is. De urgentie van de energietransitie is alleen maar groter geworden na het besluit om de gaswinning in Groningen zo snel mogelijk af te bouwen naar nul. Met dit besluit wil de regering recht doen aan de inwoners van het aardbevingsgebied. Natuurlijk zijn hiermee niet ineens alle problemen opgelost. Daarom zet de regering concrete vervolgstappen om de schade te vergoeden en de regionale economie te versterken. Rijk, provincies, gemeenten en waterschappen kunnen veel doelen alleen samen bereiken. De energietransitie, de veiligheid op straat, de zorg voor een vitaal en leefbaar platteland, maar ook de aanpak van huiselijk geweld en kindermishandeling – het vraagt allemaal om bestuurlijke samenwerking. De rol van de medeoverheden wordt groter en belangrijker. De groei van het gemeente- en provinciefonds helpt hen alle taken goed te kunnen blijven uitvoeren. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, de naoorlogse geschiedenis bewijst dat bouwen aan een sterk Nederland niet kan zonder de blik naar buiten te richten. In de inbedding van ons land in internationale structuren ligt de basis voor blijvende welvaart en veiligheid. Vanuit dit dragend principe is Nederland actief lid van de NAVO, de VN, de EU en organisaties als de Wereldhandelsorganisatie. De multilaterale wereldorde die na de Tweede Wereldoorlog is opgebouwd staat onder druk. De bedreigingen voor de internationale rechtsorde en de vrije wereldhandel zijn legio, zowel in de ring rond Europa als verder weg. Het is een direct Nederlands belang om een bijdrage te leveren aan een stabiele internationale omgeving. De Nederlandse militairen, die zich daar onder de moeilijkste omstandigheden voor inzetten, hebben onze onvoorwaardelijke steun. Tot 1 januari 2019 is het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden lid van de Veiligheidsraad. In die rol leggen we de nadruk onder andere op modernisering van de VN-organisatie en VN-missies en op meer aandacht voor het voorkomen van conflicten. De Nederlandse ontwikkelingssamenwerking wordt gedragen door de beproefde combinatie van hulp en handel. Er komt extra geld en aandacht voor hulp aan vluchtelingen, voor opvang in de regio, voor onderwijs in ontwikkelingslanden en voor ondersteuning bij het realiseren van klimaatdoelstellingen. Het dichtstbij zijn onze partners in de Europese Unie, met wie we samen werken aan veiligheid, stabiliteit en welvaart voor alle inwoners van de lidstaten. Het lidmaatschap van de EU maakt ons land sterker in een wereld waarin machtsverhoudingen verschuiven en oude allianties niet meer vanzelfsprekend zijn. Het is een Nederlands belang dat Europa zich collectief sterk blijft maken voor vrije wereldhandel en tegen de dreiging van importtarieven en andere handelsbelemmeringen. Voor de Europese Unie wordt 2019 een intensief jaar met een nieuwe Europese Commissie en een nog onvoorspelbare brexit. De Nederlandse regering blijft zich met een positieve agenda sterk maken voor een betere EU, die zich richt op kerntaken en afspraken nakomt. Gezamenlijk moeten we de interne markt verder verdiepen en de euro sterker maken. Samen staan we pal voor de rechtsstaat. En alleen samen kunnen we de onrust aan de buitengrenzen van Europa en het migratievraagstuk effectief aanpakken. In Koninkrijksverband heeft de wederopbouw van Sint Maarten, Sint Eustatius en Saba hoge prioriteit na twee vernietigende orkanen in 2017. De komende jaren wordt hiervoor ruim 600 miljoen euro vrijgemaakt. Met de regeringen van Curaçao en Aruba werkt Nederland aan concrete verbeteringen. Bijvoorbeeld door meer Nederlandse bedrijven te interesseren om op Curaçao te investeren en door de verbetering van de jeugdhulpverlening op Aruba te ondersteunen. De gezamenlijke kustwacht heeft een cruciale rol in het beheersen van migratiestromen en de rechtshandhaving. Op Bonaire, Sint Eustatius en Saba neemt de regering concrete maatregelen om de armoede terug te dringen. De werkgeverslasten in Caribisch Nederland worden met 5 procent verlaagd, waardoor het minimumloon en de uitkeringen met 5 procent kunnen stijgen. Daarnaast is 30 miljoen euro beschikbaar voor armoedebestrijding, infrastructuur en economische ontwikkeling. Zo blijven we samen vorm geven aan een Koninkrijk waarin we elkaar terzijde staan. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Honderd jaar geleden vonden in Nederland de eerste verkiezingen plaats na de invoering van het algemeen mannenkiesrecht en het systeem van evenredige vertegenwoordiging. Traditionele stromingen verloren terrein. De scheidslijnen van de verzuiling tekenden zich scherper af dan daarvoor. En zowel ter linker- als ter rechterzijde dienden zich nieuwe, vaak kleine fracties aan. Het confessionele kabinet-Ruijs de Beerenbrouck dat in september 1918 aantrad, in de nasleep van de Eerste Wereldoorlog, steunde op precies de helft van het aantal zetels in de Tweede Kamer. Desalniettemin wist het met de invoering van de achturige werkdag en het algemeen vrouwenkiesrecht wezenlijke verbeteringen door te voeren. Daarom vieren we in 2019 honderd jaar kiesrecht voor alle Nederlanders. Ieder tijdsgewricht is uniek. Maar misschien mag één parallel met het heden wel getrokken worden. Het kabinet realiseert zich dat er bij de uitvoering van het regeerakkoord geen vanzelfsprekende grote meerderheden zijn. Er is wel de Nederlandse traditie dat we met elkaar een sterk land stap voor stap steeds beter maken. In die traditie wil de regering werken, samen met u en samen met iedereen in ons land. In ons democratisch bestel rust daarbij een speciale verantwoordelijkheid op u, leden van de Staten-Generaal. U mag zich in uw werk gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Op Prinsjesdag zijn alle ogen traditioneel gericht op Den Haag. Maar vandaag zijn ons hart en onze gedachten in de eerste plaats bij de inwoners van Sint Maarten, Saba en Sint Eustatius, die zo zwaar getroffen zijn door de verwoestende kracht van orkaan Irma. Wij allen leven intens mee. Juist in deze moeilijke omstandigheden wordt de onderlinge verbondenheid in het Koninkrijk zichtbaar. Van vele kanten is er steun uitgesproken en wordt hulp geboden. De regering zal doen wat in haar vermogen ligt om de acute nood te lenigen. Het Caribisch deel van het Koninkrijk staat er bij de wederopbouw niet alleen voor. Kijkend naar Nederland zien we aan het einde van deze kabinetsperiode veel positieve ontwikkelingen. Meer mensen hebben een baan. Meer mensen kopen een huis. Ondernemers investeren meer. En we zien na moeilijke jaren weer een bloeiende economie en een gezonde schatkist. Toch merkt niet iedereen de economische groei voldoende in het dagelijks leven. Het is daarom belangrijk dat meer mensen gaan profiteren van de economische voorspoed. Daarnaast zien we dat er in de wereld om ons heen veel aan de hand is. Denk aan alle oorlogen en gewapende conflicten die de wereld teisteren, aan de dreiging van het terrorisme en aan migratie. Ook in de geopolitieke verhoudingen verandert er het nodige. Dat Prinsjesdag dit jaar plaatsvindt in een tijd van kabinetsvorming betekent dat terughoudendheid geboden is bij het indienen van nieuwe voorstellen. Dat ontslaat de regering niet van de plicht te doen wat in het landsbelang is. Bijsturing is altijd nodig om in te kunnen spelen op actuele ontwikkelingen. Mede dankzij de constructieve opstelling van veel partijen in de Staten-Generaal is het fundament onder Nederland de afgelopen jaren sterker geworden. Ons land staat er stukken beter voor dan bij de start van het kabinet in 2012. Dat is het resultaat van de internationaal aantrekkende conjunctuur, maar ook van het aanpassingsvermogen, het harde werken en de veerkracht van de Nederlandse bevolking. Na jaren van tegenwind groeit de economie weer sinds 2014. Aan het begin van deze kabinetsperiode was er nog sprake van een krimp van 1 procent. Dit jaar en volgend jaar is de verwachte groei 3,3 en 2,5 procent. Veel relevante seinen staan op groen: de export, consumptie en bedrijfsinvesteringen groeien. Het overschot op de rijksbegroting loopt verder op. Een baan hebben of werkloos zijn, maakt een groot verschil in het leven van mensen. Daarom is het zo positief dat steeds meer mensen betaald werk hebben. De werkloosheid daalt in hoog tempo tot naar verwachting 4,3 procent volgend jaar. Maar hoe goed alle cijfers en prognoses ook zijn, niet iedereen profiteert daarvan. Er zijn nog steeds mensen die moeite hebben om iedere maand de huur te betalen en rond te komen of die zich zorgen maken over hun baanzekerheid. De regering heeft ervoor gezorgd dat alle groepen, ook sociale minima en ouderen, in 2018 in ieder geval hun koopkracht behouden. In een open en internationaal georiënteerde samenleving als de onze is het buitenland altijd een invloedrijke factor. De tendens van de laatste jaren is helaas dat de internationale instabiliteit toeneemt. Het is een trend die zich versterkt lijkt door te zetten en die de levens van mensen direct en indirect beïnvloedt. De internationale verwevenheid van ons land is vaak verrijkend. Nederlanders gaan in grote aantallen in het buitenland op vakantie. We staan wereldwijd in contact via sociale media. En we verdienen een groot deel van ons geld over de grens. Globalisering is een gegeven waarop we als land moeten inspelen. Veel Nederlanders plukken er de vruchten van. Maar dat geldt niet voor iedereen en niet op alle terreinen. Zo moeten mensen steeds vaker concurreren met werknemers uit andere landen, waarbij soms niet voor iedereen dezelfde spelregels gelden of worden gehanteerd. Spanningen elders in de wereld monden vaak uit in oorlog en geweld. Dat geweld komt soms heel dichtbij. Het meest bedreigend zijn de terroristische aanslagen in landen om ons heen. Plekken die bijna iedereen kent, kunnen zomaar veranderen in plaatsen van angst, verdriet en menselijk leed: de Promenade des Anglais, Westminster Bridge, de Ramblas. Toch moeten wij ons niet door angst laten regeren. Het beste antwoord op terrorisme is dat we vasthouden aan onze manier van leven. De betrokken veiligheidsdiensten zijn zeer alert en doen er alles aan om aanslagen te voorkomen. Bestrijden van radicalisering vraagt zowel om preventieve als repressieve acties, van aandacht op scholen tot intrekken van het Nederlanderschap. De kracht van onze manier van leven is dat ieder mens, ongeacht afkomst of overtuiging, in Nederland zichzelf kan zijn binnen de gedeelde waarden van de rechtsstaat. De regering investeert op tal van manieren in maatschappelijke samenhang, in integratie, in de naleving van wetten en in de versterking van onze gedeelde normen en waarden. Een verbonden samenleving is bovenal een gedeelde verantwoordelijkheid en een permanente opdracht waarin gezinnen, scholen, verenigingen, kortom wij allen, een eigen en belangrijke rol hebben. Om onze nationale veiligheid en welvaart te waarborgen werkt Nederland samen in de Europese Unie, de NAVO, de Verenigde Naties en andere internationale verbanden. Alleen samen met anderen kunnen we immers de vele internationale opgaven het hoofd bieden. Daarom is de uittreding uit de Europese Unie van een natuurlijke bondgenoot als het Verenigd Koninkrijk een teleurstellende stap, waar we zorgvuldig mee om dienen te gaan. In Brussel blijft Nederland zich hard maken voor een Europese Unie die oplossingen biedt voor vraagstukken op terreinen als veiligheid, migratie en klimaat en energie. Zo moeten de afspraken uit het klimaatakkoord van Parijs worden verankerd in een stevig Europees klimaat- en energiebeleid. Het tegengaan van klimaatverandering is per definitie een internationale opgave, waaraan ieder land moet bijdragen. In Nederland voeren we het Energieakkoord onverkort uit. Hierin staat de reductie van CO2-uitstoot centraal. In 2018 is het Koninkrijk lid van de VN-Veiligheidsraad. Dit lidmaatschap onderstreept onze blijvende inzet voor stabiliteit wereldwijd, met alle middelen die ons ter beschikking staan: diplomatie, ontwikkelingssamenwerking en de inzet van militairen. Het uitzenden van onze militairen is een grote verantwoordelijkheid die past in de internationale traditie waar Nederland voor staat en die in ons belang is. De Nederlandse mannen en vrouwen die zich, ook ver van huis, inzetten voor vrede en veiligheid, verdienen onze steun en ons grote respect. De Nederlandse militaire inzet blijft primair gericht op de bredere ring van instabiliteit rond Europa, omdat die Nederland en zijn bondgenoten het meest raakt. Onlangs heeft de regering u voorstellen gedaan om de lopende missies in Litouwen, Afghanistan en Mali, en de Nederlandse bijdrage aan de strijd tegen ISIS en de bestrijding van piraterij in 2018 voort te zetten. Om enkele urgente knelpunten aan te kunnen pakken, gaat er extra geld naar veiligheid en terrorismebestrijding. De inlichtingendiensten worden in staat gesteld meer personeel te werven. De Koninklijke Marechaussee krijgt middelen om de grensbewaking te versterken, onder andere op de luchthaven Schiphol. Om de toenemende risico's en dreigingen in de digitale wereld beter het hoofd te kunnen bieden, komt er extra geld om op te treden tegen cyberspionage, cybersabotage en cybercriminaliteit. Veiligheid en stabiliteit vormen ook in het Caribisch deel van het Koninkrijk de basis voor groei en welvaart. Daarom komt er extra geld voor de kustwacht en worden de inspanningen om de grensoverschrijdende en ondermijnende criminaliteit tegen te gaan, voor 4 jaar voortgezet. Goed onderwijs en armoedebestrijding zijn essentieel bij het werken aan structurele verbetering van de situatie in het Caribisch deel van het Koninkrijk. De regering biedt waar mogelijk praktische ondersteuning aan lokale initiatieven. De recente afspraken over armoedebestrijding met de nieuwe regering van Curaçao zijn hiervan een voorbeeld. De regering voelt de blijvende en bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid om recht te doen aan de onschuldige slachtoffers van vlucht MH17. Op 17 juli jongstleden, exact 3 jaar na het neerhalen van het vliegtuig, kwamen hun nabestaanden bijeen in het herinneringsbos in Vijfhuizen, waar 298 bomen herinneren aan de slachtoffers. Onlangs hebben alle betrokken landen besloten dat de volgende stap, de strafrechtelijke vervolging en berechting van de daders, zal plaatsvinden in Nederland. Vanaf 2018 is daarvoor geld gereserveerd. Voor de verpleeghuiszorg is volgend jaar meer geld beschikbaar. Het doel is om meer liefdevolle zorg te kunnen bieden aan de meest kwetsbare ouderen, door de inzet van meer personeel. Dit komt tegemoet aan een breed levende wens in de samenleving en in de Staten-Generaal. Om te voldoen aan de normen voor kwaliteit in verpleeghuizen, wordt in 2018 een eerste stap gezet met een budgetverhoging van € 435 miljoen. Goed onderwijs voor alle kinderen is belangrijk en leraren maken daarin het verschil. Daarvoor verdienen zij waardering. De regering investeert € 270 miljoen in de verbetering van en nieuwe afspraken over de arbeidsvoorwaarden in het primair onderwijs. De gaswinning in Groningen is in deze kabinetsperiode met meer dan de helft gereduceerd en per 1 oktober aanstaande wordt de productie verder teruggebracht. Maar er is meer nodig om recht te doen aan de getroffen Groningers. Een schadefonds en een nieuw schadeprotocol zijn in voorbereiding. De regering realiseert zich dat de grote zorgen van de mensen die wonen in het aardbevingsgebied in Groningen niet zomaar zijn weggenomen. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Op Prinsjesdag kijken we naar de stand van zaken in ons land, om van daaruit het beleid verder vorm te geven. Het is altijd een momentopname en nooit een eindbeeld. Voor de regering ligt er een permanente opdracht om te werken aan groei en een beter leven voor iedereen die in ons land woont. Dat past ook bij onze geschiedenis, waarin we met elkaar telkens weer de weg omhoog hebben weten te vinden. Op de drempel van de volgende kabinetsperiode start vandaag een nieuw parlementair jaar, waarin het programma van een volgend kabinet bepalend zal zijn voor uw werk. Nederland is een coalitieland. Door samenwerking is in de achter ons liggende periode veel bereikt en er is veel om op verder te bouwen. U hebt daarin als volksvertegenwoordigers een bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid. U mag zich gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Nederland heeft de laatste jaren weer vaste grond onder de voeten gekregen. De financieel-economische crisis ligt achter ons. Wij leven in een welvarend en aantrekkelijk land, ook in vergelijking met andere landen, en beschikken over goede voorzieningen, een goede infrastructuur en een sterke rechtsstaat. We hebben heel veel om trots op te zijn en op verder te bouwen. Tegelijkertijd zijn in de maalstroom van alledag onrust en onbehagen kenmerken van deze tijd. Met alles wat er wereldwijd speelt, is het begrijpelijk dat we ons als samenleving zorgen maken en sterker gaan hechten aan het vertrouwde en bekende. De internationale dreiging van terrorisme, de instabiliteit aan de buitengrenzen van Europa, het vluchtelingenvraagstuk en de economische onzekerheden op de wereldmarkt zijn immers reële problemen met een grote impact op het dagelijks leven. Het is echter niet voor het eerst in de geschiedenis van ons land dat we oplossingen moeten zoeken voor bedreigende en onvoorspelbare ontwikkelingen. Het is ook niet voor het laatst dat we die oplossingen gezamenlijk zullen vinden. De onlangs overleden oud-premier Piet de Jong, die de verstandige omgang met onrust en verandering bijna tot kunst wist te verheffen, sprak in zijn tijd regelmatig over de noodzaak van 'bestendige vooruitgang'. Hij zei eens: 'Het is een taak van de regering uit te kijken naar wat de toekomst moet worden en zo tijdig als mogelijk is aanpassingen tot stand te brengen die nodig zijn om de kansen te grijpen die de toekomst biedt.' Deze kabinetsperiode is gestart vanuit de overtuiging dat gezonde overheidsfinanciën en een sterke economie het fundament vormen onder een goed en solidair sociaal stelsel, goede zorg en goed onderwijs en een hoge kwaliteit van andere publieke voorzieningen voor volgende generaties. Bij alle grote veranderingen die zich hebben voorgedaan, is de doelstelling van het regeringsbeleid onveranderd gebleven: zorgen voor een toekomst waarin vooruitgang, innovatie en economische groei samen kunnen blijven gaan met bescherming, solidariteit en omzien naar elkaar - in de beste tradities van ons land. Enkele jaren geleden stonden deze verworvenheden onder druk. De economie kromp, het begrotingstekort was bijna 4 procent en het aantal mensen op zoek naar werk piekte op 700.000, ongeveer 8 procent van onze beroepsbevolking. Daarnaast waren de huizenprijzen fors gedaald, dreigde de AOW onbetaalbaar te worden en stegen de zorgkosten jaar op jaar veel sneller dan het nationaal inkomen. Dat ons land er nu beduidend beter voor staat dan een aantal jaren geleden en weer meedoet in de kopgroep van Europa, is een collectieve prestatie. Politieke tegenstellingen werden overbrugd en verschillende maatschappelijke belangen zijn met elkaar verenigd. Nog niet eerder werden zoveel grote hervormingen tegelijk in gang gezet, vaak met steun van oppositiepartijen en maatschappelijke organisaties. Dat gebeurde in de zorg en het onderwijs, op de arbeidsmarkt en de woningmarkt, en in de AOW, de energiesector en de financiële sector. Daarbij is veel gevraagd van iedereen. Velen brachten financiële offers en er is een groot beroep gedaan op de bereidheid veranderingen te accepteren in het dagelijks leven. Zonder het doorzettingsvermogen, het harde werken en de ondernemerszin van de Nederlandse bevolking was het resultaat minder positief geweest. Sinds enkele jaren groeit de Nederlandse economie weer bestendig. De verwachte groei voor 2017 komt, ondanks de brexit, uit op 1,7 procent. De woningmarkt is aangetrokken en de kostenstijgingen in de zorg zijn ingeperkt. Het begrotingstekort daalt volgend jaar naar 0,5 procent en ook de staatsschuld daalt snel richting 60 procent van ons nationaal inkomen. Daarmee komt er weer ruimte om te bewegen. Bij minder mensen staat de hypotheek onder water, waardoor verhuizen gemakkelijker wordt. Huurders krijgen meer financiële ruimte door een verhoging van de huurtoeslag. Ondernemers die vertrouwen in de toekomst hebben, investeren eerder in werknemers en in de vernieuwing van hun bedrijf. En gezinnen krijgen meer te besteden. Steeds meer mensen vinden weer werk. Na 2014 kwamen er in ons land meer dan 225.000 banen bij. Stap voor stap is de werkloosheid teruggedrongen naar 5,8 procent. Het is positief dat meer werkzoekenden boven de 45 jaar een baan vinden. Het aantal jongeren dat werk heeft, ligt op het hoogste niveau in zeven jaar tijd. De afspraken met werkgevers over meer banen voor mensen met een arbeidsbeperking worden voortvarend uitgevoerd. De arbeidsparticipatie groeit ook doordat steeds meer Nederlanders actief mee willen en kunnen doen op de arbeidsmarkt. Dit betekent wel dat het aantal werklozen minder snel terugloopt dan gehoopt. Daarom heeft de aanpak van de werkloosheid - in het bijzonder de langdurige werkloosheid - nog steeds hoge prioriteit. Met de sociale partners heeft de regering een aantal gerichte maatregelen afgesproken. Zo worden de regels voor seizoenswerk versoepeld en krijgen werkloze 50-plussers intensievere ondersteuning bij het vinden van werk. Het minimumjeugdloon vanaf 21 jaar wordt in twee stappen afgeschaft, omdat jongeren ook een volwaardig loon verdienen. Werkgevers krijgen hiervoor compensatie om negatieve effecten voor de werkgelegenheid tegen te gaan. De risico's en onzekerheden voor onze open en internationaal georiënteerde economie komen vooral uit het buitenland. Lagere groeicijfers in grote opkomende markten als China en Brazilië hebben hun weerslag op ons. Er zijn door de aangekondigde brexit ook nieuwe onzekerheden in Europa, die Nederland rechtstreeks raken. Het Verenigd Koninkrijk is een belangrijke handelspartner en de brexit kost banen, ook in ons land. Het doel van de regering is dat de economische relaties sterk blijven. Voor de open Nederlandse economie is samenwerking in Europa cruciaal. Nederland blijft zich in de Europese Unie richten op groei en banen. Een stabiele euro, een krachtige en slagvaardige bankenunie en een sterke en eerlijke interne Europese markt, met een gelijk loon voor hetzelfde werk op dezelfde plek, zijn direct in het belang van ons land. Door de positieve financieel-economische ontwikkelingen ontstaat langzaam maar zeker weer ruimte voor groei van inkomens en voor gerichte investeringen in de toekomst. Het is verheugend dat de koopkracht dit jaar en komend jaar opnieuw groeit voor werkenden, ouderen en mensen met een uitkering. Zo zorgt de regering opnieuw voor een evenwichtige koopkrachtverdeling. De zorgtoeslag gaat omhoog. Met een impuls van 200 miljoen euro wordt voor jonge ouders de drempel verlaagd om gebruik te maken van de kinderopvang, waardoor het gemakkelijker wordt om werk en gezin te combineren. Het is belangrijk dat kinderen die dreigen op te groeien in armoede deel kunnen nemen aan schoolreisjes, lid kunnen worden van een sportclub en de mogelijkheid krijgen op muziekles te gaan. Daarvoor komt 100 miljoen euro beschikbaar. Voorgenomen bezuinigingen in de langdurige ouderen- en gehandicaptenzorg ter grootte van een half miljard euro worden geschrapt. In het onderwijs komt extra geld beschikbaar om gelijke kansen te bevorderen. De tegemoetkoming voor specifieke schoolkosten in het mbo, bijvoorbeeld voor werkkleding, gereedschap en software, gaat omhoog. Grote investeringen in energietransitie, verduurzaming, bereikbaarheid en onderwijs zijn gewenst. Ook het midden- en kleinbedrijf moet financiering kunnen krijgen voor nieuwe groei. De regering komt met voorstellen om deze investeringen waar nodig beter te ondersteunen. Investeren in de toekomst betekent ook problemen aanpakken zoals die zich voordoen in het aardbevingsgebied in de provincie Groningen. De gevolgen zijn ingrijpend en de regering wil samen met alle getroffen Groningers werken aan oplossingen. Door de gaswinning te halveren ten opzichte van 2012 en woningen en andere gebouwen te versterken, worden veiligheidsrisico's beperkt. De gevolgen van de klimaatverandering nopen tot forse investeringen en innovaties in duurzame energiebronnen, zoals wind, water en zonlicht. Afspraken over een betaalbare en schone energievoorziening zijn vastgelegd in het Energieakkoord. Deze ontwikkeling is niet alleen goed voor het milieu, maar levert ook banen op en kansen voor het Nederlandse bedrijfsleven. Vanwege de veiligheidssituatie, dichtbij en elders in de wereld, trekt de regering in 2017 opnieuw extra geld uit voor de krijgsmacht, de politie, de rechtspraak en het Openbaar Ministerie. Sinds 2014 is het defensiebudget stapsgewijs verhoogd, oplopend tot structureel 870 miljoen euro extra in 2020. De criminaliteitscijfers in Nederland dalen gestaag en de regering blijft investeren in verbetering van de veiligheid. Met de begroting voor 2016 kwam voor veiligheid al een structureel bedrag van 250 miljoen euro extra beschikbaar. Vanaf 2017 komt daar structureel 450 miljoen euro bij. Hierdoor krijgen de mensen die zich iedere dag opnieuw inzetten voor onze veiligheid meer ruimte voor de uitvoering van hun taken: van de wijkagent tot speciale eenheden voor contraterrorisme, van de officier van justitie tot de gevangenisbewaarder. In het achter ons liggende jaar werd de wereld opnieuw opgeschrikt door afschuwelijke jihadistische aanslagen, die onnoemelijk veel verdriet en menselijk leed veroorzaken. Onder andere Frankrijk, België, Duitsland en Turkije werden hard geraakt. Wij mogen en zullen op geen enkele manier toestaan dat terroristen onze vrijheid, onze veiligheid en onze democratische waarden bedreigen. Het Actieprogramma Integrale Aanpak Jihadisme kent een mix van preventieve en repressieve maatregelen. Het kabinet wil de voedingsbodem voor radicalisering in Nederland wegnemen, onder andere door actief burgerschap op scholen te bevorderen. Uitreizen wordt moeilijker voor jihadgangers en hun uitkeringen worden stopgezet. Zij worden strafrechtelijk vervolgd en riskeren intrekking van het Nederlanderschap na een veroordeling. Samenwerking in Europa bij de bestrijding van terrorisme is cruciaal. Binnen de Europese Unie werkt ons land intensief aan een betere informatie-uitwisseling tussen Europese inlichtingen- en opsporingsdiensten, gemeenschappelijke grensbewaking, de aanpak van financieringsstromen en verbetering van de cybersecurity. Buiten Europa blijft Nederland met militaire, humanitaire en politieke middelen een bijdrage leveren aan de strijd tegen ISIS in de brandhaarden Syrië en Irak. Onze militairen en hulpverleners daar en elders op de wereld verrichten in moeilijke omstandigheden belangrijk werk ten dienste van internationale stabiliteit en mensen in verdrukking. In nauwe samenwerking met de Caribische delen van het Koninkrijk heeft de regering succesvol campagne gevoerd voor het tijdelijke lidmaatschap van de Veiligheidsraad van de Verenigde Naties. Hervorming van de Verenigde Naties is voor de regering een belangrijk thema. Inhoudelijk ligt de prioriteit bij een geïntegreerde benadering van vrede, veiligheid en ontwikkeling, bij conflictpreventie en bij bescherming van burgers. Oorlog en terreur drijven onschuldige mensen van huis en haard, een onzekere toekomst tegemoet. Tijdens het Nederlandse voorzitterschap van de Europese Unie in de eerste helft van 2016 is veel in gang gezet om de vluchtelingenstroom uit Syrië en andere kwetsbare landen onder controle te brengen. Dat beleid steunt op drie pijlers: wegnemen van redenen om te vluchten door het verbeteren van leefomstandigheden en tegengaan van geweld ter plekke, opvang in de regio, en bestrijden van mensensmokkel via levensgevaarlijke routes over zee. Nederland helpt onder andere met 260 miljoen euro voor verbetering van de opvang in de regio. In maart 2016 zijn met de Turkse regering afspraken gemaakt om de vluchtelingenstroom in te dammen en beter te reguleren. Het aantal mensen dat op een afschuwelijke manier verdrinkt bij geïmproviseerde overtochten tussen Turkije en Griekenland en het aantal asielzoekers dat naar Europa komt, is hierdoor substantieel gedaald. De verdere uitvoering van deze afspraken vraagt in de komende periode de nodige aandacht. Nederland is een land dat iedereen die daarvoor in aanmerking komt, de kans biedt te integreren in onze samenleving en iedereen die hier woont, zich thuis te laten voelen. Aan asielzoekers die naar Nederland komen, wordt een fatsoenlijke, maar sobere opvang geboden. Vorig jaar is dat gelukt dankzij de inspanningen van gemeenten, hulpinstanties en veel vrijwilligers. Wie in Nederland een toekomst wil opbouwen, moet bereid zijn de taal te leren en een actieve bijdrage te leveren. We verwachten dat iedereen zich bewust en positief verbindt aan ons land en onze manier van leven. De verplichte participatieverklaring treedt in 2017 in werking. Participatie en integratie worden onder meer bevorderd door asielzoekers in de gelegenheid te stellen vrijwilligerswerk te doen. Het past bij het karakter van Nederland dat in veel wijken en gemeenten allerlei particuliere initiatieven worden genomen om asielzoekers bij de samenleving te betrekken. Tegelijk is het logisch dat in de samenleving ongerustheid bestaat over de komst van grote groepen vluchtelingen. We vragen ons af of de verschillen in cultuur en normen en waarden niet te groot zijn en voorzieningen niet te zeer onder druk komen te staan. In Nederland is lang gestreden voor een aantal democratische waarden, waaronder de scheiding van kerk en staat, de vrijheid van meningsuiting en de vrijheid van godsdienst. In ons land zijn mannen en vrouwen gelijk voor de wet en maken we geen onderscheid naar ras, geloof of seksuele geaardheid. Iedereen die in ons land wil wonen, moet deze waarden respecteren en naleven. Van niemand wordt gevraagd de eigen herkomst of cultuur te verloochenen, maar aan grondwettelijk vastgelegde normen kan niet worden getornd en tegen intimidatie en geweld wordt hard opgetreden. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Nederland is een sterk land in een instabiele wereld. In de laatste jaren zijn gezamenlijk resultaten bereikt die maken dat wij met vertrouwen vooruit mogen kijken. Het is niet verstandig om de problemen en internationale onzekerheden waarvoor Nederland zich gesteld ziet, te onderschatten. Maar de geschiedenis leert ons dat 'bestendige vooruitgang' mogelijk is door samen toe te werken naar oplossingen, in eigen land en met onze internationale partners. Dit tekent ook uw werk in het parlementaire jaar dat vandaag begint. U mag zich gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Nederlanders zijn steeds in staat de bakens te verzetten als omstandigheden daarom vragen. Tijdens de crisis van de afgelopen jaren hebben we die kracht opnieuw gezien. En met resultaat. De economie is weer aan het groeien. Dankzij de inzet en het doorzettingsvermogen van ondernemers, werknemers en veel anderen in de samenleving staat Nederland er in sociaal-economisch opzicht relatief goed voor. Het herstel wordt niet alleen gedragen door de export, maar ook door factoren als een groeiende consumptie, aantrekkende bedrijfsinvesteringen en een krachtig herstel in belangrijke sectoren als de bouw en de woningmarkt. Voor het eerst in lange tijd komen de groeiprognoses weer boven de twee procent en ontwikkelen de overheidsfinanciën zich in de goede richting. Bij al deze redenen om de toekomst positief en met vertrouwen tegemoet te zien, is er geen aanleiding om achterover te leunen. De werkloosheid is nog te hoog. Het aantal banen neemt weliswaar toe, maar te veel mensen kunnen nog geen werk vinden. Met de voorgenomen veranderingen in het belastingstelsel wil de regering een impuls geven aan banengroei en de koopkracht van mensen. De loonkosten voor werknemers die het minimumloon of net iets meer verdienen, worden verlaagd. Daarmee wordt het financieel aantrekkelijker om bijvoorbeeld schoonmakers, onderwijsassistenten en caissières in dienst te nemen of te houden. Een lagere inkomstenbelasting stimuleert de consumptie en daarmee de werkgelegenheid. Hierdoor, en door de beschikbare loonruimte in de private en publieke sector, wordt koopkrachtverbetering mogelijk voor alle werkenden. Voor gepensioneerden en mensen met een uitkering blijft de koopkracht op peil. Het is belangrijk dat iedereen het herstel gaat voelen, zodat mensen weer met groeiend optimisme naar de toekomst durven kijken. Nederland is van oudsher een land met een evenwichtige inkomensverdeling en een grote, sterke middenklasse. Generaties groeiden op in de overtuiging dat zij zichzelf konden verbeteren door te ondernemen, te studeren, te werken en maatschappelijk actief te zijn. Nu de economie aantrekt en er voorzichtig ruimte ontstaat voor herstel van koopkracht en werkgelegenheid, kan het vertrouwen terugkeren dat ook toekomstige generaties het beter krijgen. De regering draagt daaraan bij door de kwaliteit en toegankelijkheid van voorzieningen zeker te stellen. In Nederland moeten mensen kunnen rekenen op goede zorg, hoogwaardig en toegankelijk onderwijs, adequate sociale voorzieningen en een solide pensioenstelsel. Samen met een goed functionerende woningmarkt en arbeidsmarkt stelt dit mensen in staat vorm te geven aan hun toekomst. De noodzakelijke hervormingen van de laatste jaren zijn hierop gericht. Ze zijn met breed politiek draagvlak tot stand gekomen en komen tegemoet aan de behoefte aan keuzevrijheid, zelfstandigheid en maatwerk. Veel maatregelen zijn net ingegaan. De grote opgave is nu om ze goed en zorgvuldig uit te voeren, met aandacht voor onbedoelde en ongewenste gevolgen, zeker voor de meest kwetsbaren. De regering werkt daar de komende jaren intensief aan. Waar mensen in de knel komen, zijn aanpassingen nodig, zoals bij het persoonsgebonden budget. Iedereen wil gezond en zelfstandig oud worden. Als dat op enig moment niet meer kan, willen mensen kunnen rekenen op goede ondersteuning en zorg, voor een waardige oude dag. Er komt structureel 210 miljoen euro beschikbaar om de zorg in de verpleeghuizen te verbeteren en ruimte te maken voor meer persoonlijke aandacht. Dit najaar presenteert de regering een werkprogramma waarin zij de plannen voor het toekomstige pensioenstelsel verder uitwerkt. Het is belangrijk dat alle werkenden de mogelijkheid hebben een goed pensioen op te bouwen. Het stelsel kan transparanter, eenvoudiger en persoonlijker worden, met een juiste balans tussen keuzevrijheid en risicodeling. Jonge ouders krijgen in een veeleisende periode van hun leven meer ruimte om werk en gezin te combineren. De kinderopvangtoeslag gaat omhoog. Er komen extra plekken voor peuteropvang die betaalbaar zijn voor alle ouders. Het bevallingsverlof voor vaders wordt verlengd. Een belangrijk resultaat van het hervormingsbeleid is dat het hoger onderwijs er ongeveer 4000 docenten bij krijgt en nog enkele honderden onderzoekers met een onderwijstaak. Voor studenten betekent het fors meer persoonlijke aandacht, intensievere begeleiding en een betere entree op de arbeidsmarkt. Deze investering in onderwijskwaliteit wordt betaald uit geld dat vrijkomt door de invoering van het studievoorschot voor studenten. In november 2015 presenteert de regering de Nationale Wetenschapsagenda, die wordt opgesteld in nauwe samenwerking met topwetenschappers en vooraanstaande ondernemers. Het doel is om de sterke punten van de Nederlandse wetenschap uit te bouwen en keuzes te maken die zorgen voor een herkenbaarder profiel van instellingen. Dit geeft niet alleen een impuls aan de internationale positie van onze universiteiten, maar ook aan de innovatie- en concurrentiekracht van onze industrie en andere kennisintensieve sectoren. Al deze maatregelen, hervormingen en investeringen dragen bij aan verder economisch herstel en aan het behoud van de hoge kwaliteit van de Nederlandse samenleving. Die kwaliteit heeft ook een immateriële kant. Mensen maken zich zorgen over onderwerpen als de verruwing in de samenleving en de onderlinge omgangsvormen. In Nederland gaan tolerantie en veel ruimte voor het individu traditioneel samen met een sterk ontwikkelde solidariteit en onderlinge betrokkenheid. Die gedeelde waarden vertegenwoordigen een groot maatschappelijk kapitaal. Ze zorgen ervoor dat alle inwoners van het Koninkrijk zich in vrijheid kunnen ontplooien, zich beschermd weten en zich thuis kunnen voelen. Deze gekoesterde manier van leven staat ook centraal tijdens de gezamenlijke viering van 200 jaar Koninkrijk. Samen met de Caribische delen van het Koninkrijk blijft Nederland werken aan een goede toekomst. De overheid heeft een voorbeeldfunctie bij het uitdragen van gedeelde waarden. De integriteit van het openbaar bestuur mag niet ter discussie staan. De overheid stelt regels en handhaaft die om de openbare orde en veiligheid te bewaken. Waar onder- en bovenwereld vermengd raken, wordt dit aangepakt. Daarvoor komt extra geld beschikbaar. Waarden zijn echter niet alleen een zaak van de overheid, maar ook van alle inwoners van ons land. Wie het eigen belang of de eigen overtuigingen boven alles stelt, beperkt de ruimte voor een ander en zet collectieve waarden en verworvenheden onder druk. Juist de normale en respectvolle omgang met elkaar vraagt om alertheid en een actieve houding van ieder van ons, zoals dat past in de lange Nederlandse traditie van verantwoordelijk burgerschap. Dit geldt zeker wanneer agenten, wegwerkers, ambulanceverpleegkundigen en anderen die met hart en ziel werken voor de publieke zaak, te maken krijgen met verbaal of fysiek geweld. De dreiging van radicalisering en terroristische aanslagen in Europa zet de samenleving onder druk. Hierdoor komt niet alleen de veiligheid van mensen in het geding, het is ook een voedingsbodem voor onderling wantrouwen en een gevaar voor de sociale cohesie in ons land. We moeten voorkomen dat conflicten in het buitenland een polariserend effect hebben in onze samenleving. Het is cruciaal dat we ons tegen deze dreiging wapenen. Het kabinet reserveert daarom structureel extra geld om de operationele taak van de veiligheidsdiensten, het verzamelen en analyseren van informatie, en het preventiebeleid te versterken. De dreiging van een terroristische aanslag is geen geïsoleerd probleem, maar een direct gevolg van de opkomst van jihadistische stromingen in Syrië, Irak en andere landen in het Midden-Oosten en Noord-Afrika. Daarnaast is de instabiliteit in de ring rond Europa in het afgelopen jaar verder toegenomen door de Russische annexatie van de Krim en het conflict in Oost-Oekraïne. Ook andere brandhaarden bedreigen de internationale rechtsorde, bijvoorbeeld in Mali, Jemen en Afghanistan. Al deze ontwikkelingen raken direct en indirect aan onze veiligheid en vrijheid. Het meest prangend is de situatie van de grote aantallen mensen die in vaak onveilige en overvolle boten en op andere manieren naar Europa gaan om hier asiel te vragen. De schrijnende beelden van mensen op drift die dagelijks tot ons komen vanuit onder meer Kos en Calais, leggen een scala aan problemen en persoonlijk leed bloot, waarvoor geen gemakkelijke en snelle oplossingen bestaan. Deze problemen zijn ontstaan door militaire conflicten, politieke instabiliteit, schendingen van mensenrechten, armoede en gebrek aan kansen en toekomst. De vluchtelingenstroom groeit en duldt geen afwachtende houding. De huidige situatie creëert spanningen in Europa. Dit vraagt om scherpe keuzes voor beperking van de instroom en een betere verdeling over de lidstaten. Er is een integrale aanpak nodig die rekening houdt met alle relevante factoren. Het gaat dan onder meer om internationale conflictbeheersing, opvang in de regio, het tegengaan van mensensmokkel, een strenge maar rechtvaardige asielprocedure in elk land, een effectief terugkeerbeleid en perspectief op integratie voor mensen die niet kunnen terugkeren naar het land van herkomst. Alleen zo kan recht worden gedaan aan het humanitaire aspect en aan het maatschappelijk draagvlak in Nederland en andere Europese landen. De regering kiest in het buitenlands beleid met overtuiging voor internationale samenwerking en een geïntegreerde aanpak, onder andere in EU-, NAVO- en VN-verband. Militaire en juridische acties moeten samengaan met samenlevingsopbouw, versterking van de rechtsstaat, diplomatie in de regio, noodhulp en handelsbevordering. Voor de NAVO geldt dat de lidstaten ervoor willen zorgen dat het bondgenootschap sneller in staat is op dreigingen vanuit iedere windrichting te reageren. Daarvoor zijn aanpassingen nodig; in de politieke besluitvorming en in militair opzicht. De regering stelt vanaf 2016 structureel extra geld beschikbaar voor de krijgsmacht, van 220 miljoen euro volgend jaar tot 345 miljoen in latere jaren. Dit geld wordt onder meer besteed aan verdere verbetering van de operationele inzetbaarheid. Daarnaast komt er structureel extra geld beschikbaar voor de Nederlandse deelname aan militaire missies. De manier waarop Nederlandse militairen zich inzetten voor vrede en veiligheid, maakt indruk en wekt bewondering. Veiligheid en migratie zijn twee internationale hoofdthema's die ook het Nederlandse EU-voorzitterschap in de eerste helft van 2016 zullen tekenen. Als voorzitter wil Nederland een pragmatische bruggenbouwer zijn. Alleen samen zijn we in staat onze collectieve veiligheid te garanderen, onze gedeelde waarden te beschermen en het welzijn en de welvaart van de inwoners van Europa het best te dienen. Voor ons land zijn economische groei en zoveel mogelijk nieuwe en volwaardige banen belangrijke aandachtspunten. Daarvoor is een innovatief Europa nodig met een goed functionerende interne markt en open handelsrelaties met de rest van de wereld. Andere onderwerpen die tijdens het voorzitterschap aandacht zullen vragen, zijn de positie van Griekenland en het Britse referendum over het lidmaatschap van de EU. Het uitgangspunt van de regering blijft een Europa dat beter functioneert en zich richt op hoofdzaken. Een belangrijk podium waarop de EU zich als eenheid moet presenteren, is de VN-klimaattop in Parijs in december 2015. Samen met de andere EU-lidstaten is de Nederlandse inzet gericht op een aanzienlijke vermindering van de uitstoot van schadelijke stoffen ten opzichte van het niveau van 1990. Nederlandse multinationals hebben nu al een internationale voorbeeldfunctie op het terrein van duurzame bedrijfsvoering, kennis en kunde. De regering stelt bedrijven in staat fiscaal aantrekkelijker te investeren in milieuvriendelijke technieken. Tegengaan van klimaatverandering en verduurzaming van de economie zijn grote, overkoepelende thema's. De gevolgen voor toekomstige generaties zijn heel direct en concreet. Dat geldt zeker voor ons land, dat voor een groot deel onder de zeespiegel ligt. Waterveiligheid heeft daarom hoge prioriteit. Op veel locaties wordt de komende jaren gewerkt aan versterking van dijken en duingebieden. Dat gebeurt vaak op de meest innovatieve manieren. Zo worden bij de vernieuwing van de Afsluitdijk veiligheid, natuurontwikkeling en energieopwekking gecombineerd. Projecten als deze verstevigen de goede internationale reputatie en positie van onze watersector en leveren een bijdrage aan onze toekomstige energievoorziening. Eerder dit jaar is besloten minder gas te winnen in Groningen vanwege de aardbevingen. De Nationaal Coördinator Groningen stelt samen met de inwoners van het gebied een plan op voor de versterking van woningen. De verminderde beschikbaarheid van gas maakt de afspraken uit het Energieakkoord over de ontwikkeling van nieuwe vormen van energie extra belangrijk. In december 2015 brengt het kabinet een rapport uit met een strategische visie op de energievoorziening in Nederland. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Nederland is een stabiel en aantrekkelijk land om in te leven. Ervoor zorgen dat dit zo blijft, vraagt om ieders inzet en om blijvend investeren in de samenleving. In een instabiele internationale omgeving en een samenleving in verandering dienen zich continu nieuwe vraagstukken aan. De komende periode staat voor de regering in het teken van bijdragen aan internationale stabiliteit en werken aan verder economisch herstel, aan groei van de werkgelegenheid en aan een goede uitvoering van de ingezette hervormingen. Zo blijft Nederland een land dat iedereen kansen en vertrouwen in de toekomst biedt. Daaraan werkt de regering samen met u. U mag zich gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. In de zomer van 2014 bleek andermaal dat vrijheid en veiligheid kwetsbaar zijn - ook in ons deel van de wereld, ook in Nederland. Op 17 juli trof een verschrikkelijk lot de 298 inzittenden van vlucht MH17, onder wie 196 landgenoten. Daardoor wordt de feestelijke traditie van Prinsjesdag dit jaar omgeven door een rouwrand van verdriet. De vliegramp boven Oekraïens grondgebied heeft velen direct geraakt, ook in uw verenigde vergadering, en ons allen diep geschokt. In heel het land waren mensen zichtbaar één, in stilte en rouw. Die betrokkenheid en saamhorigheid bieden troost aan iedereen die een groot persoonlijk verlies moet verwerken. De ramp met MH17 en de situatie in Oekraïne en het Midden-Oosten maken duidelijk hoe in de wereld van vandaag alles met alles samenhangt. Wij leven in een open en internationaal georiënteerd land dat door persoonlijke, economische, politieke en culturele banden actief deel uitmaakt van de wereldgemeenschap. Dat brengt ons veel goeds, maar het gaat ook gepaard met reële risico's en kwetsbaarheden. Conflicten die zich duizenden kilometers ver weg afspelen, roepen in ons land emoties en reacties op. Dat is niet nieuw, maar in een tijd waarin iedereen de wereld via de smartphone in zijn hand heeft, is de maatschappelijke impact groter en sneller merkbaar. De situatie in Noord-Irak, Syrië en Gaza leidt in ons land tot spanningen en tot gevoelens van onmacht en onveiligheid. De haat die elders in de wereld mensen in het verderf stort, mag niet overslaan naar onze straten. Ook in economisch opzicht hebben geopolitieke ontwikkelingen direct hun weerslag op onze samenleving. Een recent voorbeeld zijn de negatieve gevolgen voor het Nederlandse bedrijfsleven van de wederzijdse economische sancties van de Europese Unie en Rusland. De veerkracht van de samenleving en de economie wordt door dit alles op de proef gesteld. Om daar tegenwicht aan te bieden, zijn een vaste koers en duidelijke keuzes nodig. De regering is dankbaar dat hiervoor politiek en maatschappelijk draagvlak bestaat, en zij blijft daaraan werken. De regering staat pal voor de grondrechten en vrijheden van mensen en grijpt in als grenzen worden overschreden. Haat zaaien, dreigen met geweld of discriminatie van bevolkingsgroepen zal onder geen enkele omstandigheid worden getolereerd. Iedere inwoner van ons land moet zich veilig en beschermd weten. Iedere inwoner van ons land moet zich vrij voelen om uit te komen voor zijn of haar geloof, geaardheid en levensovertuiging. Het tegengaan van extremisme en intolerantie is een kerntaak van de overheid. Veel kracht komt uit de samenleving zelf. Ouders, scholen, sportclubs en andere partijen zijn nodig om radicalisering te voorkomen. Nederland is op dit vlak weerbaar, bouwend op een lange traditie van vrijheid en saamhorigheid. Bescherming van de Nederlandse rechtsstaat is niet alleen een binnenlandse aangelegenheid. Een actief buitenlands beleid, gericht op vrede en veiligheid in landen en regio's waar deze in het gedrang zijn, is relevant en in ons belang. Die verantwoordelijkheid kunnen we alleen waarmaken in nauwe samenwerking met onze internationale partners in de Europese Unie, de NAVO en de Verenigde Naties. Nederland is zich van oudsher zeer van die opdracht bewust. Niet voor niets staat bevordering van de internationale rechtsorde in onze Grondwet. Aan die opdracht wordt vorm en inhoud gegeven door mensen en middelen beschikbaar te stellen voor missies zoals die in Mali en de antipiraterijmissie voor de Afrikaanse kust. Alle uitgezonden Nederlandse militairen verdienen groot respect. Met het oog op de toenemende spanningen in de wereld en de verantwoordelijkheden die daaruit voortvloeien, verhoogt de regering de defensie-uitgaven. Het budget groeit structureel met 100 miljoen extra per jaar. Dit is een trendbreuk met het verleden. Ook stelt de regering eenmalig extra geld beschikbaar voor internationale noodhulp en de opvang van vluchtelingen in de regio. Zo geeft Nederland steun aan de grote groep ontheemden die van huis en haard worden verdreven om wie ze zijn of om wat ze geloven. Nieuwe dreigingen zoals de uitbraak van het ebolavirus in West-Afrika vragen een internationale aanpak en noodhulp ter plaatse, om verdere verspreiding tegen te gaan. In eigen land werkt de regering aan structureel herstel en groei van de economie en werkgelegenheid. Daarvoor zijn nodig: gezonde overheidsfinanciën, een evenwichtige inkomensverdeling, een houdbaar stelsel van sociale en oudedagsvoorzieningen, een goed functionerende arbeidsmarkt en woningmarkt, een toekomstgericht onderwijsstelsel en betaalbare en toegankelijke zorg. Het oog van de regering is daarbij ook gericht op samenwerking met de Caribische delen van het Koninkrijk, om daar eveneens een duurzame ontwikkeling van de samenleving te bevorderen. Toegang tot goede zorg is voor veel Nederlanders het bewijs van de kwaliteit van de samenleving. Nederland heeft een van de beste en meest toegankelijke zorgstelsels ter wereld. Het is in het belang van alle mensen in ons land dat dit zo blijft. Goede zorg is een onmisbare basisvoorziening. Feit is dat de kosten van onze zorg harder groeien dan onze economie. Daarom zijn met alle partijen uit de zorg afspraken gemaakt over vergroting van het kostenbewustzijn, tegengaan van verspilling en de aanpak van fraude. Zo worden besparingen bereikt met behoud van kwaliteit. De kostenontwikkeling valt dit jaar voor het eerst sinds vele jaren mee ten opzichte van de oorspronkelijke ramingen. Die gingen uit van een stijging met 16 miljard euro tussen 2013 en 2017. Door het ingezette beleid zal de stijging per saldo uitkomen op 6 miljard euro. Per 1 januari 2015 gaan taken in de thuiszorg en de jeugdzorg en voorzieningen voor mensen met een arbeidsbeperking over naar gemeenten. Door dit dicht bij mensen te organiseren, wordt bureaucratie aangepakt en kan beter rekening worden gehouden met specifieke behoeftes en voorkeuren. Het doel is een flexibel stelsel van goede en toegankelijke voorzieningen dat aansluit bij de behoeftes en keuzevrijheid van het individu. Ook zo versterken we de veerkracht van Nederland. Overheden en bedrijven spannen zich in 2015 in om zoveel mogelijk mensen met een arbeidsbeperking in een reguliere baan aan de slag te krijgen. Voorzieningen in de thuiszorg en de jeugdzorg blijven beschikbaar, maar mensen krijgen wel te maken met andere voorwaarden en aanpassingen in de dienstverlening. Dat vraagt veel van hen en kan tot onzekerheid leiden. Juist daarom is alles erop gericht deze veranderingen de komende jaren in goede banen te leiden. Door het verstrekken van een toelage voor huishoudelijke hulp houden veel medewerkers hun baan en blijven zij het vertrouwde gezicht voor hun cliënten. In het besef dat bij een operatie van deze omvang niet alles foutloos kan verlopen, zet de regering zich intensief in om invoeringsproblemen tot een minimum te beperken, samen met de gemeenten en samen met de mensen en organisaties die voorzieningen verzorgen en ontvangen. Daarvoor is in 2015 400 miljoen euro extra beschikbaar. De energie en daadkracht waarmee aan deze grote veranderingen wordt gewerkt, verdienen waardering en boezemen vertrouwen in. De Nederlandse economie toont zich veerkrachtig. Het is hoopgevend dat, na een aantal jaren van krimp en stijgende werkloosheid, ons land voorzichtig weer de weg omhoog vindt. Het overheidstekort daalt in 2015 naar verwachting tot 2,2 procent van het bruto binnenlands product. Daarom zijn geen nieuwe bezuinigingen nodig en hoeft voor ongeveer een miljard euro aan eerder voorgenomen lastenverzwaringen voor burgers niet te worden doorgevoerd. In 2015 wordt de loonbijstelling in de publieke sector volledig uitgekeerd. Na een nullijn van jaren kunnen de inkomens van leraren, politieagenten, militairen en ander overheidspersoneel weer meestijgen met de loonontwikkeling in de markt. In vergelijking met veel andere landen blijft de economische uitgangspositie van ons land sterk. Met een blik op mondiaal toonaangevende topsectoren als landbouw en voedsel, logistiek, de creatieve industrie en water is er zeker reden tot optimisme. Tegelijkertijd is het economisch herstel in ons land broos en afhankelijk van economische ontwikkelingen in de rest van de wereld, vooral in belangrijke partnerlanden in de Europese Unie. Het grootste zorgpunt van de regering is en blijft de hoge werkloosheid, die veel mensen en hun families direct treft. Daar ligt voor de regering de allerhoogste prioriteit. Mensen die hun baan verliezen of dreigen te verliezen, krijgen zoveel mogelijk middelen aangereikt om aan de slag te blijven of een nieuwe baan te vinden. De overheid blijft zich, samen met de onderwijssector, vakbeweging en bedrijven, inspannen voor scholing en begeleiding van werk naar werk, en voor meer leer-werktrajecten specifiek voor jongeren. Een extra maatregel die op korte termijn effect kan hebben, is verruiming van de mogelijkheden om tijdelijk te werken of een kansrijke technische opleiding te volgen met behoud van een WW-uitkering. Deze zogeheten brug-WW verkleint de risico's voor werkgevers bij het in dienst nemen van medewerkers en verhoogt de kans op werk voor hen die al langere tijd thuiszitten. Verder wordt het recht op kinderopvangtoeslag bij ontslag met drie maanden verlengd tot een half jaar. Daardoor kunnen mensen zich voor een langere periode volledig richten op het vinden van een nieuwe baan. Het lage btw-tarief voor de bouw wordt verlengd tot 1 juli 2015, als impuls voor de werkgelegenheid in de bouw. Het stimuleren en benutten van jong talent is cruciaal voor toekomstige economische groei. De afgelopen jaren heeft de regering forse stappen gezet om de kwaliteit van het onderwijs en het onderwijspersoneel te verhogen en de aansluiting tussen het beroepsonderwijs en de arbeidsmarkt te verbeteren. Met de hervorming van de studiefinanciering en de introductie van het studievoorschot komt op termijn 1 miljard euro vrij voor beter hoger onderwijs. Dit geld wordt onder andere ingezet voor meer contacturen, intensievere begeleiding van studenten en het bevorderen van excellentie. De ov-kaart blijft bestaan en komt beschikbaar voor alle mbo'ers. In aansluiting op gemaakte afspraken met de onderwijssectoren investeert de regering daarnaast extra in het primair, voortgezet en beroepsonderwijs. Daarbij staat werken aan vakmanschap centraal, met veel aandacht voor de leraar zelf, maar bijvoorbeeld ook door een eigentijds meester-gezelsysteem in het mbo te ontwikkelen. Om de innovatiekracht van ons land te versterken, stelt de regering een 'toekomstfonds' in voor kredietverlening aan innovatieve mkb'ers. De rendementen van het fonds komen beschikbaar voor uitgaven aan fundamenteel en toegepast onderzoek. Deltatechnologie is een van de innovatieve sectoren waarin ons land internationaal koploper is. De fysieke bescherming van ons land tegen het water kent een lange traditie. Het Deltaplan dat tegelijk met de begroting van 2015 wordt gepresenteerd, maakt ons land veiliger en geeft de Nederlandse watersector een stevige impuls. De aanpak van onnodige regels die ondernemers en particulieren in de weg zitten, blijft een belangrijke doelstelling van het regeringsbeleid. In het nieuwe parlementaire jaar wordt besloten over de Omgevingswet, die procedures rond de bouw van woningen, kantoren en infrastructuur sterk vereenvoudigt en versnelt. Voor de langere termijn werkt de regering aan een herziening van het belastingstelsel. De doelstelling is tweeledig: een forse vereenvoudiging en het stimuleren van werkgelegenheid. Dat laatste kan door de lasten op arbeid te verlagen. De inzet van de regering is dat hierdoor de baankans van mensen aan de onderkant van de arbeidsmarkt groeit en dat iedereen die werk vindt er ook echt op vooruit gaat. Voor kleine ondernemers wordt het aantrekkelijker om mensen in dienst te nemen. Nederland is een exportland en veel buitenlandse bedrijven zijn hier gevestigd. Binnenlandse groei en banen ontstaan voor een groot deel in het buitenland. De regering wil daarom het beleid gericht op een aantrekkelijk investeringsklimaat en actieve ondersteuning van het exporterende bedrijfsleven versterken. De ambitieuze agenda met handelsmissies wordt met kracht doorgezet. Exportkredieten worden meer gericht op opkomende economieën en bedrijven krijgen makkelijker toegang tot deze kredieten. In Europees verband blijft de regering zich inzetten voor versterking van de interne markt en voor begrotingsdiscipline en structuurversterkende maatregelen binnen de lidstaten. Dit zijn basisvoorwaarden voor een sterke Europese economie. Kansen op economische groei liggen onder meer op het terrein van de digitale markt, de energiemarkt en de lopende onderhandelingen over vrijhandelsakkoorden met de Verenigde Staten en andere landen. Europese samenwerking moet gericht zijn op die terreinen waar gezamenlijk optreden echt waarde toevoegt. Dat is ook de kern van de strategische agenda voor de komende vijf jaar, die als uitgangspunt dient voor het werkprogramma voor de nieuwe Europese Commissie. Daarin zijn belangrijke grensoverschrijdende thema's opgenomen als de interne markt, het energie- en klimaatbeleid en de aanpak van de georganiseerde misdaad, inclusief cybercrime. Eerlijk werk in Europa vraagt om gelijk loon voor gelijk werk binnen iedere lidstaat. De regering maakt zich daar hard voor en zal de strijd tegen schijnconstructies opvoeren. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Dit jaar vieren we tweehonderd jaar Prinsjesdag. Ons land heeft zich in die twee eeuwen steeds veerkrachtig en saamhorig getoond als omstandigheden daarom vroegen - ook deze zomer weer. De regering blijft vastberaden werken aan een vitale en weerbare samenleving, economisch herstel en groei van de werkgelegenheid. De ingezette hervormingen leggen een fundament onder de toekomst van ons land. Het werken aan deze opdracht vindt plaats in een turbulente en onzekere internationale omgeving en in het besef dat vrijheid, veiligheid en welvaart nauw met elkaar verbonden zijn. Ook uw werk zal daar in het nieuwe parlementaire jaar door worden getekend. U mag zich gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Nu ik mij vandaag voor het eerst op Prinsjesdag tot u mag richten, hecht ik eraan te zeggen dat u in uw Verenigde Vergadering van 30 april de aanzet heeft gegeven tot een hartverwarmende start van mijn koningschap. Het is een dag waaraan ik met grote dankbaarheid terugdenk. Die dankbaarheid betreft in de eerste plaats mijn moeder. Zij heeft zich 33 jaar lang met groot plichtsbesef, warmte en diep gevoelde betrokkenheid ingezet voor het Koninkrijk en al zijn inwoners, in goede en in slechte tijden. Zij blijft voor mij een belangrijke inspiratiebron. De gevoelens van verbondenheid die mijn familie en ik hebben ervaren na het overlijden van mijn broer Friso, waren ons tot grote steun. Wij zijn daarvoor zeer dankbaar. Op de dag van de inhuldiging heeft Nederland zich aan de wereld laten zien als een goed georganiseerd land, rijk aan talent. Het was ook een dag van tastbare eenheid en verbondenheid, tussen generaties en bevolkingsgroepen en tussen de verschillende delen van het Koninkrijk. Er is in onze samenleving veel dat een gezond vertrouwen in eigen kunnen rechtvaardigt. Het doet goed om dit, vlak voor de start van de viering van tweehonderd jaar Koninkrijk, te kunnen constateren. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Sinds vijf jaar kampt Nederland met de economische crisis. De gevolgen worden steeds voelbaarder. De werkloosheid stijgt, het aantal faillissementen loopt op, huizen worden minder waard, pensioenen staan onder druk en de koopkracht blijft achter. Er zijn voorzichtige signalen dat het einde van de mondiale crisis in zicht is. Daarmee ontstaat ook voor ons land perspectief op herstel. Dat neemt niet weg dat de Nederlandse economie kampt met een aantal specifieke problemen van structurele aard, waaronder de schuldenlast van de overheid en huishoudens en de vermogenspositie van banken. De regering wil het groeivermogen van de Nederlandse economie versterken. Dit legt de basis voor het creëren van banen en herstel van vertrouwen bij mensen en bedrijven. De noodzakelijke hervormingen kosten tijd en vragen om doorzettingsvermogen. Door maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen zoals vergrijzing en internationalisering voldoen onze arbeidsmarkt en ons stelsel van publieke voorzieningen niet meer volledig aan de eisen van deze tijd. De financiële en economische crisis heeft dit eens te meer duidelijk gemaakt. De regering zet niet alleen in op toekomstige betaalbaarheid van voorzieningen, maar ook op solidariteit tussen generaties en evenwicht tussen verschillende inkomensgroepen. De onderlinge betrokkenheid is in ons land van oudsher sterk. Om ervoor te zorgen dat dit zo blijft, moeten we onder ogen zien dat publieke regelingen en voorzieningen aangepast moeten worden. Het is onmiskenbaar dat mensen in onze huidige netwerk- en informatiesamenleving mondiger en zelfstandiger zijn dan vroeger. Gecombineerd met de noodzaak om het tekort van de overheid terug te dringen, leidt dit ertoe dat de klassieke verzorgingsstaat langzaam maar zeker verandert in een participatiesamenleving. Van iedereen die dat kan, wordt gevraagd verantwoordelijkheid te nemen voor zijn of haar eigen leven en omgeving. Wanneer mensen zelf vorm geven aan hun toekomst, voegen zij niet alleen waarde toe aan hun eigen leven, maar ook aan de samenleving als geheel. Zo blijven Nederlanders samen bouwen aan een sterk land van zelfbewuste mensen. Een land met een compacte en krachtige overheid, die ruimte geeft en kansen biedt waar het kan en beschermt als dat nodig is, zodat niemand tussen wal en schip raakt. Elke Nederlander moet de kans krijgen om de veranderingen die ons wachten, in zijn eigen leven in te passen. De relatie tussen parlement en regering staat het komende jaar in het teken van veel wetgeving. Op basis van het regeerakkoord en de uitwerking daarvan in afspraken met sociale partners en andere maatschappelijke partijen, zal de regering voorstellen bij u indienen. Cruciaal is en blijft 'een prudent niveau van overheidsschuld', zoals het Centraal Planbureau dat eerder dit jaar noemde. Momenteel betalen alle Nederlanders samen - zelfs bij de huidige lage rentestand - 11 miljard euro per jaar aan rente over de overheidsschuld. Als de schuld groeit en de rente stijgt, gaat die rentelast steeds zwaarder drukken op economische groei, op betaalbaarheid van voorzieningen en op de inkomens van mensen. Zonder ingrijpen blijft het overheidstekort te hoog. De regering legt u daarom extra maatregelen voor van in totaal 6 miljard euro. In 2014 zal de regering voor het laatst geen loonbijstelling uitkeren. In de gezondheidszorg zijn afspraken gemaakt om een groter deel van de zorg via de huisarts te verstrekken en strikter te zijn met het geven van verzekerde zorg. De regering zal een voorstel doen om verschillende toeslagen en regelingen te bundelen in één huishoudentoeslag, die lager wordt naarmate het gezinsinkomen stijgt. Daarnaast introduceert de regering maatregelen die de economie en de werkgelegenheid op korte termijn stimuleren. Zo krijgen mensen de gelegenheid ontslagvergoedingen die in een aparte bv zijn ondergebracht, versneld te laten uitbetalen tegen een voordelig belastingtarief. De vrijstelling van de schenkingsbelasting wordt verruimd, waardoor jongere generaties makkelijker kunnen investeren in de eigen woning. Om de toegang tot kredieten te vergroten, maakt de regering in 2013 125 miljoen euro vrij. Daarmee kan het midden- en kleinbedrijf investeren in nieuwe activiteiten. Ondernemers hebben daarnaast de mogelijkheid om investeringen versneld fiscaal af te schrijven. De regering zal - samen met pensioenfondsen, verzekeraars en banken - een Nederlandse investeringsinstelling oprichten. Het doel van deze instelling is grote beleggers te koppelen aan geschikte investeringsprojecten op terreinen als zorg, energie, schoolgebouwen en infrastructuur, om zo de economie te stimuleren. Om zoveel mogelijk mensen aan het werk te houden en te krijgen, stelt de regering 600 miljoen euro beschikbaar. Zoals afgesproken in het Sociaal Akkoord, komen werkgevers en werknemers hiervoor met sectorplannen. Die zijn gericht op meer banen en stageplaatsen voor jongeren, behoud van vakkrachten en betere begeleiding van werk naar werk. Voor het bestrijden van de jeugdwerkloosheid werkt de regering samen met gemeenten, sociale partners en onderwijsinstellingen om jongeren aan de slag te krijgen en hun kansen op de arbeidsmarkt te vergroten. Het Onderwijsakkoord beoogt 3000 extra banen te creëren om jonge leraren aan het werk te helpen of te houden. Het Techniekpact zorgt voor een betere aansluiting tussen onderwijs en arbeidsmarkt en bestrijdt het tekort aan technisch geschoolde vakmensen. Het Energieakkoord stimuleert duurzame economische groei en creëert 15.000 extra banen. De Omgevingswet vereenvoudigt en versnelt ruimtelijke procedures, zonder afbreuk te doen aan de kwaliteit van de leefomgeving. Voor de lange termijn werkt de regering aan hervormingen die het groeivermogen van de Nederlandse economie versterken en onze publieke voorzieningen aanpassen aan de eisen van deze tijd. De omslag naar een participatiesamenleving is in het bijzonder zichtbaar in de sociale zekerheid en in de langdurige zorg. De klassieke verzorgingsstaat uit de tweede helft van de twintigste eeuw heeft juist op deze terreinen regelingen voortgebracht die in hun huidige vorm onhoudbaar zijn en ook niet meer aansluiten bij de verwachtingen van mensen. In deze tijd willen mensen hun eigen keuzes maken, hun eigen leven inrichten en voor elkaar kunnen zorgen. Het past in die ontwikkeling zorg en sociale voorzieningen dicht bij mensen en in samenhang te organiseren. Om dit te bereiken, decentraliseert de regering overheidstaken op drie gebieden. Ten eerste heeft de regering u onlangs een voorstel gedaan voor een nieuw stelsel van jeugdzorg met ingang van 2015. Kinderen moeten veilig opgroeien en hun talenten kunnen ontwikkelen, om later naar vermogen te participeren in de samenleving. Het nieuwe stelsel brengt de jeugdzorg via de gemeenten dicht bij het kind. Juist gemeenten zijn in staat om op basis van de specifieke situatie van het kind dat hulp nodig heeft, maatwerk te leveren in samenspraak met andere domeinen, zoals wonen, onderwijs, veiligheid en sport. Ten tweede komt de regering in het komende parlementaire jaar met een voorstel om de langdurige zorg grondig te hervormen. Dat is nodig omdat de uitgaven daarvoor explosief blijven stijgen. Die bedragen nu al 2200 euro per Nederlander per jaar. Lichtere vormen van langdurige zorg worden straks uitgevoerd door gemeenten, die beter kunnen beoordelen of een traplift of taxivergoeding noodzakelijk is. Vergoeding van huishoudelijke hulp blijft beschikbaar voor mensen die deze hulp echt nodig hebben en niet zelf kunnen betalen. Medische zorg zoals verpleging valt straks onder de reguliere zorgverzekering. Ten derde gaan gemeenten samen met sociale partners werkbedrijven oprichten om mensen in de bijstand of met een arbeidsbeperking te helpen bij het vinden van een baan. Werkgevers en overheid stellen zich samen garant voor 125.000 extra banen in 2026. Als blijkt dat dit aantal niet wordt gehaald, worden bedrijven alsnog verplicht een percentage van hun personeel te rekruteren uit mensen met een arbeidsbeperking. Het wetsvoorstel daartoe ontvangt u dit najaar. In aansluiting hierop worden ook de Werkloosheidswet en het ontslagrecht gemoderniseerd. De WW krijgt een meer activerend karakter. Sociale partners nemen het voortouw bij begeleiding van werk naar werk, bijvoorbeeld via scholing. De regering beperkt het publiek gefinancierde deel van de WW tot 24 maanden. Sociale partners nemen de verantwoordelijkheid voor een privaat gefinancierd deel van de WW. Dat legt een extra prikkel bij werkgevers en werknemers om te investeren in de kwaliteit van mensen. Werknemers die ontslagen dreigen te worden, ontvangen een scholingsbudget. Flexwerkers krijgen meer zekerheid en meer bescherming. Het ontslagrecht wordt eerlijker en eenvoudiger door één ontslagroute voor te schrijven voor alle werknemers. Op het gebied van de woningmarkt nam de regering eerder al besluiten, zoals het verplicht annuïtair aflossen bij nieuwe hypotheken als voorwaarde voor de aftrek van hypotheekrente. Met ingang van 2014 wil de regering de maximale aftrek voor de eigen woning geleidelijk terugbrengen naar 38 procent. Dit zal gebeuren in 28 jaarlijkse stappen van een half procent. De opbrengst van deze maatregel komt ten goede aan mensen met een middeninkomen via een verlenging van de derde belastingschijf. Om de huurmarkt te hervormen, kiest de regering voor inkomensafhankelijke huurverhogingen. De extra inkomsten hiervan worden bij de woningcorporaties afgeroomd door middel van een verhuurdersheffing. Met deze binnenlandse hervormingen bereidt de regering Nederland voor op de toekomst. Daarbij moet vanwege een groeiende internationale verwevenheid onverminderd aandacht zijn voor ontwikkelingen buiten onze landsgrenzen. Onze open economie heeft ons veel gebracht, maar maakt ons land ook extra kwetsbaar in tijden van internationale crisis en stagnatie. Samenwerking met andere landen, en zeker met die om ons heen, is in het belang van Nederland. De laatste jaren is gebleken hoe de ontwikkelingen in de Europese Unie van betekenis zijn voor de economische, sociale en politieke toekomst van ons land. Nederland moet daarom in de Europese Unie een actieve rol spelen. Een stevig fundament onder de euro is cruciaal. Daarom maakt de regering zich sterk voor de totstandkoming van een bankenunie. Houdbare tekorten en versterking van de economische structuur blijven de aandacht vragen. Kansen om de concurrentiekracht en het groeivermogen van de lidstaten te versterken, liggen op de Europese interne markt. Die kent op sommige terreinen nog te veel belemmeringen. Daarnaast kan de handel met landen buiten de Europese Unie een impuls krijgen door vrijhandelsakkoorden te sluiten met onder meer de Verenigde Staten en Japan. Een speerpunt voor de regering is de discussie over het takenpakket van de Europese Unie. Een aantal zaken kunnen lidstaten beter zelf regelen, zoals belastingen, sociale zekerheid, pensioenen, zorg en onderwijs. De regering zal hierin het voortouw nemen en het gesprek hierover aangaan met de andere lidstaten. Ook buiten de Europese Unie heeft Nederland een lange traditie van internationale samenwerking. Dat werd onlangs nog zichtbaar tijdens de viering van honderd jaar Vredespaleis. Volgend jaar is ons land gastheer van de Nuclear Security Summit, waar leiders vanuit de hele wereld afspraken zullen maken om nucleair terrorisme tegen te gaan. Het recente geweld en de humanitaire noodsituatie in Syrië onderstrepen de noodzaak van een internationale rechtsorde met een sterke nadruk op het humanitaire recht. Onveiligheid en instabiliteit in kwetsbare regio's beïnvloeden onze vrijheid, veiligheid en welvaart. Dit vraagt om een krijgsmacht die op zijn taken berekend is en die in Nederland en het buitenland kan opereren om de belangen van ons land veilig te stellen. In de nota 'In het belang van Nederland' geeft de regering concreet aan hoe die krijgsmacht eruitziet en welke aanpassingen daarvoor noodzakelijk zijn. Over de hele wereld zijn Nederlandse mannen en vrouwen actief om de internationale rechtsorde te beschermen. Zij verdienen onze grote dank en waardering voor hun moeilijke werk. Met de 'nieuwe agenda voor hulp, handel en investeringen' geeft de regering vorm en inhoud aan de doelstelling om klassieke vormen van ontwikkelingshulp te verbinden met versterking van handelsrelaties. Het is een combinatie die wederzijds voordeel biedt. Zo heeft het Nederlandse bedrijfsleven veel expertise in waterbeheer. Hiermee helpen we landen in alle delen van de wereld hun waterproblemen op te lossen. De staatsrechtelijke relatie tussen Nederland en de Caribische delen van het Koninkrijk is in 2010 veranderd. Sindsdien is er steeds meer aandacht voor samenwerking op economisch terrein. Dat is profijtelijk voor alle partijen. Het draagt ook bij aan de noodzakelijke financiële zelfstandigheid en stabiliteit van de Caribische eilanden, die ik binnenkort samen met Koningin Máxima alle zes zal bezoeken. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Om de kracht en kwaliteit van onze samenleving vast te houden, zijn veranderingen noodzakelijk, die voor iedereen dragelijk moeten zijn. Aan de opdracht die daaruit voortvloeit, wil de regering in het parlementaire jaar dat voor ons ligt met volle inzet werken, samen met u. De vraagstukken waarover u zich gaat buigen, zijn complex en ingrijpend. U mag zich in uw zware taak gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. De begroting die de regering u vandaag aanbiedt, heeft betrekking op een bijzonder jubileumjaar in onze vaderlandse geschiedenis. In 2013 begint de nationale viering van 200 jaar Koninkrijk. Na een uiterst turbulente periode in ons land en overal elders in Europa, werden in 1813 de grondslagen gelegd voor een nieuw staatsbestel. Prins Willem Frederik, de latere koning Willem I, gaf bij zijn aankomst in Scheveningen een proclamatie uit. Daarin sprak hij niet alleen over de herwonnen vrijheid, maar ook over het grote belang van herstel van handel en welvaart. De notabelen die hem kort daarna het landsbestuur aanboden, benadrukten de veerkracht die op dat moment werd gevraagd van de hele samenleving. Twee eeuwen later, en in een heel andere maatschappelijke en staatkundige context, staat ons land opnieuw voor een opgave die om grote veerkracht vraagt. De financiële en economische crisis die de wereld sinds 2008 in haar greep houdt, raakt ook Nederland hard. Economisch herstel volgt niet vanzelf. De opening van dit parlementaire jaar vindt plaats in een periode van kabinetsvorming. De demissionaire status van het huidige kabinet noopt tot terughoudendheid bij het doen van nieuwe voorstellen. Tegelijkertijd duldt de aanpak van de urgente problemen waar we in eigen land en in Europa voor staan geen uitstel. De groei van de economie blijft wereldwijd achter bij de verwachtingen. Mede door de schuldencrisis in enkele landen binnen de eurozone is de economische crisis dieper en hardnekkiger dan eerder voorzien. Nederland, met zijn open en internationaal georiënteerde economie, wordt door dit alles bijzonder getroffen. Grote en kleine bedrijven ondervinden hiervan de gevolgen. Hoewel de werkloosheid in ons land in vergelijking met het buitenland nog relatief laag is, stijgt deze ook hier. Het is extra zorgelijk wanneer jongeren na hun opleiding geen werk kunnen vinden. Onder de huidige omstandigheden is het begrijpelijk dat mensen zich zorgen maken over hun baan, hun pensioen, de waardeontwikkeling van hun huis en de toekomst van hun kinderen. De regering beseft dat zij bij het gezond maken van de overheidsfinanciën en het veiligstellen van toekomstige welvaart belangrijke offers vraagt van alle Nederlanders. Ook als de economie en het consumentenvertrouwen weer aantrekken, is het realistisch te veronderstellen dat groeicijfers in de toekomst lager zullen zijn dan we in het recente verleden gewend waren. Tegelijkertijd leven wij in een van de meest welvarende landen ter wereld, met een hoog niveau van voorzieningen. Het is goed ons dit bewust te zijn en van daaruit met kracht en vertrouwen samen te blijven werken aan herstel. Het regeringsbeleid richt zich op houdbare overheidsfinanciën, maar ook op bevordering van ondernemerschap, investeren in infrastructuur en versterking van veiligheid, onderwijs en innovatie. Er zijn op meerdere gebieden grote stelselwijzigingen tot stand gebracht, zoals de vorming van de nationale politie per 1 januari 2013. In het onderwijs worden maatregelen doorgevoerd die de kwaliteit versterken en het voor jongeren aantrekkelijker maken te kiezen voor een beroepsopleiding. In de zorg zijn belangrijke stappen gezet om te komen tot meer kwaliteit en kostenbeheersing. De regering heeft daarover afspraken gemaakt met ziekenhuizen, instellingen voor geestelijke gezondheidszorg, medisch specialisten en huisartsen. In de bedrijfsvoering van de Rijksoverheid neemt de efficiency toe door betere samenwerking op terreinen als informatie- en communicatietechnologie, huisvesting en personeel. Bij haar aantreden in 2010 presenteerde de regering u voorstellen voor bezuinigingen en hervormingen ter waarde van 18 miljard euro. Begin 2012 bleken forse aanvullende maatregelen nodig om het begrotingstekort in 2013 beheersbaar te houden. De regering is verheugd dat vijf partijen dit voorjaar overeenstemming wisten te bereiken over een begrotingsakkoord dat recht doet aan de ernst en omvang van de financieel-economische problemen waar ons land voor staat. Met dit akkoord maken de betrokken partijen het de regering mogelijk ook in 2013 een bijdrage te leveren aan financiële soliditeit en op groei gerichte hervormingen. Het tekort komt daarmee volgend jaar onder de norm van drie procent. Dat versterkt het vertrouwen van de financiële markten in ons land en houdt de rentelasten beheersbaar. Vanaf 1 januari gaat de AOW-leeftijd geleidelijk omhoog, tot 67 jaar in 2023. Verhoging van het hoge btw-tarief per 1 oktober aanstaande en de nullijn voor de ambtenarensalarissen dragen direct bij aan een lager begrotingstekort. De bankenbelasting wordt verdubbeld en buitensporige bonussen worden zwaar belast. Door veranderingen in de WW en het ontslagrecht wordt de arbeidsmarkt flexibeler. Op de woningmarkt is de overdrachtsbelasting inmiddels structureel verlaagd. De begroting die de regering u vandaag aanbiedt, bevat ook een voorstel gericht op het aflossen van hypotheekschulden. In Europa zijn belangrijke stappen gezet om de stabiliteit in de muntunie te bevorderen en de euro voor de toekomst sterker te maken. De Europese Unie kan veel bijdragen aan de toekomstige groei van welvaart, welzijn en werkgelegenheid voor de inwoners van alle lidstaten. De Europese samenwerking, die ons land zoveel heeft gebracht, staat door de schuldencrisis onder druk. Een goed functionerende interne markt en een sterke en stabiele munt zijn in economisch opzicht van cruciale betekenis voor alle lidstaten. Voor Nederland, dat een groot deel van zijn nationaal inkomen in Europa verdient, is dit essentieel. Daarom is de regering er veel aan gelegen de muntunie en de interne markt structureel te verbeteren. Nederland heeft op deze gebieden voorstellen gedaan die navolging kregen. Samen met andere landen is een tweesporenbeleid tot stand gebracht van strenge begrotingsdiscipline en versterking van de Europese groeiagenda. Een eurocommissaris is nu speciaal met begrotingsdiscipline belast en er zullen sneller automatische sancties worden opgelegd aan landen die zich niet aan de afspraken houden. Het is belangrijk dat alle lidstaten hieraan gebonden zijn. Landen zullen elkaar de maat gaan nemen ten aanzien van binnenlandse hervormingen die nodig zijn voor economische groei. Andere concrete resultaten liggen op het terrein van goedkoper mobiel dataverkeer en de komst van een snel en betaalbaar Europees systeem van octrooibescherming. Dat laatste is van groot belang voor innoverende Nederlandse bedrijven. De grote vraagstukken rond het terugdringen van de staatsschuld, de toekomst van de euro, en de betaalbaarheid van zorg, goed onderwijs en een rechtvaardig systeem van sociale voorzieningen zijn niet van vandaag op morgen opgelost. Weinigen in ons land betwisten de noodzaak van het gezond maken en vervolgens beheersbaar houden van de overheidsfinanciën. Velen delen het ideaal van maatschappelijke verbondenheid en willen zich daarvoor inzetten. Naar de mening van de regering ligt hierin een belangrijke basis voor een gezamenlijke aanpak, die breed wordt gedragen. De betrokkenheid van vakbonden, werkgeversorganisaties en andere maatschappelijke partijen is hierbij onontbeerlijk. Dat geldt evenzeer voor provincies, gemeenten en waterschappen. Immers, ook van de medeoverheden wordt gevraagd de financiën te beheersen, terwijl hun rol en takenpakket in belang toenemen. In het Caribische deel van het Koninkrijk staan relatief kleine landen voor grote uitdagingen. De economische crisis laat zich ook daar voelen. De nieuwe staatkundige structuren zijn nog jong. Transparantie en houdbare overheidsfinanciën zijn van groot belang voor de bevolking en het vertrouwen in het bestuur. Na de staatkundige vernieuwing van oktober 2010 wordt op de eilanden Bonaire, Sint Eustatius en Saba op diverse terreinen geïnvesteerd in verbeteringen. Dat geldt onder andere voor de ziekenhuiszorg, de kwaliteit van schoolgebouwen en leerkrachten, en de rioolwaterzuivering. Samenwerking met andere landen bepaalt sinds jaar en dag het Nederlandse buitenlands beleid. Het belang daarvan neemt in deze tijd van groeiende internationale verwevenheid op alle terreinen toe. Economische diplomatie is nu meer dan ooit noodzakelijk om de crisis het hoofd te bieden. Voor versterking van mensenrechten, bestrijding van armoede, de aanpak van klimaatverandering en milieuproblematiek is gezamenlijk optreden eveneens geboden. In de internationale coalitie tegen piraterij speelt Nederland een vooraanstaande rol, mede ter bescherming van onze eigen koopvaardij. Op het terrein van ontwikkelingssamenwerking kiest de regering voor een beleid waarbij versterking van de economische structuur en zelfredzaamheid in elkaars verlengde liggen. Daarom is de aanpak geconcentreerd op samenwerking met een kleiner aantal partnerlanden en gericht op terreinen waar ons land veel kennis en ervaring kan inbrengen. Hieronder vallen waterbeheer, landbouw en versterking van de rechtsorde. Op deze manier worden meer concrete resultaten bereikt voor alle betrokken partijen. Op het gebied van vrede en veiligheid blijft het dringend vereist dat de internationale gemeenschap zich teweerstelt tegen onrecht en onveiligheid. De dramatische gebeurtenissen in Syrië onderstrepen dit eens te meer. In Afghanistan en op andere plaatsen in de wereld zetten meer dan duizend Nederlandse mannen en vrouwen zich elke dag opnieuw in voor rechtszekerheid en een menswaardig bestaan. Zij verdienen ons diepe respect. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Nederland is in sociaal en economisch opzicht een sterk land, gebouwd op een lange traditie van internationaal ondernemerschap, hard werken en solidariteit tussen bevolkingsgroepen en generaties. Op beslissende momenten in onze geschiedenis heeft Nederland de veerkracht getoond waarover al bij het ontstaan van het Koninkrijk in 1813 werd gesproken. Generaties vóór ons hebben bewezen onder moeilijke omstandigheden in goed overleg verschillen te kunnen overbruggen ten dienste van een verstandig sociaal-economisch beleid. Uit die voorbeelden mogen we vertrouwen putten voor de toekomst. De begroting voor 2013 die de regering u vandaag aanbiedt, is gebaseerd op de overtuiging dat financiële soliditeit en economische groei onlosmakelijk met elkaar zijn verbonden. Beide zijn nodig voor een goed voorzieningenniveau ten behoeve van toekomstige generaties. Daarover zal de regering graag open en constructief van gedachten blijven wisselen met u, leden van de Staten-Generaal. U mag zich in uw zware taak gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Ons land maakt economisch moeilijke tijden door. In de afgelopen jaren zijn ondanks de crisis massale werkloosheid en sterke toename van het aantal faillissementen voorkomen. Onze economie en arbeidsmarkt hebben veerkracht laten zien. Daaruit mogen we vertrouwen putten voor de toekomst. Maar vertrouwen alleen is niet genoeg. De uitgangspositie van Nederland is positief, maar door het inzakken van de wereldhandel zal de economische groei volgend jaar lager zijn dan verwacht. De schuldencrisis in Europa kan ook onze economie raken. Omdat Nederland zeer afhankelijk is van de handel met het buitenland, zijn wij extra kwetsbaar. Het is begrijpelijk dat de internationale ontwikkelingen en de snelheid waarmee die zich voltrekken, dikwijls gevoelens van onzekerheid oproepen. Vanuit de ambitie om de toekomstige welvaart zeker te stellen, staat de regering een aanpak voor ogen die gebaseerd is op twee met elkaar samenhangende keuzen: gezonde overheidsfinanciën en versterking van het economisch groeivermogen. Die samenhang ligt ten grondslag aan alle voorstellen die u dit parlementaire jaar ter behandeling worden aangeboden. De ernstige schuldenproblematiek in sommige Europese landen toont aan dat grote en langdurige tekorten een bedreiging zijn voor de welvaart. Daarom zijn beheersing van de overheidsfinanciën en een lage staatsschuld noodzakelijk. Het jaar dat voor ons ligt, wordt dan ook een jaar van ingrijpende bezuinigingsmaatregelen, die alle Nederlanders raken. De regering is er echter evenzeer van doordrongen dat een solide begroting hand in hand moet gaan met hervormingen die het groeivermogen van de Nederlandse economie versterken. Vanuit deze visie wil de regering de problemen van vandaag aanpakken en de kansen voor morgen creëren. Dat doet zij in de vaste overtuiging dat de kracht van Nederland zit in de ruim 16 miljoen inwoners die ons land telt. Daarbij hoort een kleine en krachtige overheid, die burgers en bedrijven meer ruimte geeft. Om die reden komt de regering met voorstellen om het aantal overheidsregels te verminderen en procedures te vereenvoudigen, en zo creativiteit en innovatie te stimuleren. Het terugdringen van bureaucratie biedt mensen in de publieke dienstverlening meer mogelijkheden hun vakmanschap te ontplooien. Een overheid die individuen in staat stelt zich te ontwikkelen, draagt bij aan maatschappelijke samenhang. De regering voert een immigratie- en integratiebeleid dat erop gericht is de onderlinge betrokkenheid in de samenleving te versterken. Dat houdt in dat van migranten wordt verwacht dat zij in hun eigen levensonderhoud voorzien en dat zij zich rekenschap geven van de wetten van ons land en de waarden die ons binden. De bezuinigingsoperatie van 18 miljard euro gaat aan niemand ongemerkt voorbij. Voor vrijwel iedereen daalt in het komend jaar de koopkracht. Tal van voorzieningen worden versoberd. Het uitgangspunt van de regering is dat mensen niet gebaat zijn bij afhankelijkheid. Zij voert daarom een beleid dat financiële zelfstandigheid en maatschappelijke betrokkenheid stimuleert. De regering ontziet echter zo veel mogelijk degenen die bijvoorbeeld door ziekte of beperking écht niet in staat zijn in hun eigen onderhoud te voorzien. Bij het invullen van de bezuinigingen kijkt de regering in de eerste plaats naar zichzelf en naar de andere overheden. Er zijn al minder ministeries en het aantal rijksambtenaren en overheidsgebouwen zal de komende jaren aanzienlijk dalen. In de provincies en gemeenten is eenzelfde trend zichtbaar. Daarnaast zijn voorstellen gedaan voor vermindering van het aantal bestuurders op alle niveaus. Waar dit mogelijk en nuttig is, draagt de regering taken over aan gemeenten. Voorbeelden hiervan zijn de jeugdzorg en de regeling voor sociale werkplaatsen. Zo kan beter worden ingespeeld op individuele behoeften en wordt tegelijkertijd geld bespaard. De kleine en krachtige overheid die de regering voor ogen staat, is van wezenlijk belang voor de versterking van het groeivermogen van Nederland. Bij een samenleving die mensen en bedrijven stimuleert in beweging te komen en het beste uit zichzelf te halen, past immers niet een overheid die in de weg loopt, maar een overheid die de weg baant. Dit gebeurt bijvoorbeeld door ondernemerschap en wetenschap actief bij elkaar te brengen in tien topsectoren, die een uitstekende uitgangspositie hebben op de wereldmarkt. Dat geldt onder andere voor onze kennis op het terrein van water, energie en de hoogwaardige voedsel- en landbouwsector. Daarmee kunnen we een bijdrage leveren aan de oplossing van complexe vraagstukken zoals klimaatverandering en grondstoffenschaarste, en tegelijkertijd onze economie versterken. Een goed werkende interne Europese markt en een stabiele euro zijn essentieel voor de economische doelstellingen van het regeringsbeleid. Bovendien moeten mensen kunnen vertrouwen op de waarde van hun spaargeld en pensioenen. Om die reden heeft de overheid de afgelopen jaren noodgedwongen fors geïnvesteerd in de stabiliteit van het Nederlandse bank- en verzekeringswezen. Nu vraagt de regering van deze sector een bijdrage in de vorm van een bankenbelasting vanaf 2012. Het spreekt vanzelf dat toekomstige economische groei nauw verbonden is met ons vermogen om te blijven leren. Goed onderwijs is fundamenteel voor de concurrentiekracht van ons land en geeft mensen de kans hun talenten te ontplooien. De regering wil daarom de kwaliteit van het onderwijs verbeteren. In het primair en voortgezet onderwijs worden docenten en leerlingen gestimuleerd zich te blijven ontwikkelen en tot hogere prestaties te komen. Met dat doel worden de eisen aan de opleiding van docenten aangescherpt en worden leerlingen getoetst op basis van landelijk geldende normen. Om goed functioneren extra te kunnen belonen, moeten de resultaten van scholen en docenten inzichtelijk zijn. Docenten dienen zich bovenal te kunnen richten op lesgeven in hun vakgebied. De regering doet hiervoor voorstellen. Voor studenten in het hoger onderwijs gaat de eigen bijdrage omhoog. Met de opbrengst daarvan wordt geïnvesteerd in kwalitatief betere en intensievere onderwijsprogramma's. De regering maakt afspraken met universiteiten en hogescholen over concentratie van opleidingen, het bevorderen van excellentie in onderzoek en een betere aansluiting op de arbeidsmarkt. Dit laatste is óók nodig in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs, waar vakmanschap meer centraal moet staan. Goed onderwijs is cruciaal voor de kracht van onze samenleving. De regering is zich ervan bewust dat hier voor de overheid een kerntaak ligt. Dat geldt eveneens voor voorzieningen als veiligheid, zorg en sociale zekerheid. Ook op deze terreinen zijn structuurversterkingen nodig. Veiligheid is bij uitstek een maatschappelijke basisbehoefte. De vorming van een nationale politie is nodig om krachtiger op te kunnen treden tegen criminaliteit. De regering richt zich daarbij in het bijzonder op misdrijven die zeer ingrijpend zijn voor het slachtoffer en de samenleving. Dat geldt onder andere voor kindermisbruik, overvallen op winkels en straatroof. Ook de georganiseerde misdaad wordt harder aangepakt, waarbij het accent ligt op de bestrijding van mensenhandel, drugscriminaliteit en witwassen. De positie van slachtoffers verbetert, onder meer door het mogelijk te maken dat in een vroeg stadium beslag kan worden gelegd op eigendom van verdachten met het oog op schadevergoeding. In het Nederlandse zorgstelsel staat solidariteit tussen oud en jong, tussen gezond en ziek, centraal. De regering wil dat dit zo blijft en geeft in deze kabinetsperiode ruim 15 miljard euro meer uit aan zorg, ondanks de enorme bezuinigingsopdracht waarvoor zij zich gesteld ziet. Een dergelijke stijging van de uitgaven is op termijn echter onhoudbaar. Zonder maatregelen worden premies onbetaalbaar en gaat in de toekomst een onverantwoord groot deel van de schaarse overheidsmiddelen naar de zorg. De regering vindt het noodzakelijk het zorgstelsel toekomstbestendiger te maken. Om die reden is met de ziekenhuizen, specialisten en zorgverzekeraars een akkoord gesloten over het betalen per geleverde behandeling en over een lagere groei van de zorguitgaven. Ook wordt het mogelijk gemaakt dat verzekeraars en ziekenhuizen over een groter deel van het zorgaanbod vrij kunnen onderhandelen. Op het terrein van de ouderenzorg investeert de regering in verdergaande kwaliteitsverbetering. Rechten van bewoners in zorginstellingen worden vastgelegd in een nieuwe beginselenwet. Hun wensen over de manier waarop zij hun leven waardig willen inrichten, worden in deze wet centraal gesteld. Het beroep op het persoonsgebonden budget neemt een zodanig hoge vlucht dat de regering het onverantwoord acht deze regeling in de huidige vorm voort te zetten. Mensen met een indicatie voor verblijf in een zorginstelling behouden de mogelijkheid hun eigen zorg te organiseren. Vanzelfsprekend blijft voor mensen zonder verblijfsindicatie zorg van goede kwaliteit beschikbaar. Ook in de sociale zekerheid en de oudedagsvoorzieningen zijn maatregelen nodig om goede basisvoorzieningen te behouden. De regering wil een arbeidsmarktbeleid voeren waarbij het principe geldt van 'werk boven uitkering'. Gelet op het feit dat mensen gemiddeld steeds langer leven, is het logisch dat wij allen langer gaan werken. De regering streeft ernaar in dit parlementaire jaar het wetsvoorstel voor de verhoging van de AOW-leeftijd met u te bespreken. Daarnaast blijft het nodig met de sociale partners de samenhang tussen de AOW en de aanvullende pensioenen te bevorderen. De regering geeft gemeenten meer mogelijkheden om mensen aan het werk te krijgen in een reguliere baan en budgetten voor re-integratie effectiever in te zetten. Daarom worden de huidige regelingen voor de Wajong, de sociale werkplaatsen en de Wet Werk en Bijstand samengevoegd in één nieuwe regeling 'Werken naar vermogen'. Voor jongeren die volledig en duurzaam arbeidsongeschikt zijn verklaard, verandert er niets. Dit geldt ook voor hen die met de zwaarste indicatie in een sociale werkplaats werken. Om het maatschappelijk draagvlak onder ons sociale stelsel te behouden, gaat de regering mensen die frauderen met uitkeringen, strenger straffen. Ditzelfde geldt voor bedrijven die zich niet houden aan regelgeving voor arbeidsomstandigheden. De regering is zich zeer bewust van het open karakter van de Nederlandse economie. De toenemende internationale verwevenheid tussen mensen en landen en de verschuivingen in de mondiale verhoudingen vragen om een actieve opstelling in de wereld. De economische belangen van ons land zijn wereldwijd zeer groot. De regering wil daar in de volle breedte van het buitenlands beleid een sterker accent op leggen. Dat doet zij bijvoorbeeld door economische diplomatie te stimuleren en in het kader van ontwikkelingssamenwerking meer oog te hebben voor de kansen van ons bedrijfsleven. Nederland blijft op het terrein van ontwikkelingssamenwerking aan zijn internationale verplichtingen voldoen. Een belangrijke doelstelling van het buitenlands beleid is het bevorderen van democratische waarden en mensenrechten, en van stabiliteit en vrede in de wereld. De Nederlandse mannen en vrouwen die zich in Afghanistan en elders op de wereld daarvoor inzetten, verdienen onze grote steun en waardering. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De huidige economische situatie vraagt om maatregelen. Het bezuinigingspakket dat de regering u voorlegt, is dan ook omvangrijk. De voorstellen raken de koopkracht van alle Nederlanders. De groeiende economische en maatschappelijke onzekerheden stellen ons incasseringsvermogen op de proef. Toch is er reden voor optimisme, want de uitgangspositie van ons land is en blijft relatief goed. De maatregelen die de regering presenteert, zijn erop gericht onze welvaart zeker te stellen. De regering doet een appèl op iedereen hieraan een bijdrage te leveren. Een appèl om in deze moeilijke periode met elkaar te bouwen aan een sterkere samenleving en een sterkere economie, in de beste tradities van ons land. Hierbij weten wij ons nauw verbonden met de andere landen van het Koninkrijk en met de Caribische eilanden die sinds vorig jaar deel uitmaken van ons staatsbestel. Op u, leden van de Staten-Generaal, rust bij dit alles een speciale verantwoordelijkheid. De regering ziet uit naar een intensieve en open gedachtenwisseling en wil graag samen met u werken aan breed gedragen oplossingen. U mag zich in uw zware taak gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Willen wij daadkrachtig het economisch herstel vorm kunnen geven, dan is stabiel bestuur gewenst. Intensief wordt sinds de Tweede Kamer-verkiezingen van 9 juni gewerkt aan de totstandkoming van een nieuw kabinet. Lopende de kabinetsformatie past het huidige kabinet terughoudendheid bij het doen van beleidsvoorstellen voor het komende jaar. Lange tijd en wereldwijd zullen de gevolgen van de financieel-economische crisis voelbaar blijven. Een ingrijpend pakket van ombuigingen is nu noodzakelijk om de positie van ons land ook op de lange termijn te verbeteren. Maatregelen voor de jaren na 2011 zullen vanzelfsprekend door een nieuw kabinet voorbereid moeten worden. Voorwaarde voor een duurzame ontwikkeling en welvaart is een stabiel begrotingsbeleid. Aanvullende voorstellen om het jaarlijkse tekort op de begroting terug te dringen, zijn onvermijdelijk. Noodzakelijke middelen om de economie te stimuleren heeft de regering reeds ingezet. Niet langer kan dit beleid ongewijzigd worden gecontinueerd. Als gevolg van de dalende belastinginkomsten en de stimuleringsmaatregelen is het overheidstekort fors opgelopen. Staatsschuld en tekort stijgen tot een hoogte die op den duur niet houdbaar is. Structurele financiële maatregelen zullen nú genomen moeten worden. Om de hoge overheidstekorten terug te dringen komt de regering met voorstellen die de financiële positie van de Rijksbegroting op termijn zullen verbeteren. Voldaan wordt tevens aan de voorwaarden van het Europees Stabiliteits- en Groeipact, waaraan ons land gebonden is. De keuzes van de regering zijn daarbij vooral ingegeven door de wens en de noodzaak het uitgavenniveau te verlagen. Hoewel in Nederland de werkloosheid minder hoog is opgelopen dan in de landen om ons heen, blijft de regering zich inzetten om deze terug te dringen. In deze moeilijke tijden is het belangrijk houvast te bieden aan alle inwoners van ons land, met een beleid dat gericht is op behoud van werkgelegenheid en versterking van de economie. Op termijn zal de arbeidsmarkt als gevolg van de vergrijzing gekenmerkt worden door een dalend arbeidsaanbod. Het blijft noodzakelijk maatregelen te treffen die de arbeidsparticipatie vergroten, de inzetbaarheid van werknemers verbeteren en de arbeidsmobiliteit bevorderen. Nederland is voor zijn welvaart voor een groot deel afhankelijk van de levering van goederen en diensten aan het buitenland. Voor de komende jaren moet rekening worden gehouden met een sterk toenemende concurrentie op de exportmarkten. Vanwege ons relatief hoge loonkostenniveau zal ons land zich moeten blijven inspannen om de concurrentie te weerstaan door innovatieve producten en diensten van hoge kwaliteit te leveren. Een verantwoorde loonontwikkeling is daarbij een belangrijke voorwaarde. Een sterke en stabiele financiële sector is voor onze samenleving en ons internationaal opererende bedrijfsleven van bijzonder belang. Het is daarom essentieel dat het maatschappelijk vertrouwen in de sector wordt hersteld. Internationaal zijn al stappen gezet ter verscherping van het toezicht. Zo worden voorstellen voorbereid voor betere samenwerking tussen toezichthouders en versterking van de reservepositie van instellingen. De Nederlandse financiële sector heeft zélf verantwoordelijkheid getoond door het opstellen van de Code Banken. Wettelijke verankering hiervan vormt een basis om met behulp van strengere kapitaaleisen en dwingende beloningsprincipes de vertrouwensrelatie met de samenleving te herstellen. Voor het beheer van financiële instellingen die door de Staat zijn overgenomen, wordt een aparte structuur opgezet. Het Nederlandse pensioenstelsel is robuust in vergelijking met de stelsels van andere landen. Maar maatregelen zijn noodzakelijk omdat de stijgende levensverwachting de pensioenuitkeringen onder druk zet. Om volgende generaties na een werkzaam leven te verzekeren van een goed pensioen, ligt een verhoging van de pensioengerechtigde leeftijd in de rede. Werkgevers en werknemers hebben reeds laten blijken gezamenlijk hieraan mee te willen werken. Daarnaast heeft de economische crisis ernstige gevolgen voor de waarde van ons pensioenvermogen. De regering hecht eraan dat de bestaande regelgeving wordt nageleefd, teneinde het vertrouwen op lange termijn te herstellen. Voor de samenleving zijn niet louter financieel-economische ontwikkelingen doorslaggevend. Maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen hebben evenzeer hun doorwerking in de kwaliteit van onze maatschappij. Sociale samenhang werd in de Nederlandse samenleving vaak als vanzelfsprekend beschouwd. De afgelopen jaren zijn wij ons er echter van bewust geworden dat dit niet zo is. In het verleden waren reeds voortdurend inspanningen nodig om tegenstellingen en verschillen van opvatting in de samenleving beheersbaar te houden. Deze noodzaak is in onze tijd niet minder geworden. Het bieden van tegenwicht is niet alleen een taak voor de regering, maar ook voor burgers en de vele maatschappelijke organisaties die ons land telt. Een harmonieuze samenleving is gebouwd op respect, verdraagzaamheid en wellevendheid. Dat vergt geven en nemen, tolerantie maar ook aanpassing. Dit is de verantwoordelijkheid van ons allen. Onze stijgende levensverwachting is een groot goed. Tegelijkertijd stelt zij de samenleving voor nieuwe uitdagingen. Zo zijn een adequaat onderwijssysteem, een hoogwaardige gezondheidszorg, een leefbare woonomgeving en een veilige samenleving voorzieningen die de nodige financiële inspanningen vergen. Hierbij staan kwaliteit en toegankelijkheid centraal. Kwaliteitsverbetering in het onderwijs is steeds een prioriteit van het regeringsbeleid geweest. Op die weg zullen nog veel stappen gezet moeten worden. Hierbij is, naast het verwerven van kennis, ook de aansluiting bij het bedrijfsleven en de arbeidsmarkt van belang. In zijn afsluitend rapport heeft het Innovatieplatform voorstellen gedaan om Nederland op de lijst van kenniseconomieën te laten opklimmen van plaats tien tot in de top vijf. Bij de ambitie om ons land tot een echt kennisland te maken, horen goed onderwijs en onderzoek. In de vandaag ingediende begroting ontziet de regering het onderwijs. Daarnaast spreekt zij het bedrijfsleven aan op een hogere bijdrage voor ontwikkeling en onderzoek. De gezondheidszorg is in ons land van goede kwaliteit. De toegankelijkheid hiervan is voor alle Nederlanders zeer ruim. Daar staat wél tegenover dat, mede door de groeiende vraag naar zorg, de kosten in de afgelopen jaren sterk zijn toegenomen. Dit wordt veroorzaakt door steeds grotere technologische verbeteringen en de stijgende levensverwachting. Maatregelen om de kosten in de hand te houden zullen worden genomen, teneinde de doelmatigheid in de ziekenhuiszorg verder te vergroten. Om de toegankelijkheid en het vertrouwen in de woningmarkt te herstellen dienen investeringen en doorstroming te worden bevorderd. De regering heeft maatregelen genomen om de woningbouw te stimuleren. Dit is nodig, want niet alleen de bevolking blijft groeien, maar ook het aantal huishoudens. Zeker in de Randstad is er nog steeds een grote behoefte aan goede en betaalbare huisvesting. Daarnaast blijft aandacht geboden voor de specifieke problemen van krimpgebieden. De regering zal de mobiliteit verbeteren door een versnelde aanpak van knelpunten in de infrastructuur. Een gerichte werkwijze zal moeten garanderen dat Nederland goed is beveiligd tegen het water. Daarnaast moet er, ook in perioden van droogte, voldoende zoet water beschikbaar zijn. Het veiligheidsbeleid is er al jaren op gericht om overlast en criminaliteit aan te pakken, maar ook om de kwaliteit van het leefklimaat in de wijken structureel te verbeteren. De wijkgerichte aanpak blijft een goed instrument om samen met gemeenten, burgers en woningcorporaties hieraan te werken. Het jeugdbeleid is gebaseerd op de ervaring dat preventie loont. Alle kinderen moeten gelijke kansen krijgen om zich te kunnen ontwikkelen. Schooluitval moet effectief worden bestreden. Het actief beveiligen en beschermen van de samenleving en de burger tegen intimidatie, discriminatie en geweld blijft een hoge prioriteit van de regering. Nederland is de op één na grootste exporteur van land- en tuinbouwproducten. Het innovatieve en duurzame karakter van onze agrarische sector staat wereldwijd hoog aangeschreven. Ons land kan een belangrijke bijdrage leveren aan de mondiale voedselzekerheid door te blijven werken aan verbetering van de huidige technologieën. De overheid schept hierbij randvoorwaarden voor duurzame productiemethoden. De financieel-economische crisis heeft nog eens duidelijk gemaakt hoe verweven Nederland is met de wereld om ons heen. Het wekt vertrouwen dat Europa in een moeilijke tijd slagvaardig kan opereren. Niet alleen op financieel-economisch terrein toont Europa zijn toegevoegde waarde. Ook op het gebied van duurzaamheid worden belangrijke stappen gezet. Zo wordt het komende jaar in Europa besloten over de aanscherping van emissienormen voor autoverkeer. In contacten met onze partners en internationale organisaties hebben de bestrijding van armoede in de wereld, de duurzaamheid van onze planeet, versterking van mensenrechten en internationale vrede en veiligheid een centrale plaats. De inzet van Nederland tijdens de afgelopen G20 en Europese topconferenties is mede in dat licht te bezien. Stabiliteit, vrede en goed bestuur worden gediend met samenwerking binnen internationale organisaties zoals de Europese Unie, de NAVO en de Verenigde Naties. Een goed toegeruste veiligheids- en defensieorganisatie draagt daartoe bij. De eerste taak van onze krijgsmacht is de zorg voor de veiligheid van het eigen en het bondgenootschappelijk grondgebied. Daarenboven heeft Nederland ook de opdracht aanvaard bij te dragen aan internationale vredesmissies en crisisbeheersingsoperaties. Grote dank zijn wij verschuldigd aan de mannen en vrouwen die zich in de afgelopen acht jaren in Afghanistan hebben ingezet, in het bijzonder in de provincie Uruzgan, om de bevolking te helpen bij het bouwen aan een betere toekomst. Ook hen die thans nog de verantwoordelijkheid dragen voor de veilige terugkeer van de laatste eenheden en materieel, willen wij in onze dank betrekken. Intens medeleven gaat uit naar degenen die gewond zijn geraakt bij het uitoefenen van hun taken. Diep respect zullen wij blijven voelen voor degenen die bij het vervullen van hun opdracht hun leven hebben gegeven. Zij -­ en hun nabestaanden - blijven in onze gedachten. Wij allen kunnen trots zijn op wat onder zeer moeilijke omstandigheden is verricht in Afghanistan. Voorbereidingen zijn getroffen om de staatkundige vernieuwingen binnen het Koninkrijk hun beslag te laten krijgen. De Nederlandse Antillen zullen als land binnen het Koninkrijk ophouden te bestaan. Curaçao en Sint-Maarten krijgen elk de status van land. De eilandgebieden Bonaire, Sint-Eustatius en Saba zullen als openbaar lichaam deel gaan uitmaken van het Nederlandse staatsbestel. Curaçao en Sint- Maarten kunnen blijven rekenen op steun van de regering op het terrein van rechtshandhaving en goed bestuur. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, In afwachting van het aantreden van een nieuw kabinet bereidt U zich voor op voorstellen die op veel beleidsterreinen bij U aanhangig worden gemaakt. Over de afhandeling daarvan zal in overleg met U moeten worden beslist. Vast staat dat veel aandacht en inspanning van U zal worden gevraagd bij de zwaarwegende beslissingen die nodig zijn om onze economische en sociale problemen het hoofd te bieden. U mag zich daarin gesteund weten door het besef dat velen U wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor U bidden. De huidige tijd vraagt om vastberadenheid en bereidheid tot verandering. De wereldwijde financiële en economische crisis heeft ook Nederland hard geraakt. De snelheid waarmee de gebeurtenissen zich in het achter ons liggende jaar hebben voltrokken, was uitzonderlijk. Mensen verliezen hun baan, het aantal faillissementen neemt snel toe, jarenlang opgebouwde vermogens slinken en de overheidsfinanciën vertonen onvermijdelijk grote tekorten. De gevolgen zullen nog lang gevoeld worden. Bovendien hebben ontsporingen in de financiële sector het vertrouwen in instituties en hun bestuurders aangetast. Door dit alles groeit bij velen de onzekerheid over de toekomst. Het is de ambitie van de regering onzekerheden om te buigen naar herstel. De noodzakelijke veranderingen bieden perspectief op een economisch en sociaal krachtig Nederland. Wij hebben elkaar en ons land veel te bieden door in saamhorigheid vast te houden aan de traditie van vrijheid, verantwoordelijk burgerschap en een actieve Europese en internationale opstelling. In het najaar van 2008 heeft de regering met kracht ingegrepen in de financiële sector teneinde spaartegoeden van burgers en financiering van bedrijven veilig te stellen en instorten van de economie te voorkomen. Drie miljard euro wordt geïnvesteerd in nieuwbouw en onderhoud van scholen, ziekenhuizen, woningen en infrastructuur en in energiebesparing. Hiermee wil de regering de economie stimuleren. Eveneens wordt drie miljard euro uitgetrokken voor arbeidsmarkt en bedrijfsleven en voor onderwijs en kennis. Bedrijven worden gesteund met ruimere kredietfaciliteiten en met regelingen voor deeltijdwerkloosheid. Daardoor zullen meer werknemers hun baan behouden. Tussen 2008 en 2011 wordt ongeveer acht miljard euro extra uitgegeven aan uitkeringen voor werkloosheid en bijstand. De begroting voor 2010 besteedt bijzondere aandacht aan de bestrijding van de jeugdwerkloosheid. Ook dient de regering vandaag een voorstel in voor een Crisis- en herstelwet, gericht op versnelling van procedures voor infrastructurele projecten. Dit biedt een basis voor meer dynamiek in de economie en daarmee voor meer werkgelegenheid. In de jaren dat de Nederlandse economie krimpt, worden de overheidsuitgaven niet verlaagd. Al deze en andere maatregelen vangen de gevolgen van de recessie op korte termijn zo veel mogelijk op. Voor de jaren daarna bevat deze begroting voorstellen die de basis bieden voor herstel van de overheidsfinanciën. De staatsschuld is fors gestegen en zal niet vanzelf weer verminderen. Het overschot van één procent van het bruto binnenlands product op de begroting van vorig jaar is omgeslagen in een tekort van meer dan zes procent in 2010. De recessie leidt tot aanzienlijk lagere belastingafdrachten door burgers en bedrijven. Zelfs bij een gemiddelde economische groei van twee procent zal de staatsschuld blijven toenemen met ongeveer vijfendertig miljard euro per jaar. Hoewel de economie volgend jaar weer voorzichtig lijkt te verbeteren, blijven de opgaven waar we voor staan aanzienlijk. Als de welvaart achteruitgaat en de staatsschuld stijgt, wordt het bovendien moeilijker om de kosten te dragen van een vergrijzende bevolking en van de noodzakelijke overgang naar een economie waarin voluit recht wordt gedaan aan de eisen die een goed klimaat- en milieubeleid ons stelt. Bij ongewijzigd beleid zullen ernstige en onwenselijke gevolgen optreden voor de hoogte van belastingen en sociale premies, voor de werkgelegenheid en voor de betaalbaarheid van voorzieningen als zorg, onderwijs en pensioenen. De regering acht het niet verantwoord deze rekeningen door te schuiven naar de jonge en toekomstige generaties. Jongeren dreigen nu geen werk te vinden, straks tijdens hun werkzame leven ook de lasten van een vergrijsde bevolking te moeten dragen, en daarna niet meer te kunnen rekenen op goede collectieve voorzieningen. Dit mogen wij niet laten gebeuren! In dit licht heeft de regering al eerder haar voornemens ontvouwd om, rekening houdend met zware beroepen, de AOW-leeftijd te verhogen naar 67 jaar, de kosten van de zorg te beheersen en eigenaren van huizen met een waarde boven 1 miljoen euro zwaarder te belasten. Voor het eind van dit jaar zal een voorstel van een Wet tekortreductie Rijk en medeoverheden bij u worden ingediend, waarvan de regering hoopt dat deze op 1 januari 2011 in werking kan treden. De wet verplicht het saldo tussen uitgaven en inkomsten jaarlijks te verbeteren. De regering zal het komende halfjaar fundamentele heroverwegingen voorbereiden op een twintigtal brede terreinen in de collectieve sector. De Voorjaarsnota 2010 biedt de eerste gelegenheid om tot maatregelen te komen. Om bij te dragen aan het noodzakelijke herstel van de overheidsfinanciën zal onderzocht worden waar met twintig procent besparing maatschappelijke doelen kunnen worden gerealiseerd. Dit moet zicht geven op financieel verantwoorde mogelijkheden om publieke diensten voor burgers effectiever uit te voeren, beleid beter af te stemmen op problemen in de samenleving en verantwoordelijkheden tussen overheden en burgers anders en beter vorm te geven. De heroverwegingen moeten er ook toe leiden dat onderwijs, kennis, innovatie en ondernemerschap doelgerichter worden ingezet om economische groei te bevorderen. Daarnaast zal duidelijk gemaakt worden hoe belangrijke sectoren van het Nederlandse bedrijfsleven, zoals waterbeheer en energie, landbouw en visserij, klimaat en milieu, daaraan kunnen bijdragen. De heroverwegingen hebben tot doel fundamentele keuzes te maken met het oog op een economisch en sociaal krachtig Nederland. Het matigen van de loonontwikkeling draagt bij aan meer werkgelegenheid en aan een eerlijke verdeling van de lasten van de economische recessie tussen werkenden en niet-werkenden, tussen de collectieve sector en de marktsector, tussen hogere en lagere inkomens en tussen jong en oud. De regering roept sociale partners op tot een verantwoorde loonontwikkeling. Indien dit niet gebeurt, zal de regering haar eigen verantwoordelijkheid nemen. De economische recessie heeft ook morele tekortkomingen blootgelegd in het functioneren van markt en maatschappij. De regering heeft gebreken in de financiële sector binnen en buiten Nederland benoemd en vertaald naar voorstellen voor striktere normering en beter toezicht. Bindende afspraken worden gemaakt over begrenzing van te hoge beloningen en bonussen. In deze moeilijke tijd acht de regering het van belang te blijven werken aan een samenleving waarin mensen zich met elkaar verbonden weten, in vrijheid elkaar respecteren en samen verantwoordelijkheid dragen. Goede opvoeding en goed onderwijs liggen ten grondslag aan verantwoordelijk burgerschap. De afgelopen twee jaar heeft de regering maatregelen genomen ter bevordering van sociale samenhang, veiligheid, stabiliteit en respect. Een vasthoudende aanpak over een reeks van jaren is nodig om tot resultaten te komen. Daarom zal de regering bijzondere aandacht blijven schenken aan jeugd en jongeren, aan inburgering en aan kwetsbare wijken in grote steden. Gebrek aan integratie van sommige groepen in de samenleving, onfatsoenlijk en respectloos handelen van velen in de openbare ruimte en crimineel gedrag van groepen jongeren blijken hardnekkig en veroorzaken veel maatschappelijk ongenoegen. De regering treedt daarom niet alleen consequent op tegen plegers van delicten maar pakt ook oorzaken van problematisch gedrag aan. De samenwerking van justitie, politie, gemeenten, reclassering en jeugdzorg is daarvoor essentieel. De regering zal de maatschappelijke weerbaarheid in ons land bevorderen door meer ruimte te geven aan burgers en organisaties en goed met hen samen te werken. Ook met medeoverheden en de publieke sector is goede samenwerking geboden. Vertrouwen in maatschappelijke organisaties, democratie en rechtsstaat is daarbij van onmisbaar belang. Een economisch en sociaal krachtig Nederland vereist samenwerking in Europa en een internationale oriëntatie. Nederland heeft veel te winnen bij een duurzame en open wereldeconomie. Ruim zestig procent van onze werkgelegenheid hangt daar rechtstreeks van af. Nederland zet zich in voor vrije en eerlijke wereldhandel en beter toezicht op de internationale financiële sector. De recessie verzwaart de opgaven waar alle landen samen voor staan om armoede te bestrijden en klimaatverandering aan te pakken. Niettemin zal ons land zich blijven inspannen voor samenwerking met de armste landen en met landen met opkomende economieën, en ook voor drastische verlaging van de uitstoot van schadelijke stoffen. De Algemene Vergadering van de Verenigde Naties, de G20-bijeenkomst in Pittsburgh en de klimaatconferentie in Kopenhagen bieden hiertoe nog dit jaar gelegenheid. Nederland heeft de wereld veel te bieden. Wij zetten ons in voor vrede en veiligheid. Ons land maakt zich sterk voor mensenrechten, vrijheid, democratie en rechtsorde. Deze waarden vinden in Europa hun oorsprong. Juist nu is en blijft Europese samenwerking essentieel. De regering ziet uit naar de inwerkingtreding van het Verdrag van Lissabon. Bij vredes- en veiligheidsmissies zal ons land zijn internationale verantwoordelijkheid blijven nemen. De regering heeft grote waardering voor de militairen die deze zware taken uitvoeren, zoals in Afghanistan. Wij denken met respect aan degenen die hierbij het leven hebben gelaten of gewond zijn geraakt. De regering zal zich ook in Koninkrijksverband blijven inzetten voor gezonde overheidsfinanciën en goede publieke voorzieningen. Nieuwe staatkundige verhoudingen binnen het Koninkrijk moeten daaraan bijdragen. In het belang van de burgers zullen alle betrokkenen zich moeten inspannen om het komend jaar de nieuwe regelingen tot stand te brengen. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Ons land staat voor een uitzonderlijke, maar geenszins onmogelijke opgave. Met vastberadenheid en met de bereidheid tot verandering kunnen wij de kansen benutten voor een economisch en sociaal krachtig Nederland. De regering doet daartoe een beroep op alle Nederlanders en een ieder die in Nederland woont. Er rust een verantwoordelijkheid op ons allen, jong en oud, burgers en bestuurders, werknemers en werkgevers. De regering spreekt de hoop uit dat iedereen zich daarvan bewust is en ernaar wil handelen. Op u, leden van de Staten-Generaal, rust de zware verantwoordelijkheid om, samen met de regering, initiatief te nemen. U mag zich daarin gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Nederland kan zelfbewust en met vertrouwen inspelen op de hoge eisen die momenteel aan ons worden gesteld. Wereldwijd zijn er ontwikkelingen waarover mensen zich zorgen maken. Vrede en veiligheid staan op veel plaatsen onder druk. Duurzame economische groei is niet vanzelfsprekend. In eigen land vraagt de kwaliteit van de dagelijkse leefomgeving extra inzet. Ook zijn inspanningen nodig om onderling respect te versterken. De regering wil met alle burgers samen bouwen aan een land dat vertrouwen heeft in zichzelf en de blik gericht houdt op de toekomst. Centraal in de begrotingsvoorstellen voor 2009 staan een intensieve internationale samenwerking, optimale kansen voor duurzame economische groei en een leefomgeving die mensen houvast en vertrouwen biedt. Vrede en veiligheid vragen voortdurend aandacht. Wij leveren van oudsher bijdragen aan vredesmissies en ontwikkelingssamenwerking. Als internationaal georiënteerd land stelt Nederland zich verantwoordelijk en constructief op. Ook nu zet ons land zijn inspanningen op het gebied van internationale rechtsorde, mensenrechten, ontwikkelingssamenwerking en crisisbeheersing onverminderd voort. Om de veiligheidstaken goed te kunnen uitvoeren wordt geïnvesteerd in materieel en personeel. De aanwezigheid van Nederlandse militairen in Afghanistan en andere conflictgebieden bevestigt dat onze solidariteit de landsgrenzen overstijgt. Voor de zware taak die zij vaak met gevaar voor eigen leven vervullen, verdienen zij niet-aflatende waardering. Wij denken aan hen die vielen en aan hun nabestaanden. Fragiele staten hebben grote moeite de millenniumontwikkelingsdoelen te halen. Juist daarom investeert de regering extra in deze landen. Ook wil zij de vrijheid van meningsuiting, de mediadiversiteit en de vrijheid van godsdienst in de wereld bevorderen. Er worden daarom meer middelen toegevoegd aan het mensenrechtenfonds. De Europese Unie heeft vrijheid en veiligheid gebracht in ons deel van de wereld. De regering zal zich blijvend inzetten voor een hechte Europese samenwerking. Het is verheugend dat u, Staten-Generaal, het Verdrag van Lissabon heeft goedgekeurd. De regering hoopt dat de lidstaten van de Unie in 2009 vervolg geven aan de ratificatie. Samenwerking in Europees verband is eveneens cruciaal bij het realiseren van duurzame economische groei. De begroting van de EU dient daar in toenemende mate op te worden gericht. Duurzame economische groei spreekt niet vanzelf. De wereldeconomie kampt met tegenslagen. Overal neemt de vraag naar voedsel en energie toe en stijgen de prijzen. De crisis op de financiële markten vertraagt ook in ons land de groei. Dankzij de inspanningen van de afgelopen jaren staat de Nederlandse economie er relatief goed voor. De werkloosheid is laag. Sinds het jaar 2000 is de koopkracht per huishouden gemiddeld met twaalf procent gestegen. Ons pensioenstelsel en andere sociale voorzieningen zijn solide. Alertheid blijft echter geboden. De regering wil deze fundamenten verder verstevigen door verbetering van de concurrentiepositie, beperking van de inflatie en vergroting van de arbeidsparticipatie. De btw wordt daarom niet verhoogd. Dit maakt een verantwoorde loonkostenontwikkeling en verlaging van de werknemerspremies op arbeid mogelijk. Zo kunnen in 2009 de lasten voor burgers en bedrijven dalen. Ook voor volgend jaar streeft de regering naar een overschot op de begroting. Dit biedt ruimte om de kwaliteit van de zorg en de financiering van de AOW op lange termijn veilig te stellen. Voor een blijvend hoog niveau van collectieve voorzieningen is dit echter niet voldoende. Daarvoor is noodzakelijk dat meer mensen aan de slag gaan. Wie kan, moet meedoen. Er zijn personeelstekorten in de zorg, in het onderwijs en in andere sectoren. Ook daarom is er de regering veel aan gelegen de arbeidsparticipatie te verhogen. Kinderopvang blijft aantrekkelijk voor ouders die betaalde arbeid verrichten. Voor mensen met een uitkering wordt werken financieel aantrekkelijker gemaakt. Werkgevers krijgen een subsidie als ze langdurig werklozen in dienst nemen. Voor jongeren tot 27 jaar komt er in plaats van een bijstandsuitkering een passend leer- en werkaanbod. De regeling voor jongeren met een beperking wordt aangepast, waardoor zij eerder naar werk worden begeleid. Werknemers krijgen een bonus als ze na hun 62e jaar actief blijven op de arbeidsmarkt. Voor mensen met een deeltijdbaan gaat het extra lonen om meer uren te werken. Hoogopgeleide buitenlandse werknemers kunnen makkelijker in ons land aan de slag. Het bedrijfsleven en de financiële sector zijn essentieel voor een krachtige economie. De regering maakt meer ruimte voor ondernemerschap. De belastingvrijstelling voor winst in het midden- en kleinbedrijf wordt verruimd. Het tarief in de onderste schijf van de vennootschapsbelasting gaat omlaag. Het schrappen van de eerstedagmelding is een van de maatregelen waardoor de administratieve lasten voor ondernemers verminderen. Het aanvragen van vergunningen wordt vereenvoudigd. Ook zal de regering gedurende vijf jaar aan kansrijke bedrijven ondersteuning bieden bij hun verdere groei. Economische ontwikkeling is niet mogelijk zonder een adequate infrastructuur. De regering wil de capaciteit van wegen en spoorlijnen vergroten. Bouwprojecten die daarop gericht zijn, moeten sneller worden uitgevoerd. De regering zal een voorstel voor een nieuwe Spoedwet wegverbreding bij de Kamer indienen. Ook zullen de lasten eerlijker over de weggebruikers worden verdeeld. In de toekomst wordt het bezit van een auto minder belast en het gebruik juist meer. Volgend jaar zet de regering de eerste stap op weg naar dit systeem. De belasting bij aanschaf wordt verlaagd; de motorrijtuigenbelasting verhoogd. Hoe schoner de auto, des te goedkoper autobezitters uit zijn. Om reizen per trein aantrekkelijker te maken, komen er nieuwe stations bij en gaan er meer treinen rijden. Nederland is nu goed beschermd tegen het water. Maar de verwachte stijging van de zeespiegel maakt een forse meerjarige inspanning noodzakelijk. Wij willen dat ook onze achterkleinkinderen veilig in Nederland kunnen leven. De regering komt volgend jaar met een voorstel voor een Deltawet die het fundament hiervoor zal leggen. Versterking van de economische structuur dient hand in hand te gaan met de zorg voor natuur en milieu. Onze afhankelijkheid van fossiele brandstoffen moet aanzienlijk afnemen. Daarom bevordert de regering het gebruik van aardwarmte en van zonne- en windenergie. Eenvoudiger procedures zullen ook de aanleg van windmolenparken in de Noordzee versnellen. Er komt een subsidieregeling voor de aanschaf van warmtepompen en zonneboilers. Over drie jaar zal een half miljoen woningen energiezuiniger zijn gemaakt. De Nederlandse land- en tuinbouw zijn zeer innovatief. Dit biedt kansen om deze sectoren duurzaam te ontwikkelen. De regering zal de glastuinbouw stimuleren om netto energieleverancier te worden. De visserij verdient een stabiele toekomst. Aan hun dagelijkse leefomgeving ontlenen mensen houvast en vertrouwen. De begroting voor 2009 bevat samenhangende voorstellen die de kwaliteit van de leefomgeving verbeteren. Burgers willen in een veilige en leefbare buurt wonen met goede scholen voor hun kinderen. Zij wensen ruimte voor ontspanning en sport, voor jong en oud. Zij verwachten menswaardige zorg en verzorging. Zij verlangen een overheid die betrouwbaar en duidelijk is. Samenwerking met burgers, gemeenten en woningbouwcorporaties is daarom nodig. Respect, veiligheid en vertrouwen zijn kernwaarden in onze rechtsstaat. Tegen het schenden van normen moet opgetreden worden. Om recidive te voorkomen is goed begeleide terugkeer in de samenleving essentieel. Criminele verslaafden worden sneller met drang naar hulp begeleid. Agressief of intimiderend gedrag op straat is onacceptabel. Diegenen die ernstige overlast geven, zullen effectief worden aangepakt met een gebiedsverbod. Tegen mensen die agenten, ambulancepersoneel en andere dienaren van de publieke zaak bedreigen, wordt stevig opgetreden. Duidelijkheid over wat wel en wat niet toelaatbaar is, versterkt vertrouwen tussen burgers onderling en vertrouwen in de overheid. Toezichthouders in buurten en wijken en op straten en pleinen vergroten het gevoel van veiligheid. In 2009 komen er 125 wijkagenten bij. Gemeenten krijgen de mogelijkheid bepaalde overtredingen direct te beboeten. Burgers kunnen ook zelf bijdragen aan een veilige leefomgeving. De regering zet zich onverminderd in voor een grotere rol van vrijwilligers bij brandweer en politie. Het vergroten van zelfredzaamheid van burgers en bedrijven bij crises en rampen krijgt bijzondere aandacht. Met de meeste jongeren in Nederland gaat het goed. Maar er zijn ook kinderen die in de knel zitten. De regering wil aan hen betere kansen geven. Daarnaast werken justitie, politie en jeugdzorg nauw samen om ongewenst gedrag van jonge kinderen tijdig te corrigeren. Er komt ook hier meer aandacht voor preventie. Ouders worden aangesproken op het gedrag van hun kinderen. Om sneller passende hulp te verlenen, wordt de Verwijsindex Risicojongeren geïntroduceerd. Ook de oprichting van Centra voor Jeugd en Gezin en Veiligheidshuizen draagt hieraan bij. Scholing en onderwijs verhogen de kansen van mensen. De regering werkt hard aan verbetering van het onderwijs. In het bijzonder wil zij de basisvaardigheden in taal en rekenen vergroten en het aantal zwakke scholen terugdringen. Ook de aanpak van schooluitval blijft een prioriteit. Voor vmbo-leerlingen die vooral ambachtelijke gaven hebben, komen er speciale vakscholen. Het onderwijs is zo goed als de leraar voor de klas. Om de positie van leraren te versterken, krijgen zij meer scholingsmogelijkheden en een betere beloning. De regering wil een bloeiende kunst en cultuur stimuleren en alle jongeren vroeg daarmee in aanraking brengen. Kinderen tot 12 jaar krijgen in 2009 vrije toegang tot musea. Jongeren tot 18 jaar kunnen met een cultuurkaart kennismaken met de inspirerende rijkdom van ons land. Goede gezondheid en sportbeoefening hangen nauw samen. De regering investeert daarom extra in de mogelijkheden van sport voor de jeugd en voor mensen met een handicap. Om talentvolle sporters beter te ondersteunen, komen er Centra voor Topsport en Onderwijs. Het Olympisch Plan 2028 kan bij dit alles een bron van inspiratie zijn die zowel de breedtesport als het topsportklimaat versterkt. De levenskwaliteit van burgers wordt verhoogd door goede en toegankelijke zorg. De regering wil de zorg zo organiseren dat mensen met een chronische aandoening deze dicht bij huis ontvangen. Patiënten krijgen meer inzicht in de kwaliteit die geboden wordt. Invoering van het elektronisch patiëntendossier vermindert het aantal medische fouten. Vrijere prijsvorming en innovatie zijn nodig om wachtlijsten in te korten en de zorg goed en betaalbaar te houden. De regering zet in 2009 verdere stappen in deze richting. Mensen die vanwege ziekte of ouderdom ernstige beperkingen ondervinden, krijgen meer keuzevrijheid bij de langdurige hulp die zij nodig hebben. Noodzakelijke zorg kan ook thuis geboden worden, waardoor ouderen langer in hun vertrouwde omgeving kunnen blijven wonen. Kracht ontleent ons land aan de democratische rechtsstaat die burgers bescherming en houvast biedt. Gelijkwaardigheid, vrijheid, solidariteit, democratie en de principes van de rechtsstaat verdedigen wij in binnen- en buitenland. Samen dragen wij daar verantwoordelijkheid voor. De regering verleent steun aan de oprichting van een Huis van de Democratie en Rechtsstaat. Er komt een code voor 'goed besturen', waarin helder staat wat burgers van overheden kunnen verwachten. Verder zal een staatscommissie ingesteld worden die onder meer zal bezien welke mogelijkheden er zijn om de Grondwet beter toegankelijk te maken. Er komt een Handvest verantwoordelijk burgerschap. Alle inwoners van ons land dienen doordrongen te blijven van de democratische waarden en verantwoordelijkheden die het fundament vormen van de Nederlandse samenleving. Goede taalbeheersing is een basisvoorwaarde om in onze maatschappij te kunnen meedoen. De regering vergroot de mogelijkheden voor het werven van taalcoaches. De inzet van autochtone Nederlanders om migranten te helpen bij het leren van de Nederlandse taal is van onschatbare waarde. In de verhoudingen binnen ons Koninkrijk staan democratische beginselen als die van rechtszekerheid, deugdelijkheid van bestuur en wederzijds respect ook voorop. De regering hoopt in december met de lands- en eilandsbesturen een belangrijke stap te zetten naar de uitvoering van de afspraken over de staatkundige veranderingen van de Nederlandse Antillen. Bonaire, Sint-Eustatius en Saba gaan als openbaar lichaam deel uitmaken van Nederland. Deze statuswijziging is in voorbereiding. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Met de maatregelen die de regering zich voorneemt voor 2009 wil zij het zelfbewustzijn van ons land vergroten en de fundamenten van onze economie en onze samenleving versterken. De regering beseft dat zij dit niet alleen kan. Eenieder zal daaraan vanuit eigen verantwoordelijkheid een bijdrage moeten leveren. We hebben de inzet van allen - burgers, werkgevers, werknemers, overheden en onze Europese en internationale partners - nodig. Alleen samen kunnen we werken aan een goede toekomst. Samen maken we Nederland sterker. Op u, leden van de Staten-Generaal, rust hierbij een grote verantwoordelijkheid. De regering ziet uit naar een goede samenwerking. U mag zich in uw taak gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Ons land heeft veel dat hoop geeft en vertrouwen. De economische vooruitzichten zijn gunstig. Ondernemers en consumenten zijn optimistisch. Jongeren vinden snel een baan. Ook buiten de economie zijn er hoopvolle ontwikkelingen. Steeds meer mensen willen zich inzetten voor elkaar en voor een betere leefomgeving. Juist nu zijn er goede mogelijkheden om maatregelen te nemen die ons land sterker maken. Het is nodig die mogelijkheden ten volle te benutten. Ons land staat voor aanzienlijke opgaven. We weten dat de gemiddelde leeftijd van onze bevolking stijgt. Bedrijven en publieke sectoren als de zorg en het onderwijs krijgen te maken met een tekort aan menskracht. Dat stelt ons voor de vraag hoe in de toekomst ons welzijn en onze welvaart veilig te stellen. Ook zal de groei van de economie op een duurzamer manier moeten worden gerealiseerd. Te veel mensen voelen zich onveilig. Het voorkomen en bestrijden van terrorisme, criminaliteit en geweld blijven volop aandacht vragen. De Nederlandse samenleving verandert snel en de bevolking wordt meer pluriform. Mensen voelen zich soms onzeker en zoeken naar houvast en geborgenheid. Die gevoelens kunnen diep ingrijpen. Daarom is extra inspanning nodig om de samenhang in ons land te vergroten en verdraagzaamheid en onderling respect te versterken. Veranderingen kunnen een bron van kracht zijn. In het verleden heeft vernieuwing ons vooruitgang gebracht. Juist ons vermogen tot veranderen en vernieuwen geeft ons de dynamiek die onmisbaar is om in te spelen op de uitdagingen van de toekomst. De regering levert met haar begroting voor 2008 daaraan een bijdrage. De begroting voor volgend jaar laat een overschot zien. De regering verwacht dat dit ook in de jaren na 2008 het geval zal zijn. Zo sparen we voor de toekomst. Om een schonere en zuinigere economie te bevorderen, verhoogt de regering de belastingen op consumptie en op activiteiten die onvriendelijk zijn voor het milieu. De opbrengsten wil de regering gebruiken om de lasten op arbeid te verlagen. Dat helpt meer mensen aan het werk. Al deze maatregelen samen betekenen dat voor velen de koopkracht in 2008 niet zal stijgen. Zij die een lager inkomen hebben, worden zo veel mogelijk ontzien. Van de hogere inkomens wordt een grotere bijdrage gevraagd. De regering verwacht dat over het geheel van de komende jaren haar beleid de lasten voor burgers en bedrijven niet zal doen stijgen en dat de koopkracht zal toenemen. In de begroting voor 2008 worden extra uitgaven van bijna drie miljard euro voorzien. Deze intensiveringen zijn gebaseerd op het beleidsprogramma dat de regering voor de komende vier jaar heeft opgesteld. Dit beleid steunt op zes pijlers waarvoor in het beleidsprogramma concrete doelstellingen, programma’s en projecten zijn aangegeven. Jaarlijks vult de regering de daarbij behorende maatregelen in, te beginnen met de begroting die zij vandaag indient. De eerste pijler is een actieve internationale rol. Nederland wil een relevante en constructieve partner blijven in de wereld en in Europa. Daar waar Nederland zich inzet voor vredesoperaties, vervult onze krijgsmacht een verantwoordelijke taak. De regering zal nadere voorstellen indienen over onze bijdrage aan de internationale missie in Afghanistan. Nederlandse militairen doen hun zware werk met moed en volharding. Wij allen delen het leed van hen die een dierbare in een missie hebben verloren. Militaire middelen alleen zijn niet genoeg om mensen in conflictgebieden een betere toekomst te geven. Het beleid van de regering combineert militaire inzet met diplomatie en met ontwikkelingssamenwerking. Op vele plaatsen in de wereld worden de rechten van de mens niet geëerbiedigd. Nederland zal zijn lidmaatschap van de Mensenrechtenraad van de Verenigde Naties benutten om de bescherming van deze rechten te bevorderen. Ons land blijft zich inzetten in de strijd tegen armoede. Met burgers, bedrijven en maatschappelijke organisaties werkt de regering aan de verwezenlijking van de Millenniumdoelstellingen. Extra geld wordt uitgetrokken om het gebruik van duurzame energie in ontwikkelingslanden te bevorderen. De regering verwelkomt de wijzigingen van de Europese Verdragen die de Europese Raad enkele maanden geleden in Brussel is overeengekomen. Deze wijzigingen maken de Europese Unie sterker, democratischer en transparanter. Nationale parlementen krijgen een sterkere rol. Naar verwachting zullen dit jaar de gewijzigde verdragen door de lidstaten worden ondertekend, waarna de regering deze ter goedkeuring zal voorleggen aan beide Kamers der Staten-Generaal. De tweede pijler van het beleid is een ondernemende en innovatieve economie. De groei van onze economie is niet vanzelfsprekend. Kennis, innovatie en ondernemerschap zijn de bouwstenen voor een ambitieuze toekomst. Het zijn ondernemers in kleine en grote bedrijven die werkgelegenheid en groei creëren. De regering maakt het starten en opbouwen van een bedrijf gemakkelijker door de administratieve lasten verder terug te dringen. Beginnende en groeiende ondernemers kunnen een steun in de rug krijgen met kredieten. Ondernemers in de land- en tuinbouw die innovatiever gaan werken, kunnen rekenen op een garantievoorziening. De regering zal voorstellen doen om al deze regelingen toegankelijker te maken. Innovatie is een belangrijke voorwaarde voor het behoud van onze welvaart. Daarom starten in 2008 drie innovatieprogramma’s op gebieden die een grote maatschappelijke betekenis hebben: energie, water en zorg. Om Nederland aantrekkelijk te houden voor internationale bedrijven en voor grensverleggend onderzoek, maakt de regering het eenvoudiger voor talentvolle buitenlanders om in ons land te komen werken of studeren. Aan de universiteiten krijgen de beste wetenschappers voorrang bij de verdeling van onderzoeksgeld. Een ondernemend land heeft goede verbindingen nodig. In 2008 komen tien projecten gereed die het aantal files op de weg beogen te verminderen. De regering begint komend jaar met voorbereidingen om het gebruik van de auto meer te belasten en het bezit minder. Komend najaar presenteert zij een plan om het gebruik van openbaar vervoer verder te stimuleren. Er komen nieuwe proeven met gratis openbaar vervoer. Een duurzame leefomgeving is de derde pijler onder het beleid. De regering stelt als doel dat de Nederlandse energiehuishouding in 2020 tot de schoonste en zuinigste van Europa behoort. Om dat te bereiken biedt de regering u vandaag een programma aan met concrete maatregelen. Centraal daarin staan onder meer: energiebesparing, de toepassing van vernieuwende energietechnieken en de verdere ontwikkeling van wind- en zonne-energie. Een duurzaam Nederland is ook: een Nederland met mooie natuur, een vitaal platteland en een bevolking die leeft met het water. De regering zal beperkingen stellen aan het bouwen in de open ruimte om daarmee het landschap te verbeteren. Zij bepaalt komend jaar met de provincies en gemeenten een nationale strategie waarmee Nederland het hoofd kan bieden aan de stijging van de zeespiegel als gevolg van de verandering van het klimaat. De vierde pijler onder het regeringsbeleid is sociale samenhang. Ieder mens telt mee en ieder mens is nodig. De regering heeft afspraken gemaakt met organisaties van werkgevers en van werknemers om in bedrijven tweehonderdduizend langdurig werklozen aan een baan te helpen. In dat verband zal zij voorstellen doen om scholing, tijdelijke arbeid en de beëindiging van de arbeidsovereenkomst in onderlinge samenhang te regelen. Ook ondersteunt de regering de participatie met lagere lasten en met de invoering van de leer-werkplicht voor jongeren tot 27 jaar. Voor leerlingen in het voortgezet onderwijs wordt een maatschappelijke stage ingevoerd. Mensen die zich inzetten voor anderen en actief willen zijn in hun omgeving, worden door de regering ondersteund met investeringen in organisaties van vrijwilligers en mantelzorgers. De regering wil de betaalbaarheid en de kwaliteit van de zorg voor iedereen zeker stellen. Daartoe dient de doelmatigheid te worden bevorderd De regering stelt voor de no-claim in de zorgverzekering in 2008 af te schaffen. Hier komt een eigen risico voor in de plaats. Verder zal de regering bijzondere aandacht geven aan de kwaliteit van de zorg, met name in verpleeg- en verzorgingstehuizen. Het basispakket van de zorgverzekering wordt volgend jaar uitgebreid. Een gezonde levensstijl is van groot belang. Daarom zal de regering de sport en sportverenigingen een financiële impuls geven. Sociale samenhang krijgt in belangrijke mate gestalte in gezin, school en buurt. Met gemeenten wil de regering de totstandkoming bevorderen van Centra voor Jeugd en Gezin. Deze zijn voor alle ouders met opvoedingsproblemen bereikbaar. Gezinnen met lagere inkomens en grotere gezinnen wil de regering meer steun bieden door naast de kinderbijslag in 2008 een kindgebonden budget in te voeren dat inkomensafhankelijk zal zijn. De school is de springplank naar succes in het leven. De komende jaren moet het onderwijs beter worden en het beroep van leraar aantrekkelijker. In overleg met de vakmensen in het onderwijs zullen maatregelen genomen worden om taal- en rekenlessen te verbeteren. De regering streeft naar afspraken met woningbouwcorporaties en gemeenten om extra te investeren in veertig wijken met veel problemen. Het doel is niet alleen een mooiere wijk te maken, maar de mensen die er wonen betere kansen te geven om ook volop mee te doen in de samenleving. De kwaliteit van de inburgering kan en moet omhoog. Bovendien is het nodig meer mensen te bereiken. Hiertoe heeft de regering bij u een Deltaplan Inburgering ingediend. Veiligheid en respect zijn de vijfde pijler van het beleid. Zij vormen een voorwaarde voor vertrouwen tussen mensen. De regering heeft met de regionale politiekorpsen afspraken gemaakt over het vergroten van veiligheid in de wijken en de bestrijding van jeugdcriminaliteit en geweld. Veel agressie komt voort uit alcoholmisbruik. De regering neemt maatregelen om overmatig drinken onder jongeren tegen te gaan. Ook komen er campussen voor jongeren die ontsporen als zij geen stevige begeleiding krijgen. Het bestrijden van criminaliteit via internet en van fraude krijgt in 2008 meer aandacht. De modernisering van het gevangeniswezen wordt vanaf volgend jaar stapsgewijs ingevoerd. Met een op de persoon gerichte benadering wil de regering verhinderen dat mensen keer op keer in de fout gaan. De zesde pijler is een slagvaardige en dienstbare overheid die bondgenoot is van burgers. De regering werkt aan een vernieuwing van de rijksdienst. Het programma daarvoor zal zij u binnenkort aanbieden. Met gemeenten en provincies heeft de regering afspraken gemaakt over een goede taakverdeling bij de dienstverlening. De tien grootste knelpunten die burgers ervaren, worden in 2008 het eerst aangepakt. Zo is straks voor minder activiteiten een vergunning nodig en worden wachttijden teruggebracht, onder meer door een beter gebruik van internet. Om een basis te leggen voor nieuwe verhoudingen tussen overheid, semi-publieke instellingen en burgers zal de regering een voorstel van wet indienen om de rechtsvorm ‘maatschappelijke onderneming’ in te voeren. Kunst en cultuur worden voor een breed publiek bereikbaar. Het nieuwe programmafonds Cultuurparticipatie zal dit ondersteunen. Op deze zes pijlers is het beleid van de regering gebaseerd. Samen geven ze perspectief op groei, duurzaamheid, respect en solidariteit. Zo kunnen we in de toekomst blijven inspelen op veranderingen en kunnen we dat wat ons dierbaar is bewaren en versterken. Binnen het Koninkrijk voltrekt zich eveneens een proces van verandering. De staatkundige verhoudingen worden herzien. De afgesproken wijzigingen worden volgend jaar neergelegd in voorstellen voor rijksregelgeving. Het is verheugend dat alle eilandgebieden van de Nederlandse Antillen zich bij dit proces hebben aangesloten. Hoe belangrijk het beleid van de overheid ook is, een samenleving wordt gevormd door burgers. De regering wil met alle inwoners werken aan een Nederland waarin iedereen zich veilig, vertrouwd en met elkaar verbonden kan voelen. Onderling respect tussen mensen en eerbiediging van de Nederlandse rechtsorde zijn daarvoor noodzakelijke voorwaarden. Onze Grondwet gaat uit van gelijkheid voor de wet van alle burgers, van vrijheid van godsdienst of levensovertuiging en van vrijheid van meningsuiting. Deze rechten vragen van ons allemaal verantwoordelijkheid en verdraagzaamheid. Onze kracht ligt in samen werken en samen leven. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, U vertegenwoordigt de grote en rijke verscheidenheid die ons land kent. Op u rust een grote verantwoordelijkheid. De regering verheugt zich op een goede samenwerking. U mag zich in uw taak gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Dit jaar vindt uw Verenigde Vergadering plaats in een nieuw ingerichte Ridderzaal. Deze historische ruimte is een symbool van onze democratische rechtsstaat. Op 22 november zullen de verkiezingen voor een nieuwe Tweede Kamer worden gehouden. De regering is zich ervan bewust dat dit zorgvuldigheid vereist bij het indienen van de begroting voor 2007. Evenzeer is zij verantwoordelijk voor een begroting die een solide brug slaat naar de komende jaren. Als sterk, welvarend en vrij land hebben wij een belangrijke internationale verantwoordelijkheid. Conflicten en noden in de wereld vergen een actieve opstelling van Nederland. Samen met andere landen zijn wij drager van de internationale rechtsorde. In Afghanistan, Soedan, Bosnië, Irak, Congo en elders staan Nederlandse mannen en vrouwen op de bres voor orde, veiligheid en wederopbouw. De Nederlandse militairen zijn goed op hun taak voorbereid en vervullen die in een gevaarlijke omgeving met volle inzet en overtuiging. Zij weten zich door ons gesteund. Onze gedachten gaan uit naar hen die een dierbare in deze missies hebben verloren. Het lot van de wereld is óns lot. Wij blijven strijden tegen armoede en ziekte en voor een beter milieu. Nederland draagt eraan bij dat meer mensen in ontwikkelingslanden de beschikking krijgen over schoon water, duurzame energie, medicijnen en goed onderwijs. Burgers, bedrijven en organisaties tonen zich bij deze taken steeds meer betrokken. Ons land wil een positieve rol vervullen in de wereld, door nauw met anderen samen te werken. Juist in een tijd van spanningen, in de schaduw van terreurdreiging, is het van belang met daden te laten zien dat er alternatieven zijn voor geweld en onrecht. Nederland wil een land zijn dat creatief meezoekt naar nieuwe oplossingen. Ook de Europese Unie biedt een kader om problemen op te lossen en geschillen te beslechten. In de Unie geeft de regering haar volle aandacht aan vragen die het dagelijks leven van mensen raken. Voor onze veiligheid, onze welvaart, de bescherming van het milieu en de energievoorziening op de langere termijn hebben wij elkaar als Europeanen nodig. Daaraan werken krijgt prioriteit boven discussies over de inrichting van de Europese Unie. Bij het overleg over de toekomstige verhoudingen binnen het Koninkrijk staan we voor een gezamenlijke opgave. Dit vergt een grote inzet van ons allen. De regering spant zich ervoor in dat deze besprekingen tot vruchtbare resultaten zullen leiden. Ikzelf verheug mij er bijzonder op binnenkort de Caraïbische delen van het Koninkrijk te mogen bezoeken. Nederland is een land dat verantwoordelijkheid neemt in de wereld. Verantwoordelijkheid is er ook dicht bij huis, in de zorg en aandacht voor elkaar. De regering wil bevorderen dat alle mensen in Nederland zich kunnen ontplooien en kunnen meedoen in en bijdragen aan de samenleving. Ieders kwaliteiten moeten tot ontwikkeling kunnen komen. Onderwijs dat inspireert is daarvoor een eerste vereiste. Speciale aandacht geeft de regering aan de uitbreiding van stagemogelijkheden en combinaties van leren en werken. Mensen die in het onderwijs werken, hebben meer ruimte nodig om beter te kunnen inspelen op de behoeften van leerlingen. Daartoe zullen de administratieve lasten voor scholen volgend jaar met meer dan een kwart zijn teruggebracht. Scholen die goed functioneren, krijgen te maken met minder inspectietoezicht. Een groot probleem is dat veel jongeren hun school niet afmaken. Een groeiende groep kinderen heeft bovendien problemen in het gezin of in de sociale omgeving. Deze jonge mensen mogen wij niet aan hun lot overlaten. Per 1 januari 2007 zal daarom de leerplicht gelden voor iedereen tot 18 jaar die nog onvoldoende gekwalificeerd is voor de arbeidsmarkt. Onwillige jongeren zullen worden begeleid. Instellingen in de jeugdzorg gaan beter samenwerken en ontvangen financiële steun om de wachtlijsten nog dit jaar weg te werken. Ook worden gezinsvoogden beter toegerust voor daadwerkelijke begeleiding van jongeren. Uit onderzoek blijkt dat de criminaliteit daalt. Mensen voelen zich veiliger. Om deze gunstige ontwikkeling te versnellen, stelt de regering extra middelen beschikbaar voor de politie en de sociale veiligheid in de grote steden. De komende jaren blijven inspanningen onverminderd nodig om met name de georganiseerde misdaad aan te pakken. Iedereen moet in ons land naar vermogen kunnen meedoen, ongeacht leeftijd en gezondheid. Met dat doel gaat per 1 januari 2007 de Wet maatschappelijke ondersteuning in. Mensen die thuiszorg of hulpmiddelen nodig hebben, kunnen voortaan dicht bij huis terecht. Hun gemeente zorgt voor hulp die aansluit bij hun behoeften en levenssituatie. De kwaliteit van verpleeghuizen zal verder worden verbeterd, en mede dankzij extra middelen zijn wachtlijsten in de thuiszorg niet meer nodig. Het waardevolle werk van mantelzorgers wordt vanaf 2007 extra ondersteund. Voor ons geluk en ons welzijn zijn wij op elkaar aangewezen. Aandacht voor anderen, respect voor andermans inbreng en overtuiging, dat zijn de fundamenten van een levendige buurt, een bloeiende stad, een sterk land. Het is verheugend dat in veel gemeenten initiatieven tot ontplooiing komen om de binding tussen mensen te versterken. De regering ondersteunt burgers en organisaties die zich in eigen kring inzetten voor een beter begrip tussen groepen in de samenleving. Om elkaar te kunnen begrijpen, moeten we elkaar kunnen verstaan. In de Wet inburgering nieuwkomers speelt taalvaardigheid dan ook een centrale rol. Volgend jaar zullen in alle gemeenten de nieuwe Nederlanders in een naturalisatiebijeenkomst worden verwelkomd. De regering zet zich ervoor in de culturele rijkdommen waarover ons land beschikt, te behouden en toegankelijk te maken. Zo wordt het Rijksmuseum vernieuwd en is besloten een nationaal-historisch museum op te richten. Cultuur verbindt en verrijkt. Naast onze inspanningen in de wereld en onze inzet voor elkaar is er nog een verantwoordelijkheid die op ons allen rust: de verantwoordelijkheid voor de toekomst. Ook komende generaties moeten de kans krijgen in Nederland een goed leven op te bouwen. Van burgers is in de afgelopen moeilijke jaren veel gevraagd. De regering heeft met het oog op de toekomst ingrijpende maatregelen moeten nemen en tijdig noodzakelijke vernieuwingen doorgevoerd. Werknemers, werkgevers en regering hebben er samen toe bijgedragen dat ons land nu goed kan inspelen op de gunstige ontwikkeling van de internationale economie. Ons land staat er sterk voor. Nederland werkt. Nederlandse ondernemers zijn wereldwijd actief. In bedrijven, het onderwijs, de zorg en in tal van andere sectoren wordt aan innovatie gewerkt. Ons land is weer concurrerend. Dat is goed te merken aan de groei van de werkgelegenheid. Dankzij meer banen en lagere lasten hebben mensen weer meer te besteden. Terwijl de economie groeit, is de uitstoot van schadelijke stoffen in de lucht teruggedrongen. Om de luchtkwaliteit verder te verbeteren, stimuleert de regering het gebruik van schonere auto's. Er is de afgelopen jaren een stevige basis gelegd waarop in de toekomst kan worden voortgebouwd. De begroting voor 2007 is in evenwicht. De administratieve lasten zullen volgend jaar ten opzichte van 2002 met een kwart zijn verminderd. Ondernemers merken dat aan soepeler regels voor arbeidstijden en arbeidsomstandigheden. Daarnaast maakt de regering het ouders gemakkelijker om een baan te combineren met de zorg voor hun kinderen. Voor werkende ouders wordt kinderopvang goedkoper en eenvoudiger, omdat alle werkgevers daaraan voortaan meebetalen. Scholen worden bovendien verantwoordelijk voor het organiseren van opvang voor en na de lestijden. Er is een sociaal en solide zorgstelsel ingevoerd dat een bijdrage levert aan de kwaliteit en betaalbaarheid van de zorg in de toekomst. De keuzemogelijkheden zijn vergroot. Verzekeraars moeten iedereen tegen dezelfde premie accepteren, ongeacht de gezondheidssituatie. Kinderen worden kosteloos meeverzekerd. Belangrijke hervormingen zijn ook tot stand gebracht in de sociale zekerheid en de arbeidsmarkt. Deze leiden ertoe dat steeds meer mensen werken en dat steeds minder mensen een beroep doen op een uitkering. Voor het eerst is het aantal uitkeringen zowel voor werkloosheid, voor arbeidsongeschiktheid als voor bijstand gedaald. Al deze maatregelen scheppen de voorwaarden voor het behoud van de AOW en andere collectieve voorzieningen voor volgende generaties. Ook dankzij ruimtelijke vernieuwingen en investeringen in de infrastructuur is Nederland beter voorbereid op de toekomst. In 2007 worden veel concrete resultaten zichtbaar. Burgers, bedrijven en overheden hebben meer ruimte gekregen om hun eigen omgeving vorm te geven. Er komen aanzienlijk meer nieuwe woningen beschikbaar. De stedelijke vernieuwing begint vruchten af te werpen. Achterstanden in het onderhoud van vaarwegen, wegen en spoorlijnen worden weggewerkt. De Hogesnelheidslijn-Zuid en de Betuwelijn worden in gebruik genomen, waardoor de verbindingen met onze buurlanden verbeteren. Het is van het grootste belang de Nederlandse delta te beschermen tegen gevaren van hoog water. In samenwerking met provincies en waterschappen worden de zwakke schakels in de waterkeringen aangepakt. De zorg voor natuur krijgt verder vorm in het behoud en de ontwikkeling van nationale parken en landschappen. De regering ondersteunt de ambitie van de agrarische sector om toonaangevend te blijven in innovatie en spant zich in voor de kwetsbare visserij. Met lagere lasten voor huishoudens en bedrijven en investeringen in de kwaliteit van de samenleving wil de regering de basis voor de toekomst verder versterken. Ondernemerschap en innovatie worden lonender gemaakt. Het wetsvoorstel Werken aan winst beoogt daaraan een belangrijke bijdrage te leveren. Samen met werkgevers en werknemers wil de regering zich ervoor inzetten om de gunstige uitgangspositie waarin ons land nu verkeert, vast te houden. Zo wordt 2007 een jaar waarin Nederland verder bouwt aan een goede toekomst. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Over twee maanden kiezen de Nederlanders van achttien jaar en ouder een nieuwe Tweede Kamer. Vrije verkiezingen zijn van essentieel belang voor onze democratie. Zij zijn de uitdrukking van onze individuele vrijheid. Maar zij zijn evenzeer van betekenis voor de gezámenlijke verantwoordelijkheid die we hebben voor de wereld om ons heen, voor elkaar en voor onze toekomst. Op u, leden van de Staten-Generaal, rust een belangrijke taak. U mag zich daarbij gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Hier, in deze zaal, symbool van onze democratie, heeft u mij en mijn familie op 30 april, aan het begin van mijn regeringsjubileum, op bijzonder feestelijke wijze ontvangen. Daarmee heeft u de toon gezet voor een hartverwarmende viering die in elke provincie en op de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba een eigen weerklank vindt. Mijn grote dank gaat uit naar allen die mij dit jaar overal met enthousiasme verwelkomen. Dit alles geeft mij de kracht om het mooie ambt dat mij is toevertrouwd te kunnen vervullen en ten dienste te stellen van eenheid in onze samenleving. De kracht van Nederland ligt van oudsher in de manier waarop wij samen weten in te spelen op veranderende omstandigheden. Op ons aanpassingsvermogen wordt in deze tijd een groot beroep gedaan. We ervaren hoezeer de wereld in beweging is. Veranderingen lijken zich steeds sneller te voltrekken. Jonge, dynamische economieën komen op. De Europese Unie is met tien lidstaten uitgebreid. Integratie van bevolkingsgroepen verloopt in eigen land niet zonder problemen. We worden indringend geconfronteerd met de gevolgen van klimaatveranderingen. De dreiging van het internationaal terrorisme wordt steeds sterker gevoeld. Deze ontwikkelingen hebben mensen voor grote vragen gesteld. Al die veranderingen leiden tot gevoelens van onzekerheid. De teleurstellende economische ontwikkeling van de afgelopen jaren heeft die onzekerheid nog versterkt. Weliswaar zijn de meeste mensen tevreden over hun leefsituatie, maar velen maken zich in toenemende mate zorgen over de samenleving. Het vertrouwen in de overheid is gedaald. Dit laat de regering niet onberoerd. Van de regering wordt verwacht dat zij op dit alles antwoorden geeft. Een van haar belangrijkste opgaven voor de toekomst is te bouwen aan een veilig en een sociaal en economisch gezond Nederland. Met dat doel heeft de regering in korte tijd een groot aantal ingrijpende maatregelen genomen. De loonkosten zijn gematigd. Vroeg stoppen met werken wordt niet langer gestimuleerd. Veranderingen in de sociale zekerheid bevorderen het herintreden op de arbeidsmarkt van mensen zonder baan en van gedeeltelijk arbeidsgeschikten. Om voor de toekomst een goede en betaalbare gezondheidszorg veilig te stellen, wordt het zorgstelsel vernieuwd. Deze ingrepen doen zeker pijn. De regering beseft dat er veel van mensen gevraagd wordt. Maar deze en andere maatregelen zijn noodzakelijk om ook aan volgende generaties in ons land voldoende mogelijkheden te kunnen bieden een goed leven op te bouwen. De eerste resultaten van het beleid worden langzaam merkbaar. De werkgelegenheid is zich aan het herstellen en de winstgevendheid van bedrijven neemt toe. Ook op het terrein van veiligheid en de volksgezondheid zijn er positieve ontwikkelingen. De criminaliteit daalt. Mensen voelen zich minder onveilig. De wachtlijsten in de zorg worden korter. Solide oplossingen vragen tijd. De regering verwacht dat het effect van veel ingrepen in de komende jaren duidelijker zichtbaar zal worden. Zij wil nu voorrang geven aan een zorgvuldige uitvoering van de afgesproken maatregelen. Deze moeten leiden tot merkbare verbeteringen in de praktijk van alledag en een hernieuwd evenwicht in onze samenleving. Onze verwevenheid met de wereld om ons heen is groot. Ontwikkelingen buiten onze grenzen beïnvloeden onze economie en onze veiligheid. Aan internationale handel hebben wij een groot deel van onze welvaart te danken. We merken het toenemend belang van Azië voor de internationale en economische verhoudingen. Migratiestromen zijn al eeuwenlang mede bepalend voor onze bevolkingssamenstelling en cultuur. Deze verwevenheid brengt de noodzaak van blijvende samenwerking op Europees en mondiaal niveau met zich mee. De toekomst van ons land is nauw verbonden met Europa. Hier delen wij de waarden van vrijheid, democratie en mensenrechten. Zowel onze welvaart als onze veiligheid is voor een belangrijk deel afhankelijk van Europese samenwerking. De uitslag van het referendum over een nieuw verdrag voor de Europese Unie heeft de noodzaak onderstreept om ons te bezinnen op wat de Unie ons heeft gebracht en wat wij van de Europese samenwerking verwachten. Burgers moeten zich meer dan voorheen bij die samenwerking betrokken kunnen voelen. De regering zal zich samen met u daarvoor inzetten. Solidariteit met medemensen houdt niet op bij de grenzen van Europa. Duurzame ontwikkeling kan in de Nederlandse visie niet zonder bevordering van stabiliteit en recht. Geen land ter wereld kan uitsluitend op eigen kracht tot resultaten komen. De rol van de Verenigde Naties en goede transatlantische relaties blijven dan ook van wezenlijke betekenis. Ons land blijft ruimhartig bijdragen aan de bestrijding van armoede, het behoud van ecosystemen en aan internationale crisisbeheersingsoperaties. Bij wederopbouw in Afghanistan en in Afrika worden militaire inspanningen en ontwikkelingshulp optimaal op elkaar afgestemd. Dankzij de betrokkenheid en inzet van allen binnen de krijgsmacht wordt onze defensieorganisatie in korte tijd aangepast aan de eisen van deze tijd. De regering zal haar volle aandacht geven aan samenwerking met de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba op de terreinen van rechtshandhaving, verbetering van bestuur en herstel van openbare financiën. Op deze basis zal gezocht worden naar een verantwoord nieuw evenwicht in de relaties binnen het Koninkrijk. Op binnenlands terrein ziet de regering zich gesteld voor vier centrale opgaven: een veiliger Nederland; meer mensen aan het werk; minder regels en meer kwaliteit van publieke voorzieningen; en meer onderling respect in onze samenleving. De begroting voor het komende jaar bevat voorstellen die beogen verdere stappen op deze weg te zetten. De zorg voor veiligheid is een hoeksteen van een goed functioneren van onze maatschappij en onze rechtsstaat. De uitvoering van het veiligheidsprogramma wordt met kracht voortgezet. De regering zal de samenwerking tussen departementen en tussen politie, justitie en veiligheidsdiensten versterken, en beoogt de Nederlandse politie om te vormen tot één organisatie. Er is een wetsvoorstel ingediend waardoor bijzondere opsporingsmethoden sneller kunnen worden ingezet om mogelijke terroristische activiteiten effectiever te bestrijden. Geweld, drugshandel, overlast en verloedering worden steviger aangepakt. De capaciteit voor de detentie van veelplegers en tbs'ers zal worden uitgebreid. Politie, Openbaar Ministerie en rechterlijke macht zullen zaken snel en zorgvuldig afhandelen. Een veiliger Nederland vergt dat burgers en organisaties zich hiervoor mede verantwoordelijk voelen. De regering streeft ernaar meer mensen aan het werk te krijgen. Daarom is het van belang de economische basis van ons land te versterken en te moderniseren, innovatie en kennisuitwisseling te bevorderen en te zorgen voor voldoende flexibiliteit op de arbeidsmarkt. De zekerheid van een baan voor het leven neemt af. In de toekomst zullen mensen vaker van functie veranderen. Dat vereist een investering in persoonlijke vaardigheden op elk niveau. Extra middelen zullen daarom beschikbaar komen voor onderwijs en kennis. Werknemers krijgen ook meer mogelijkheden werk, zorgtaken en scholing te combineren. De levensloopregeling biedt hun vanaf 1 januari 2006 de gelegenheid te sparen voor tussentijds verlof. Gezinnen met kinderen krijgen bijzondere aandacht. Voor kinderopvang komt extra geld beschikbaar. Beheersing van lasten voor burgers en bedrijven geeft de economie ruimte voor verder herstel. Investeringen in infrastructuur en mobiliteit dragen bij aan een sterke en moderne economie. De leefbaarheid van steden wordt bevorderd door oude wijken op te knappen en nieuwe woningen te bouwen. In ons dichtbevolkte en waterrijke land is speciale aandacht nodig voor een gezonde en veilige leefomgeving. Verbetering van luchtkwaliteit, schoner transport, duurzame energie en ontwikkeling van landschap en natuur staan daarbij voorop. Tevens zullen onze kust- en duingebieden worden versterkt. Vermindering van het aantal regels schept ruimte voor talenten en professionaliteit van mensen. Dit maakt onze economie dynamischer en draagt bij aan de kwaliteit van onze publieke voorzieningen. De regering wil een stimulerend klimaat creëren voor ondernemers in de dienstensector, de industrie en de agrarische bedrijfstakken. De vennootschapsbelasting zal verder worden verlaagd. De administratieve lasten voor bedrijven zullen eind volgend jaar aanzienlijk zijn verminderd. Het verkrijgen van vergunningen wordt eenvoudiger. Beroepskrachten in het onderwijs en de zorg hebben meer vrijheid nodig om hun werk naar eigen inzicht in te vullen. In het onderwijs zal de regeldruk afnemen, waardoor leraren, schoolleiders, ouders en leerlingen ruimte krijgen om zelf keuzes te maken. Niet de procedures maar de leerlingen dienen centraal te staan. De lerarenopleidingen zullen worden verbeterd, waardoor de kwaliteit van het onderwijs verder kan worden verhoogd. Voor de ontwikkeling van brede scholen en voor praktijklokalen in het vmbo stelt de regering extra middelen beschikbaar. Kwaliteit en betere dienstverlening staan ook in de zorg voorop. Vanaf 1 januari komt er één basiszorgverzekering voor iedereen. Het onderscheid tussen ziekenfonds en particuliere verzekering verdwijnt. Verzekeraars zullen hun klanten niet meer selecteren op grond van hun gezondheidssituatie. Om te bereiken dat deze verzekering voor iedereen betaalbaar blijft, komen huishoudens die het nodig hebben in aanmerking voor een zorgtoeslag. Verder stelt de regering in 2006 extra middelen beschikbaar voor verpleeghuizen en voor de jeugdhulpverlening. Betere kwaliteit van publieke dienstverlening is ook een zaak van gemeenten, provincies en waterschappen. Daarom hecht de regering grote waarde aan goede samenwerking met de mede-overheden. Ons land kent een grote verscheidenheid aan mensen en opvattingen. Het recht van alle mensen en van alle organisaties op hun eigen identiteit vormt de grondslag van onze rechtsstaat. Dat recht is gebaseerd op de overtuiging dat we respect moeten hebben voor de ander. Daarbij is geen plaats voor discriminatie, extremisme en geweld. Samenwerking, begrip en kennis van onze geschiedenis en cultuur zijn bindende krachten in onze maatschappij. Naast rechten zullen ook plichten moeten worden erkend. Om een tolerante samenleving te bevorderen zal de regering haar volle aandacht blijven geven aan sociale samenhang. Het inburgerings- en integratiebeleid zal worden voortgezet en radicalisering zal worden aangepakt. Cultuur, kunst en sport verrijken het leven en maken maatschappelijke banden hechter. De regering spant zich in voor behoud van het nationaal erfgoed en zal extra middelen voor sportbeoefening uittrekken. Voorts zal de regering u nadere voorstellen doen toekomen om de relatie tussen kiezer en gekozene te versterken. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Vijfentwintig jaar geleden, in 1980, zei mijn moeder in haar afscheidstoespraak tot alle Nederlanders: "Het mooie van mijn taak is, het algemeen welzijn te mogen dienen; een rustpunt te zijn te midden van de werveling van alle stromingen; te mogen helpen streven naar die samenleving, waarin men respect heeft voor wat een ander beweegt, naar een goed samengaan in alle verscheidenheid." Die woorden zijn in onze tijd en in de jaren die voor ons liggen onverminderd van belang. U bent als volksvertegenwoordigers de representanten van de grote en rijke verscheidenheid die ons land kent. De regering rekent op een vruchtbaar overleg met u. Op u rust een verantwoordelijke en zware taak. U mag zich daarbij gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. Vertrouwen geeft een samenleving veerkracht en daadkracht. In Nederland hebben burgers en maatschappelijke organisaties door de jaren heen bewezen grote veranderingen in de wereld en in onze eigen maatschappij te kunnen opvangen. Ook nu dienen zich politieke, economische en sociale ontwikkelingen aan die ons direct raken. Daarom heeft de regering vorig jaar een ambitieuze agenda van hervormingen gepresenteerd die gericht is op een sterkere economie, een veiliger samenleving, een slagvaardiger overheid en een goed functionerende democratie. In 2005 zullen deze hervormingen volop in uitvoering zijn. Gesteund door het beginnende herstel van onze economie, creëert dit hernieuwd vertrouwen en nieuw perspectief. Een sterke economie is essentieel voor werkgelegenheid en welvaart. Met een vergrijzende samenleving moeten pensioenen, zorg en andere collectieve voorzieningen worden opgebracht door een kleinere beroepsbevolking. Hierdoor wordt de solidariteit op de proef gesteld. Snelle technologische ontwikkelingen stellen nieuwe eisen aan bedrijven en hun werknemers. De wereldeconomie groeit in hoog tempo. De Nederlandse groei echter, blijft daarbij achter. Dit vraagt van bedrijven en werknemers een toekomstgerichte opstelling en vergt een versterking van de Nederlandse economische structuur. De regering acht daarom matiging van loonkosten, vergroting van arbeidsparticipatie en stimulering van productiviteit geboden. Met het oog op de noodzakelijke matiging, kunnen de lonen in de collectieve sector en de uitkeringen, behalve de AOW, in 2004 en 2005 niet worden verhoogd. De regering doet een beroep op werkgevers en werknemers in de marktsector om deze matiging te volgen in het belang van de werkgelegenheid en van een solidaire inkomensontwikkeling. De regering zal er geen verantwoordelijkheid voor kunnen nemen om werkgevers verplicht loonstijgingen te laten doorvoeren. Herstel van vertrouwen in de economie vergt ook het komend jaar van allen een bijdrage. De regering wil echter de meest kwetsbare groepen in de samenleving zo veel mogelijk ontzien. De AOW alsmede fiscale tegemoetkomingen voor ouderen en gezinnen met kinderen zullen daarom worden verhoogd. Om de arbeidsparticipatie te bevorderen moeten mensen terugkeren in het arbeidsproces en langer werken. De nieuwe Wet werk en bijstand is inmiddels ingevoerd en levert goede resultaten op. De regering zal voorts een nieuwe WAO-regeling voorstellen waarbij arbeidsgeschiktheid en reïntegratie van werknemers centraal staan. Bij de werkloosheidsregelingen behoren de prikkels tot deelname aan beroepsarbeid voorop te staan. Voorzieningen gericht op scholing worden niet aangetast. Ontslagvergoedingen en bovenwettelijke uitkeringen zullen worden verrekend niet de werkloosheidsuitkering. Om de economische groei te bevorderen en voldoende arbeidsaanbod in de toekomst te verzekeren, wil de regering langer werken stimuleren. Of mensen uiteindelijk langer of korter werken, blijft echter hun persoonlijke keuze. De regering zal voorstellen doen om op 1 januari 2006 de fiscale voordelen voor vervroegde pensionering te beëindigen. Zij beseft dat dit bij oudere werknemers onzekerheden oproept. De voorstellen bevatten dan ook goede overgangsregelingen. Tevens wil de regering in 2006 de levensloopregeling introduceren, waarmee werknemers kunnen sparen voor zorg, arbeid, scholing en verlof. Met dit alles wordt een evenwicht bereikt tussen de noodzakelijke verhoging van arbeidsparticipatie, het ontzien van oudere werknemers en het beheersen van lasten voor jongere werknemers in de toekomst. Onderwijs, onderzoek, kennis en innovatie zijn van wezenlijk belang voor de productiviteit van de Nederlandse economie. Het onderwijs wordt ontdaan van overbodige regels zodat scholen en universiteiten meer ruimte krijgen voor eigen initiatief en verbetering van kwaliteit. Instellingen voor hoger onderwijs mogen experimenteren met selectie bij toelating en met differentiatie van collegegeld. Scholen krijgen extra middelen voor exacte en technische vakken. Het Innovatieplatform heeft voorstellen gedaan voor een betere omzetting van kennis in producten en diensten. De regering neemt praktische adviezen van het Innovatieplatform over, zoals een vereenvoudigde toelating van kennismigranten, een betere uitwisseling tussen universiteiten en onderzoeksinstellingen, en het midden- en kleinbedrijf, het uitbreiden van het aantal startende ondernemers en het benutten van de kansen die de creatieve industrie biedt. Een verlaging van de belasting op bedrijfswinst is goed voor het fiscale vestigingsklimaat en draagt zo bij aan verbetering van de economische structuur. De productiviteit van de economie wordt eveneens gestimuleerd door versnelling van procedures voor ruimtelijke ordening, woningbouw, infrastructuur en milieu. De regering wil ruimte voor wonen, werken en recreëren in sterke steden, en ook voor natuur en landschap. De verruiming van het huurbeleid bevordert nieuwe investeringen in de woningbouw, mede om doorstroming te bevorderen. De herziening van de Wet op de ruimtelijke ordening zal meer armslag aan gemeenten en provincies geven. De regering zal in 2005 voorstellen doen die gericht zijn op een versterking van een leefbaar en vitaal landelijk gebied. Er wordt fors geïnvesteerd in de infrastructuur, en in het bijzonder in onderhoud van wegen en in een betere benutting ervan. Nederland houdt zich aan de internationale afspraken over de reductie van de uitstoot van broeikasgassen. Het vertrouwen van burgers in de toekomst wordt vergroot door verbetering van de veiligheid. Fanatieke groeperingen trachten met terroristische daden, waarvan onschuldige burgers en zelfs kinderen het slachtoffer gorden, over de hele wereld samenlevingen te ondergraven. Ook Nederland is niet gevrijwaard van deze dreigingen. Om onze democratische rechtsstaat en onze pluriforme samenleving te beschermen tegen terreur, heeft de regering aangekondigd op korte termijn ingrijpende maatregelen te treffen. De bestrijding van terrorisme zal worden versterkt door een betere organisatie, de mogelijkheid om snel maatregelen te nemen en door bepaalde opsporingsbevoegdheden te verruimen. Tevens zal, mede met het oog op adequate voorlichting, een waarschuwings- en alerteringssysteem in werking worden gesteld. De inspanningen van regering, gemeenten, politieregio's, rechterlijke macht, openbaar ministerie en gevangeniswezen beginnen hun vruchten af te werpen. Gemeenten krijgen meer mogelijkheden om bestuurlijke boetes op te leggen voor kleine vergrijpen en parkeerovertredingen. Volgend jaar herdenken wij dat zestig jaar geleden de Tweede Wereldoorlog eindigde. Bijdragen aan vrede en veiligheid betekent dat landen medeverantwoordelijkheid moeten blijven nemen voor de internationale rechtsorde en solidariteit. Uitgangspunten voor Nederland daarbij zijn een daadkrachtige Europese Unie, een sterke transatlantische relatie, vooral in NAVO-verband, en een effectief functioneren van de Verenigde Naties. Door een actief buitenlands beleid en door te participeren met ruim 2000 militairen in internationale missies, ondersteunt Nederland Irak, Afghanistan en de Balkan bij hun democratische en economische wederopbouw. De mannen en vrouwen van onze krijgsmacht die daaraan bijdragen, verdienen groot respect en dankbaarheid. De regering voelt zich met hen en hun naasten verbonden; onze gedachten gaan in het bijzonder uit naar de gewonde en gesneuvelde Nederlandse militairen en naar hun families. Internationale rechtsorde en solidariteit vergen evenzeer duurzame bestrijding van armoede en onrecht. De Nederlandse ontwikkelingssamenwerking wordt gekenmerkt door partnerschap, dialoog en betrokkenheid van niet-gouvernementele organisaties en het bedrijfsleven. De regering zal bijzondere aandacht blijven geven aan onderwijs, milieu en water, gezondheidszorg en aids-bestrijding. De zorg van de regering gaat in het bijzonder uit naar de ontwikkeling van het armste werelddeel, Afrika, en naar de ernstige crisis in Soedan. Een groot deel van de bilaterale ontwikkelingsgelden is bestemd voor Afrika ten zuiden van de Sahara. Bevordering van handelsbetrekkingen is gunstig voor de economische groei van ontwikkelingslanden. De Wereldhandelsorganisatie en de Europese Unie hebben hieraan recent een belangrijke nieuwe impuls gegeven. Met de toetreding van tien nieuwe lidstaten en met het Grondwettelijk Verdrag, dat volgende maand zal worden getekend, heeft de Europese Unie nieuwe mijlpalen bereikt. De regering zal zich ervoor inzetten eenieder duidelijk te maken dat de Unie meer betekent dan uitsluitend economische samenwerking. Dit is nodig voor het vertrouwen in Europa. Het is essentieel dat binnen de Unie afspraken over veiligheid en migratie, landbouwhervorming, interne markt, mededinging, begrotingsbeleid en economische hervormingen worden nagekomen. Op het Nederlandse voorzitterschap rust een grote verantwoordelijkheid om beslissingen over de verdere uitbreiding van de Europese Unie zorgvuldig voor te bereiden, in het besef dat draagvlak daarbij onontbeerlijk is. Daartoe zullen de gestelde toetredingscriteria strikt moeten worden toegepast. Hernieuwd vertrouwen moet ook gebaseerd zijn op maatschappelijke samenhang. De overheid kan dat niet alléén realiseren. Het zijn burgers, maatschappelijke organisaties en sociale partners die vorm geven aan de Nederlandse samenleving. De regering onderkent daarbij de grote betekenis van kunst en cultuur. Op het gebied van werk en inkomen zullen werknemers en werkgevers nieuwe accenten moeten kunnen leggen. De eigen rol van sociale partners staat daarbij niet ter discussie. Het beleid van deregulering en vermindering van administratieve lasten voor bedrijven en burgers krijgt gestalte. Dit schept ook meer ruimte voor eigen verantwoordelijkheid. Om een hoogwaardig en toegankelijk stelsel van zorg te handhaven, zal de regering keuzevrijheid en concurrentie bevorderen. Zo worden zorgverzekeraars en zorgaanbieders gestimuleerd meer kwaliteit te leveren en doelmatiger te werken. Een wet met één basisverzekering voor iedereen alsmede een zorgtoeslag wordt hiertoe voorbereid. De overheid zal selectiever in haar ambities en prioriteiten moeten zijn en daarmee slagvaardiger worden. In het programma 'Andere Overheid' zullen voorstellen worden gedaan voor herijking van taken en werkwijzen van het rijk en voor verbetering van de dienstverlening aan de burger. Taken moeten zo dicht mogelijk bij de mensen worden uitgevoerd. Er wordt dus meer gevraagd van provincies en gemeenten. De regering benadrukt het belang van goed overleg tussen de overheden en zal daarmee intensief blijven voortgaan in het belang van een samenhangend optreden van de overheid. De grote steden zijn in belangrijke mate sociale en economische motoren van onze maatschappij. De regering ondersteunt die door concrete afspraken te maken. Door de democratie te versterken kan het vertrouwen van de burger in de overheid worden bevorderd. De regering heeft voorgesteld burgemeesters met ingang van 2006 direct door de burgers te laten kiezen. Op korte termijn zullen u wetsvoorstellen bereiken voor de herziening van het kiesstelsel, gericht op versterking van het mandaat van de individuele volksvertegenwoordiger. Samenleven in een maatschappij vergt respect voor elkaars cultuur, achtergrond en opvattingen. Velen in ons land staan, elk op eigen wijze, in de christelijke, humanistische, joodse, islamitische of een andere wereld- of levensbeschouwelijke traditie. In een dergelijk pluriform land is respect van allen, autochtoon en allochtoon, voor onze grondrechten en rechtsstaat een vereiste. Een gemeenschappelijke basis van taal, actief burgerschap en gedeelde waarden en normen kunnen dat versterken. Ook het integratiebeleid moet hieraan bijdragen. De instroom van asielzoekers is sterk gedaald. Het restrictieve toelatingsbeleid voor asielzoekers en voor personen die naar Nederland komen in het kader van gezinsvorming zal worden voortgezet. De regering wil werken aan onderling vertrouwen in ons Koninkrijk. Met Aruba en de Nederlandse Antillen heeft Nederland een unieke staatkundige en maatschappelijke band. De regering zal de Nederlandse Antillen krachtig ondersteunen om de zorgelijke sociaal-economische situatie het hoofd te bieden en de toenemende criminaliteit te bestrijden. Ook de hervorming van de bestuurlijke en financiële verhoudingen op de Nederlandse Antillen en een nieuw perspectief voor het Koninkrijksverband vragen de aandacht. In december vieren wij samen het 50-jarig bestaan van het Statuut. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De regering beseft dat zij ook in 2005 forse inspanningen van alle geledingen van de samenleving vraagt. Tegen de achtergrond van een stevige internationale groei, en een opleving van de economie in Europa, is thans ook in ons land sprake van een beginnend herstel. De werkgelegenheid zal naar verwachting volgend jaar weer wat toenemen. Dit keerpunt schept kansen om de economische groei te versterken en duurzaam te maken. De structurele hervormingen zijn daarop gericht en scheppen zo perspectief voor welvaart en werkgelegenheid en daarmee voor neer samenhang in de maatschappij. Door de noodzakelijke inspanningen gezamenlijk op ons te nemen, kunnen we de toekomst met vertrouwen tegemoet zien. De regering rekent op een vruchtbaar overleg met u. Op u rust een verantwoordelijke en zware taak. U mag zich daarbij gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. De internationale en nationale ontwikkelingen van het afgelopen jaar hebben de onzekerheden in ons dagelijks bestaan doen toenemen. Burgeroorlogen, aanslagen en andere vormen van geweld treffen iedere dag weer vele onschuldige mensen. Dit roept de vraag op hoe Nederland kan bijdragen aan duurzame vrede, veiligheid en armoedebestrijding. Aardbevingen, overstromingen en droogte confronteren overal in de wereld de mens met zijn beperkingen. Ook ons land is niet gespaard gebleven voor de gevolgen van langdurige droogte, ondanks de grote aandacht voor het waterbeheer. De teruggang van de economie is in Nederland in alle scherpte voelbaar geworden. Na jaren van voorspoed leidt dit voor veel burgers onverwacht tot onzekerheid. Dagelijks worden honderden mensen werkloos. De problemen van onze economie zijn niet alleen conjunctureel van aard. Om tot duurzaam herstel te komen is het noodzakelijk de economische structuur te versterken en de sociale zekerheid grondig te herzien. De regering beseft dat dit in eerste instantie voor veel mensen ingrijpende gevolgen zal hebben. Er zijn ook grote zorgen om de cohesie in onze samenleving. De waarden van verschillende bevolkingsgroepen blijken soms ver uit elkaar te liggen en de integratie verloopt niet voorspoedig. Voorts zijn de onveiligheid en overlast op straat en de aantasting van de leefomgeving verontrustend. De grote steden zien zich geplaatst voor een opeenhoping van problemen. De regering onderkent deze onzekerheden en problemen en ziet het als haar opdracht om weer perspectief te bieden. Zij wil bijdragen aan een sterke en duurzame economie, een slagvaardige overheid, een levende democratie en een veiliger samenleving. Dit perspectief vereist structurele hervormingen, waarbij het resultaat voor de lange termijn belangrijker is dan de nadelige gevolgen op de korte termijn. Met het oog op de toekomst van ons allen acht de regering nu scherpe keuzes noodzakelijk. De regering beoogt daarmee eveneens een cultuuromslag tot stand te brengen. De overheid dient ruimte te laten aan het initiatief van burgers en bedrijven. Daadwerkelijke verbeteringen zijn alleen mogelijk indien iedereen zijn verantwoordelijkheid neemt en meedoet in onze maatschappij. De overheid kan niet de oplossing voor alle vraagstukken bieden en behoort dat ook niet te doen. Zij moet juist de randvoorwaarden scheppen om problemen oplosbaar te maken. Daartoe dient zij minder regels te stellen en die regels beter te handhaven. Deze uitgangspunten staan in het beleid van de regering centraal. Nederland raakt steeds meer verweven met Europa, zowel in politiek als in economisch opzicht. De Europese Unie is een waarde- en rechtsgemeenschap. Zij heeft zich gaandeweg ontwikkeld tot een vrije markt voor goederen, personen, kapitaal en diensten. Een gemeenschappelijk handels-, landbouw-, en asielbeleid en één munt versterken de integratie. Internationaal neemt het belang van de Unie toe als factor van vrede en stabiliteit. Het aantal lidstaten van de Europese Unie is sinds de oprichting sterk gegroeid. Naar verwachting zal de Unie volgend jaar uit 25 landen bestaan. De uitbreiding is verheugend maar stelt de spankracht van de Unie ook op de proef. In oktober zal de Intergouvernementele Conferentie over de nieuwe Grondwet voor de Unie van start gaan. De regering zal zich ervoor inzetten dat de Unie slagvaardiger kan besluiten en optreden. Daartoe zal de centrale rol van de Europese Commissie moeten worden versterkt en de besluitvorming bij gekwalificeerde meerderheid worden uitgebreid. Ook het democratisch gehalte dient te worden vergroot, door de positie van het Europees Parlement te verstevigen. De Unie zal er tevens voor moeten zorgen dat de uitgaven beheerst blijven en de lasten eerlijk worden verdeeld. Alleen zo kan het draagvlak voor de afdrachten behouden blijven. In de tweede helft van volgend jaar bekleedt Nederland het voorzitterschap van de Europese Unie. De regering zal actief bijdragen aan het streven van de Unie om de meest concurrerende en dynamische kenniseconomie ter wereld te worden. Mede met het oog op de bestrijding van terrorisme zullen voorstellen worden gedaan voor een verdergaande Europese samenwerking op het gebied van buitenlands en veiligheidsbeleid. Bijzondere aandacht gaat daarbij uit naar het continueren van de hechte relatie met de Verenigde Staten. De regering acht versterking van de internationale rechtsorde, vrede en veiligheid van groot belang. Met de inzet van ruim 2200 militairen in crisisbeheersingsoperaties levert Nederland hieraan een grote bijdrage. In Irak en Afghanistan zal Nederland zich blijven inzetten voor de wederopbouw. Er worden extra middelen vrijgemaakt om de Nederlandse militairen nog beter uit te rusten voor de taken die zij onder moeilijke omstandigheden vervullen. De aandacht van de regering blijft tevens uitgaan naar Afrika, het armste werelddeel, waar conflicten, ongelijkheid, regionale instabiliteit, honger, aids en andere ziekten de ontwikkeling belemmeren. Mede met het oog daarop is een apart fonds voor vrede en stabiliteit ingesteld binnen de begroting van Buitenlandse Zaken. Voor duurzame armoedebestrijding hebben ontwikkelingslanden niet alleen hulp nodig maar ook vrije toegang tot de wereldmarkt. Bezinning op de samenwerkingsrelatie binnen het Koninkrijk zal de komende tijd veel aandacht vragen. De Nederlandse Antillen en de afzonderlijke eilanden staan voor fundamentele vragen over de financieel-economische problemen en de vormgeving van het bestuur. De urgentie om te komen tot een daadwerkelijke aanpak is groot. De regering acht structurele verbetering van rechtspleging en rechtshandhaving in het gehele Koninkrijk noodzakelijk. Het vijftigjarig bestaan in 2004 van het Statuut geeft aanleiding om gemeenschappelijk te zoeken naar een nieuw perspectief voor het Koninkrijk. Om structurele hervormingen en een cultuuromslag in ons land tot stand te brengen zijn een andere verhouding tussen bestuur en burger, een duidelijke verbetering van de publieke dienstverlening en een vernieuwing van ons democratisch bestel vereist. Om burgers en bedrijven ruimte te geven, zijn deregulering en vermindering van administratieve lasten cruciaal. Het streven is deze lasten de komende vier jaar dan ook met een kwart te laten dalen. De overheid wordt bovendien selectiever in wat ze tot haar verantwoordelijkheid rekent, maar kerntaken behoren beter te worden uitgevoerd. Met het oog hierop zullen taken, werkwijze en omvang van de overheid worden doorgelicht. Het resultaat moet een toegankelijke, dienstverlenende en efficiënte overheid zijn. Daartoe zal het programma tot modernisering van de overheid aan u worden voorgelegd. De regering streeft ernaar dat in 2004 ongeveer de helft van de publieke informatie ook op internet beschikbaar zal zijn, om zo de toegankelijkheid van de overheid te verbeteren. Daarenboven zal de burger in de toekomst niet steeds opnieuw, maar slechts één keer zijn persoonsgegevens aan de overheid hoeven te verstrekken. De regering wil de werking van de democratie versterken. Daartoe zal de directe invloed van de kiezer op zijn vertegenwoordigers, en op zijn gemeentelijk bestuur, worden vergroot. In 2004 zal de regering wetsvoorstellen indienen voor een nieuw kiesstelsel met districten en met ingang van 2006 voor de directe verkiezingen van burgemeesters. Binnen de mogelijkheden die de Grondwet daartoe biedt, zullen u voorstellen worden gedaan om de burgemeester een sterke, eigen positie in het bestuur van de gemeente te geven. Het doel van integratie is een toekomstperspectief te bieden en de cohesie in de samenleving te versterken. Een te groot deel van de allochtone bevolking neemt onvoldoende deel aan de maatschappij. Integratie betekent meedoen, en dat vereist de kennis en vaardigheden die nodig zijn voor zelfredzaamheid. Het aanbod van inburgeringcursussen wordt vrijgelaten. Voor nieuwkomers geldt voor toelating de voorwaarde dat zij over basiskennis van het Nederlands beschikken. Behalve maatregelen om de integratie te vergroten, worden ook verdere maatregelen genomen om de instroom van vreemdelingen te beperken. De aanwezigheid in ons land van asielzoekers die reeds vele jaren op de uitkomst van hun procedure wachten, is maatschappelijk een probleem. Voor een afgebakende groep asielzoekers die aan toetsbare criteria voldoet, zal eenmalig worden voorzien in een regeling tot verblijf. Voor hen die geen recht hebben om zich hier blijvend te vestigen zal een actiever uitzettingsbeleid gelden. De Nederlandse economie is, na jaren van voorspoed en sterke economische groei, dit jaar volledig tot stilstand gekomen. Volgend jaar wordt een verdere forse stijging van de werkloosheid verwacht. Veel mensen zullen hierdoor worden getroffen. Dat raakt niet alleen de werkloze zelf, maar ook zijn familie en zijn omgeving. De loonkosten zijn fors gestegen en de arbeidsproductiviteit is hierbij achtergebleven. Hierdoor presteert Nederland aanzienlijk slechter dan de meeste andere landen in de Europese Unie. Bovendien zullen mensen behorend tot de naoorlogse geboortegolf in de komende jaren de pensioengerechtigde leeftijd bereiken, terwijl de groep mensen die de middelen voor de oudedagsvoorzieningen moet opbrengen kleiner wordt. Dit alles noopt tot nieuwe maatregelen om de structuur van de economie te versterken, de lonen te matigen en de arbeidsparticipatie te verhogen. Een grotere eigen verantwoordelijkheid vooral in de sociale zekerheid en het terugbrengen van de staatsschuld zijn daartoe nodig. Tegelijkertijd moet worden voldaan aan de afspraken in het kader van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. Door nú de economische en budgettaire problemen aan te pakken wordt voorkomen dat huidige én volgende generaties de rekening gepresenteerd krijgen in de vorm van structurele werkloosheid, blijvende economische problemen en de noodzaak om de overheidsfinanciën alsnog op orde te brengen. Voor een perspectief op herstel zijn moeilijke maatregelen nu nodig. Bijna alle burgers zullen er komend jaar in koopkracht op achteruitgaan. De lasten zullen echter zo veel mogelijk evenwichtig worden verdeeld. Bovenmatige stijging van topinkomens in de marktsector en in de semi-collectieve sector wil de regering met passende maatregelen tegengaan. Om groei van de werkgelegenheid te bereiken is matiging van loonkosten essentieel. De overheid zal hieraan actief bijdragen door de ontwikkeling van de ambtenarensalarissen en de uitkeringen te beperken. Werkhervatting en het vinden van passende arbeid is het uitgangspunt in een nieuw WAO-stelsel. De periode waarin werkgevers bij ziekte loon doorbetalen zal vanaf 2004 worden verlengd van één naar twee jaar. Daarbij zal de inkomensvoorziening het tweede jaar beperkt blijven tot 70%. Alleen wie duurzaam en volledig niet meer in staat is om arbeid te verrichten, krijgt een permanente inkomensbescherming. De regering wil de toelatingseisen van de WW aanscherpen en acht de afschaffing van de vervolguitkering geboden. Eigen verantwoordelijkheid en arbeidsparticipatie staan ook in het wetsvoorstel werk en bijstand centraal. Wie niet zelfstandig werk kan vinden, krijgt ondersteuning in de vorm van een reïntegratietraject. Zolang dat nodig is, wordt een bijstandsuitkering verstrekt. De verantwoordelijkheid hiervoor ligt bij de gemeenten. Ook ouderen moeten zo veel mogelijk blijven werken. De fiscale faciliteiten voor vervroegd uittreden en prepensioen kunnen in dat licht niet worden gehandhaafd. Vooral mensen in de leeftijd tussen 30 en 50 jaar hebben dikwijls moeite om arbeid en zorg te combineren. De invoering van een levensloopregeling zal dit gemakkelijker maken. De productiviteit van de Nederlandse economie zal structureel worden versterkt door te investeren in onderwijs, kennis en innovatie. Om een impuls te geven aan de Nederlandse kenniseconomie heeft de regering het Innovatieplatform ingesteld, waarin leden van het kabinet met gezaghebbende deskundigen uit bedrijfsleven, wetenschap en onderwijs gezamenlijk ideeën ontwikkelen. Ruimte scheppen voor ondernemers is eveneens wezenlijk voor de verhoging van de productiviteit. Mensen die een onderneming willen starten zullen minder barrières ondervinden en gericht worden ondersteund. De regering spant zich in om ook de belangrijke agrarische sector een duurzaam en innovatief karakter te geven. De economie en de concurrentiepositie zullen tevens worden versterkt door te investeren in onderhoud en beter gebruik van de bestaande infrastructuur. Voor een betere doorstroming op de weg zal het programma voor spitsstroken bij de ernstige knelpunten versneld worden uitgevoerd. De regering acht daarnaast de ontwikkeling van de luchthaven Schiphol en de haven van Rotterdam van wezenlijke economische betekenis voor Nederland. Voor sterke steden en dorpen is het van belang meer woningen te bouwen. De regering zal de randvoorwaarden creëren waardoor de achterblijvende woningbouwproductie kan toenemen en erop aandringen dat ook de marktpartijen hun verantwoordelijkheid nemen. Het is van groot belang dat de zorg in ons land toegankelijk, hoogwaardig en betaalbaar blijft. De huidige economische situatie en de vergrijzing dwingen echter ook op dit terrein tot het maken van heldere keuzes. De kosten van de zorg zijn de laatste jaren fors gestegen, terwijl de kwaliteit daarmee geen gelijke tred heeft gehouden. Om die kosten te beperken wordt het wettelijk verzekerde pakket verkleind en worden de eigen bijdragen verhoogd. De medisch noodzakelijke zorg wordt bij deze maatregelen ontzien. Voor chronisch zieken met een laag inkomen wordt een speciale compensatiemaatregel getroffen. Om een goede, betaalbare gezondheidszorg op langere termijn zeker te stellen moet de eigen verantwoordelijkheid van burgers, instellingen en verzekeraars voorop staan. De overheid stelt daarbij eisen en randvoorwaarden. De nieuwe standaardverzekering zal op deze uitgangspunten gebaseerd zijn en wordt in 2006 ingevoerd. Minder regels, meer doelmatigheid en efficiëntere organisatie zijn noodzakelijk voor betere prestaties in de zorg. De komende jaren zal veel aandacht besteed worden aan medisch-ethische vraagstukken. In 2004 zal de wetgeving op het gebied van euthanasie en afbreking van zwangerschap worden geëvalueerd. Uitgangspunt daarbij is dat de geldende regels daadwerkelijk worden nageleefd. Ondanks de moeilijke budgettaire situatie stelt de regering extra middelen beschikbaar om de kwaliteit van de samenleving op verschillende terreinen te verbeteren. Onderwijs draagt in grote mate bij aan het goed functioneren van de maatschappij, zowel nu als in de toekomst. Op dit moment verlaten nog te veel jongeren de school zonder diploma. Om deze schooluitval fors terug te dringen zullen leerlingen en studenten intensiever worden begeleid. Het lerarentekort wordt eveneens aangepakt. Scholen krijgen meer ruimte om ondersteunend personeel aan te nemen en leraren krijgen betere mogelijkheden om zich voor te bereiden op nieuwe eisen die aan hen worden gesteld. Diversiteit en toegankelijkheid blijven in het cultuurbeleid centraal staan. De milieueffecten van productie en consumptie van goederen en diensten worden nog onvoldoende onderkend. Het stimuleren van duurzame innovaties moet leiden tot een efficiënter gebruik van grondstoffen. Ecologische en landschappelijke waarden bepalen de leefbaarheid van onze maatschappij. Daarom zijn extra middelen uitgetrokken voor de verwerving van natuur en behoud van een vitaal platteland. De kwaliteit van de samenleving zal verder verbeterd worden door het terugdringen van geweld en overlast op straat. Toezicht en controle in de openbare ruimte worden vergroot. Veelplegers worden met voorrang aangepakt. Voor meer veiligheid zijn preventie en toezicht onontbeerlijk, evenals een effectief optreden van justitie en politie. Daartoe zijn verruiming van bevoegdheden en organisatorische aanpassingen dringend gewenst. Voor de openbaar aanklager, de rechter en het gevangeniswezen worden extra middelen ter beschikking gesteld opdat wangedrag snel en rechtvaardig kan worden berecht. Ontwikkeling en handhaving van de rechtsorde is één van de kerntaken van de overheid. Deze moet worden onderhouden en zo nodig aangepast aan een veranderende samenleving. Het uitgangspunt daarbij is een rechtsorde die ruimte biedt waar mogelijk en kaders stelt waar vereist. Partijen moeten allereerst zelf een oplossing zoeken voor hun geschillen. Hiertoe zijn heldere rechtsnormen geboden. Een slagvaardige rechtspraak is als sluitstuk onmisbaar. In de komende regeerperiode zullen u voorstellen worden voorgelegd om regelgeving, handhaving en rechtspraak hierop te laten aansluiten. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De regering acht het van groot belang dat het voorgenomen beleid in overeenstemming met de Staten-Generaal zo spoedig mogelijk wordt omgezet in concrete uitvoering. Zij vertrouwt erop dat met de voorziene structurele hervormingen, gericht op een sterke en duurzame economie, Nederland perspectief wordt geboden om aansluiting te vinden bij de aantrekkende wereldconjunctuur. Met haar voorstellen wil de regering bijdragen aan een slagvaardige overheid, een levende democratie en een veiliger samenleving en daarmee de sociale samenhang in ons land versterken. De regering doet deze voorstellen in het besef dat resultaten alleen te bereiken zijn met gemeenschappelijke inspanning van alle geledingen van de samenleving. De regering wil met u haar doelstellingen realiseren en ziet daarom uit naar een vruchtbaar overleg. Op u rust een verantwoordelijke en zware taak. U mag zich daarbij gesteund weten door het besef dat velen u wijsheid toewensen en met mij om kracht en Gods zegen voor u bidden. In de afgelopen jaren leken wij in de Nederlandse samenleving te kunnen vertrouwen op een aantal zekerheden: een voortgaande groei van de economie en veiligheid tegen aanvallen van buitenaf. Het zijn echter schijnzekerheden gebleken. De economische groei is vanaf het midden van vorig jaar bijna tot stilstand gekomen; de werkloosheid loopt weer op. En na de aanslagen van 11 september vorig jaar is het besef doorgedrongen dat veiligheid en stabiliteit in ons land en in de westerse wereld toch niet vanzelfsprekend zijn. Tevens is duidelijk gebleken dat veel burgers een gevoel van onbehagen hebben over ontwikkelingen in onze samenleving: een toenemende onveiligheid die als bedreigend wordt ervaren, een grote instroom en onvoldoende integratie van nieuwkomers, en achterblijvende kwaliteit onder meer in de zorg en in het onderwijs. Tegen deze achtergrond vonden de verkiezingen plaats en werd dit kabinet gevormd. Er is in de afgelopen decennia in Nederland veel bereikt. De regering ziet zich nu voor de zware taak geplaatst om het goede daarvan te behouden, en de onvolkomenheden die er zijn in alle duidelijkheid en met daadkracht aan te pakken. De teruglopende economische groei noopt tot een ingrijpend pakket maatregelen. Daarnaast wil de regering gehoor geven aan de indringende opdrachten die de kiezers haar hebben meegegeven: de veiligheid in ons land moet worden verhoogd, regels moeten worden nageleefd, integratie van minderheden moet worden versneld en de kwaliteit en organisatie van collectieve voorzieningen moeten verbeteren. De regering realiseert zich terdege dat de kansen voor ons land op ontplooiing en welvaart voor een belangrijk deel ontstaan door samenwerking met andere landen. In het bijzonder geldt dit voor de verbondenheid van Nederland met de Europese Unie. Nederland stond aan de wieg van de Europese eenwording. De Europese Unie staat nu voor een nieuw tijdperk met de voorziene uitbreiding met nieuwe Lidstaten en de hervorming van het gemeenschappelijk landbouwbeleid. In de Conventie en vervolgens de Intergouvernementele Conferentie zijn belangrijke vraagstukken aan de orde over de opzet van de Unie. De regering beseft dat deze ingrijpende veranderingen bij sommigen gemengde gevoelens oproepen. Het debat hierover zal zich daarom niet mogen beperken tot bestuurders en instituties. Een nieuw elan in het Europees bewustzijn van burgers is gewenst. Nederland zal het voorzitterschap van de Organisatie voor Veiligheid en Samenwerking in Europa en van de Raad van Europa volgend jaar, en vervolgens van de Europese Unie benutten om burgers actief te informeren en hen bij dit debat te betrekken. De waarden waar de Europese Unie voor staat moeten helder zijn en in verdragen worden verankerd. Het afgelopen jaar werden de vrede en veiligheid steeds vaker bedreigd door spanningen zowel binnen landen als tussen landen onderling. De regering wil alles doen wat in haar vermogen ligt om in internationaal verband bij te dragen aan het zoeken naar oplossingen. Bijzondere aandacht daarbij moet uitgaan naar de verontrustende ontwikkelingen in het Midden-Oosten. Nederland hecht veel waarde aan de vitale relatie van Europa met de Verenigde Staten. De NAVO is daarin van essentiële betekenis. De Nederlandse defensieorganisatie levert daaraan naar vermogen een bijdrage. Onze militairen zetten zich in vredesoperaties op een prijzenswaardige wijze in. Gedenkend de slachtoffers die ruim een jaar geleden in de Verenigde Staten zijn gevallen bij de schokkende aanslagen gaat de strijd tegen het internationale terrorisme onverminderd voort. Ook ons land neemt daarin zijn verantwoordelijkheid. Nederland kent een grote traditie van internationale solidariteit. De zojuist gehouden bijeenkomst in Johannesburg over duurzame mondiale ontwikkeling onderstreept het belang van een integrale benadering van wereldwijde problemen. Voortbouwend op onze inzet voor deze conferentie zullen wij u dit jaar voorstellen voorleggen voor een samenhangende aanpak ter bevordering van duurzame ontwikkeling onder andere op het gebied van water en energie, en armoedebestrijding, in het bijzonder in Afrika. De band van het Koninkrijk schept verantwoordelijkheden voor ons eigen land, de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba. Uit het oogpunt van evenwichtige verhoudingen hecht de regering zeer aan het huidige staatkundige verband van de Nederlandse Antillen. Het Statuut dient de basis te bieden voor een hechtere integratie in Koninkrijksverband. Zolang de criminaliteit zo verontrustend hoog is, zal de regering in overleg met de Koninkrijkspartners haar financiële bijdrage aan de samenwerking met voorrang aanwenden voor versterking van de rechtshandhaving. In reactie op de problemen in ons land wil de regering inhoud geven aan een nieuwe bestuurscultuur. Een cultuur waarin maatschappelijke problemen worden benoemd, afwegingen helder worden gemaakt, besluiten verantwoord en in het noodzakelijke tempo worden genomen, en wetten worden nageleefd. De regering wil het debat over gedeelde waarden entameren. De normen in de samenleving dienen te worden versterkt. Burgers zijn de dragers van de maatschappij. Te vaak wordt naar de overheid gekeken om problemen en risico’s in het dagelijks leven te voorkomen of weg te nemen. Maar tegelijkertijd wordt steeds minder geaccepteerd dat die overheid beperkingen oplegt aan mensen. Een nieuwe balans moet worden gezocht. De samenleving kan alleen functioneren als burgers zich willen afvragen wat zij voor elkaar kunnen doen, voordat zij de blik op de overheid richten. Daarbij geldt ook dat mensen zich alleen kunnen ontplooien als de overheid hun ruimte geeft om zelf verantwoordelijkheid te nemen en eigen keuzes te maken. Uitgangspunten hierbij behoren te zijn: respect, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Dit betekent: respect voor elkaars levenssfeer, voor dragers van gezag en voor hen die zich inzetten voor de publieke zaak, maar ook van de overheid voor de burgers; verantwoordelijkheid van burgers, maatschappelijke organisaties en bedrijven om een wezenlijke bijdrage te leveren aan de kwaliteit van de samenleving; verantwoording van overheid en instellingen over de wijze waarop zij hun taken vervullen en prestaties leveren. Nederland kent een traditie die ruimte biedt aan de cultuur en de religie van mensen uit alle windstreken. Die waarde moet behouden blijven. De omvangrijke immigratie en de daaruit voortvloeiende problemen hebben de samenleving evenwel onder druk gezet. De regering zal daarom de integratie van allochtonen verder bevorderen, hetgeen van nieuwe Nederlanders vereist dat zij onze taal spreken, zich inleven in de Nederlandse identiteit en cultuur, en de wetten van onze rechtsstaat naleven. Van de betrokken en mag worden gevraagd dat zij de inburgeringscursussen succesvol afronden. De integratie is verder gebaat bij een restrictiever toelatingsbeleid en bestrijding van illegaal verblijf. Mede daardoor zal ruimte worden geschapen om de reeds aanwezige nieuwe Nederlanders hun plaats in de maatschappij te laten vinden. Een goede integratie vergt een langdurige inzet en wederzijdse aanpassing. De grote problemen waarvoor de regering zich gesteld ziet, zijn niet op te lossen zonder de samenwerking met de maatschappelijke organisaties en sociale partners die een bindend element in de samenleving vormen. Daarom is het nodig dat zij zich bewust zijn van hún verantwoordelijkheden. Omwille van de kwaliteit van de samenleving zullen zij ook nu het algemeen belang nadrukkelijk in het oog moeten blijven houden. Wanneer maatschappelijke organisaties en burgers hun verantwoordelijkheid willen nemen, moeten zij daartoe de ruimte krijgen. De regering zal daarom werk maken van het terugdringen van regelgeving en bureaucratie. Zij wil voorwaarden scheppen om de essentiële gemeenschapsvoorzieningen beter te organiseren. De behoefte aan menselijke maat en de opvattingen van burgers moeten daarbij vooropstaan. In het onderwijs staan lesgeven en de professionaliteit van de docent centraal. De regering wil de eigen verantwoordelijkheid van instellingen in onderwijs, cultuur en wetenschap vergroten. Vermindering van administratieve lasten en beperking van onderwijsregelgeving worden daadkrachtig ter hand genomen. Volgend jaar zullen u voorstellen bereiken die scholen meer vrijheid geven bij de inrichting van de basisvorming en van het studiehuis en bij de besteding van de middelen voor klassenverkleining. De kwaliteit van het beroepsonderwijs zal worden bevorderd en de uitval van leerlingen zal worden bestreden, onder meer door de leerwegen binnen het beroepsonderwijs beter op elkaar aan te laten sluiten. Op financieel verantwoorde wijze wil de regering bewerkstelligen dat het recht op verzekerde zorg waargemaakt kan worden. Zij zal daartoe ziektekostenverzekeraars aanspreken op hun verantwoordelijkheid voor hun aandeel in de financiering en sturing van de gezondheidszorg. Tevens zullen zorgverleners meer ruimte krijgen voor ondernemerschap, nieuwe initiatieven en experimenten. De behoeften van de patiënt zullen centraal staan en de wachttijden worden verkort. Volgend jaar zal de regering een voorstel indienen voor een nieuw ziektekostenstelsel, dat uitgaat van solidariteit tussen mensen met verschillende leeftijden, gezondheidsrisico’s en draagkracht. Met betrekking tot de groeiende groep ouderen wil de regering rekening houden met de individuele wensen en behoeften op het terrein van welzijn, zorg, inkomen en wonen. Daartoe zal zij in 2003 een integrale visie uitbrengen. Gelukkig groeien de meeste jongeren op zonder dat zich grote problemen voordoen. Ouders hebben daarvoor als opvoeder een eerste verantwoordelijkheid. Wanneer kinderen dreigen te ontsporen moet vroegtijdig ondersteuning worden geboden. De regering hecht groot belang aan een geïntegreerd jeugdbeleid, dat inzet op preventie. Dit vergt een intensieve persoonsgerichte samenwerking tussen school, buurt en de betrokken instanties. Indien nodig zullen ook corrigerende en repressieve maatregelen worden genomen. De menselijke maat bepaalt de wijze waarop Nederland wordt ingericht en hoe wij omgaan met het leefmilieu in de ruimste zin des woords. Zowel een sterke stad als een vitaal platteland is noodzakelijk voor een duurzame ontwikkeling van ons land. Boeren en tuinders krijgen daarin een nieuwe functie, waarbij natuur, recreatie en landbouw meer in samenhang worden benaderd. De regering zal daartoe het agrarisch natuurbeheer stimuleren. In het ruimtelijk beleid hebben medeoverheden een eigen plaats. De regering wil hun meer mogelijkheden geven voor eigen afwegingen. Dit najaar zullen u de hoofdlijnen van de aanpassing van de Vijfde Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening worden voorgelegd. Daarin zal ook de opvang van de eigen bevolkingsgroei op het platteland aan de orde komen. Tevens zal aandacht worden gegeven aan het aantrekkelijk maken van het stedelijk woonmilieu voor verschillende inkomensgroepen en het doorbreken van de eenzijdige samenstelling van de bevolking van achterstandswijken. Medio 2003 zal u een voorstel worden gedaan voor vereenvoudiging van regelgeving op het terrein van wonen, milieu en ruimtelijke ordening. Goede bereikbaarheid is van belang voor economische groei, welvaart en welzijn, maar aan de groeiende mobiliteitsbehoefte kan niet ongebreideld tegemoetgekomen worden. Er wordt geïnvesteerd in het oplossen van knelpunten en het beter benutten van bestaande infrastructuur om doorstroming te bevorderen. Er komen nieuwe stations bij Vinex-locaties. Door prioriteit te geven aan goed en tijdig onderhoud van de railinfrastructuur wil de regering van haar kant bijdragen aan minder vertragingen voor treinreizigers. Burgers voelen zich onveilig en zijn bezorgd over de toegenomen criminaliteit. Aantasting van de eigen levenssfeer door geweld en misdrijven is zo ingrijpend dat er een grote behoefte is aan een strikte handhaving van de openbare orde en aan een strenge aanpak van criminaliteit. De regering wil in 2003 de organisatie en bevoegdheden van politie en justitie versterken. Er komt een landelijke recherche. De bevoegdheden van de regering bij het beheer van de politieorganisatie worden versterkt. Met de beheerders van de regionale politiekorpsen en met andere betrokken partners worden concrete afspraken gemaakt over het leveren van betere prestaties. Aan het eind van 2004 zal de regering bezien of de resultaten nopen tot verdergaande wijzigingen in de organisatie. In aansluiting op de vele inspanningen van politie en justitie in de afgelopen jaren, en op de resultaten die daarbij zijn geboekt, zal voorrang worden gegeven aan de bestrijding van die vormen van ordeverstoring en misdaad waarmee burgers vaak geconfronteerd worden. Het gaat hierbij onder meer om berovingen en bedreigingen op straat, vandalisme, inbraken en overlast door drugs. Dat vraagt een actieve aanwezigheid en zichtbaarheid van politieagenten, 24 uur per dag. De inzetbaarheid van de politie zal daaraan zo goed mogelijk worden aangepast. Dit vergt ook aanpassing van andere instanties zoals de rechterlijke macht en de reclassering. Voor de sociale veiligheid in het openbaar vervoer zal komend jaar actie worden ondernomen om strenger toezicht en een gesloten toegangsregime op metro- en treinstations te bewerkstelligen. Ter vergroting van de opsporingsmogelijkheden van politie en justitie zal de regering volgend jaar een algemene, wettelijke identificatieplicht introduceren en de toepassing van DNA-technieken verruimen. Ernstige gebeurtenissen in de afgelopen twee jaar hebben aangetoond dat aandacht voor andere vormen van veiligheid zoals brandweer, transportveiligheid en rampenbestrijding noodzakelijk is. Voor het handhaven van vergunningen en voor preventie en bestrijding zijn gemeenten en provincies de eerstverantwoordelijken. De regering bevordert een verdergaande regionale samenwerking van brandweer en ongevallendiensten. Er zal nog dit najaar een wetsvoorstel worden ingediend om de voorbereiding en het oefenen, alsmede de kwaliteit van beheersplannen, te verbeteren. In de komende vier jaar zullen extra middelen beschikbaar worden gesteld voor de veiligheid bij opslag en vervoer van gevaarlijke stoffen. Ook de verbetering van de veiligheid van tunnels krijgt bijzondere aandacht. De recente overstromingen in Europa maken eens temeer duidelijk dat een omslag in het denken over waterbeheer nodig is. Naast dijkverhogingen zullen ook maatregelen nodig zijn voor het vasthouden, bergen en afvoeren van water. Voor de veiligheid van ons voedsel zal de regering zich inzetten via regelgeving en normstelling. Het is aan ondernemers om in dezen hun maatschappelijke verantwoordelijkheid waar te maken. Het sociaal, economisch en financieel beleid is erop gericht de werkgelegenheid te vergroten, de winstgevendheid te verhogen, de inflatie terug te dringen en de overheidsfinanciën te verbeteren, ook na 2006. De begroting voor het jaar 2003 is onderdeel van het meerjarig beleid, dat gericht is op aflossing van de staatsschuld in ongeveer 25 jaar. Dat is de meest betrouwbare weg om de gemeenschapsvoorzieningen voor onze vergrijzende bevolking in stand te houden. Belangrijke elementen zijn voorts de preventie van ziekteverzuim en de aanpak van arbeidsongeschiktheid, een pensioenconvenant met de sociale partners, de combinatie van zorg en arbeid en een beter werkende arbeidsmarkt. Verder wordt ruimte gegeven om te ondernemen onder meer door de administratieve lasten fors te reduceren. De beleidsvoornemens staan onder druk omdat de economische vooruitzichten aanzienlijk slechter zijn dan vorig jaar werd verwacht. Voor 2003 wordt een groei van het bruto binnenlands product voorspeld van 1,5 procent, hetgeen bijna een halvering betekent ten opzichte van de eerdere verwachting. Dit groeipercentage ligt beduidend lager dan het gemiddelde in de Europese Unie en in de Verenigde Staten. De internationale conjunctuur is ingezakt. Hoge prijzen van aandelen en van huizen hebben tot een vertekening van de welvaart geleid. Ook hebben de overheid en veel burgers de laatste jaren onvoldoende maat weten te houden; daarbij was de stijging van de loonkosten in Nederland aanzienlijk hoger dan in de ons omringende landen. Onze internationale concurrentiepositie is daardoor verzwakt. De werkloosheid loopt op met bijna achtduizend personen per maand. De houdbaarheid van de pensioenen loopt gevaar door een combinatie van te hoge loonontwikkeling, een daling van de financiële beurzen en de stijgende lasten van de vergrijzing. In het licht van deze ernstige economische situatie ziet de regering zich genoodzaakt maatregelen te nemen om het perspectief op tijdige aflossing van de staatsschuld te behouden. Beheersing van de loonkosten over langere tijd tot onder of op het niveau van de inflatie is noodzakelijk, zowel in de collectieve sector als in de marktsector. In deze moeilijke omstandigheden zullen burgers er in koopkracht op achteruitgaan. De lasten zullen echter zo veel mogelijk evenwichtig worden verdeeld, waarbij de koopkracht van ouderen met alleen AOW bijzondere aandacht krijgt. Om werken financieel aantrekkelijker te maken wordt de arbeidskorting voor werkenden op 1 januari aanstaande verhoogd. Ondanks verdere bezuinigingen zal de regering de prioriteiten voor onderwijs, zorg en veiligheid handhaven. Zij zal ook in haar eigen rol als werkgever matiging van loonkosten betrachten. Voor het verlichten van knelpunten op de arbeidsmarkt, met name in sectoren als zorg en onderwijs, stelt de regering extra middelen beschikbaar. Zij gaat ervan uit dat de noodzaak van een meerjarige matiging van loonkosten breed in de samenleving zal worden gesteund. Op het moment dat in de marktsector eveneens matiging van de loonkosten wordt verwezenlijkt, zal ruimte worden gemaakt voor verlaging van werknemers- en werkgeverslasten. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Met deze begroting wil de regering tegemoetkomen aan de onzekerheden, problemen en ambities in de maatschappij, in het besef dat niet alle oplossingen op korte termijn bereikbaar zijn. Zij doet deze voorstellen wetende dat alleen resultaten kunnen worden geboekt vanuit een gemeenschappelijke inspanning in de samenleving. De regering wil samen met u haar doelstellingen realiseren en ziet daartoe uit naar vruchtbaar overleg. Moge u vanuit uw persoonlijke overtuiging inspiratie en kracht vinden voor uw verantwoordelijke werk. Ik wens u daarbij Gods zegen toe. De afschuwelijke aanslagen één week geleden in de Verenigde Staten hebben vele duizenden onschuldige mensen van het leven beroofd. Onze gedachten zijn bij de slachtoffers en hun nabestaanden, bij het gehele Amerikaanse volk, in diepe verbondenheid en solidariteit. Deze aanslagen tegen de menselijkheid doen ons beseffen hoe kwetsbaar ons aller bestaan is. Zij sterken ons in de overtuiging dat iedere vorm van terrorisme met kracht moet worden bestreden. Nauwe internationale samenwerking is noodzakelijker dan ooit om de fundamentele waarden van vrijheid, democratie en rechtvaardigheid te verdedigen. Ook de Europese samenwerking is op deze waarden gegrondvest. De euro, die op 1 januari 2002 ons wettig betaalmiddel wordt, is het tastbare resultaat van de wil om Europa politiek, economisch en sociaal te versterken. Het bereiken van deze mijlpaal is een aansporing om de integratie verder te verbreden en te verdiepen. Gesteund door gunstige economische omstandigheden is de afgelopen jaren in ons land veel tot stand gebracht. De werkgelegenheid is spectaculair gegroeid. Inkomens zijn over de hele linie gestegen. Er is en wordt op ruime schaal geïnvesteerd in publieke voorzieningen en in versterking van onze economie. Dankzij de inzet van zeer velen staat Nederland er nu in menig opzicht beter voor. Waakzaamheid is echter geboden, temeer nu de wereldeconomie een minder gunstige ontwikkeling doormaakt. Ondanks een tragere groei van ons nationaal inkomen zal volgend jaar in totaal 8 miljard gulden, ofwel ruim 3,5 miljard euro, extra beschikbaar komen voor kwaliteitsverbetering in vooral de gezondheidszorg, het onderwijs en de veiligheid. Het werken in de publieke sector wordt aantrekkelijker gemaakt. Het begrotingsoverschot zal in 2002 naar verwachting 1 procent van het bruto binnenlands product bedragen. Zo wordt gestaag voortgegaan met het aflossen van de staatsschuld. Dat is essentieel om ook bij een toenemende vergrijzing van de bevolking onze voorzieningen in stand te houden. Bijzondere aandacht is nodig voor het beheersen van de inflatie en het verruimen van de arbeidsdeelname. De regering legt daartoe een pakket lastenverlichtende maatregelen aan u voor van in totaal 3 miljard gulden, ofwel bijna 1,4 miljard euro. Om de concurrentiepositie van ons land te versterken is een beheerste loonkostenontwikkeling vereist. Dit is een verantwoordelijkheid van sociale partners en overheid samen. Wanneer wij hierin slagen, zullen wij beter in staat zijn onze ambities voor de toekomst te verwezenlijken. Onze samenleving verandert snel. Dit doet een groot beroep op het aanpassingsvermogen van zowel burgers als overheid. Mondige burgers hebben steeds meer behoefte aan keuzevrijheid, kwaliteit en maatwerk. Om hieraan tegemoet te komen zijn financiële middelen alleen niet voldoende. Het is evenzeer een kwestie van organisatie, waaraan ook burgers, bedrijven en instellingen belangrijke bijdragen kunnen leveren. Voor een goede balans tussen vrijheid en verantwoordelijkheid is een overheid nodig die richting geeft en ruimte biedt, die resultaten verlangt en rekenschap aflegt; een overheid die normen stelt en handhaaft, daadkracht toont en daarmee gezag heeft. Aan de kwaliteit en organisatie van de gezondheidszorg worden steeds hogere eisen gesteld, mede als gevolg van nieuwe medische mogelijkheden en demografische ontwikkelingen. Zorg op maat staat voorop. De regering heeft de afgelopen jaren stapsgewijs een vernieuwing van het zorgstelsel ingezet, die uitgaat van de vraag naar zorg en minder regelgeving. In vervolg hierop heeft zij voorstellen gedaan voor een algemene ziektekostenverzekering. Solidariteit, keuzevrijheid en flexibiliteit staan hierin centraal. In de gehandicaptenzorg en de thuiszorg begint het beleid gericht op verkorting van wachtlijsten vruchten af te werpen. In de zorgsector als geheel is echter nog steeds sprake van ernstige knelpunten. Voor het verder terugdringen van personeelstekorten en wachttijden worden ook volgend jaar aanzienlijke bedragen beschikbaar gesteld. De voortgang van de medische wetenschap biedt vaak ongekende mogelijkheden, die tevens ethische dilemma's oproepen. Om dit soort vraagstukken fundamenteel te bestuderen wordt volgend jaar een centrum voor ethiek en gezondheidsbeleid opgericht. Scholen en leraren krijgen meer ruimte en stimulansen om de kwaliteit, variëteit en toegankelijkheid van het onderwijs te verbeteren. Met aanvullende maatregelen zullen onderwijsachterstanden bij jonge kinderen beter worden bestreden. De leerplichtige leeftijd wordt verlaagd naar vier jaar. De huidige knelpunten op de arbeidsmarkt onderstrepen de noodzaak van omvangrijke investeringen in het beroepsonderwijs. De regering geeft hieraan samen met sociale partners invulling. Om de internationale aansluiting van ons hoger onderwijs te bevorderen wordt komend jaar een begin gemaakt met de invoering van een bachelor-master-stelsel en wordt de borging van de kwaliteit versterkt. De toegankelijkheid van ons cultureel erfgoed voor een groot en divers publiek vraagt om vernieuwingen in het museaal bestel. De regering heeft middelen vrijgemaakt voor een ingrijpende renovatie van het Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam. Veiligheid is een algemeen belang bij uitstek. Na de vuurwerkramp in Enschede heeft de nieuwjaarsbrand in Volendam onze samenleving opnieuw diep geraakt. Maatregelen zijn genomen om regels waar nodig aan te scherpen en beter te handhaven. Vrijblijvendheid mag niet worden getolereerd. Eenieder dient de eigen verantwoordelijkheid te beseffen en te nemen. Tekortkomingen bij de rampenbestrijding worden in nauwe samenwerking met alle betrokkenen voortvarend aangepakt. Criminaliteit vormt nog steeds een groot maatschappelijk probleem. Daders van strafbare feiten zullen sneller worden opgepakt en berecht. Hiertoe breidt de regering de capaciteit van politie en justitie verder uit. De behandeling van gedetineerden en hun begeleiding na terugkeer in de samenleving worden geïntensiveerd om recidive tegen te gaan. Dit geldt in het bijzonder voor jeugdige plegers van geweldsdelicten. Om jongeren met problemen tijdig adequate hulp te kunnen bieden, zullen het preventief jeugdbeleid en de jeugdzorg worden verbeterd. De grote steden krijgen extra financiële ondersteuning om meer aandacht te kunnen geven aan de veiligheid in probleemwijken. Welvaartsgroei en mobiliteit gaan hand in hand. Omvangrijke investeringen in bereikbaarheid blijven noodzakelijk. De kwaliteit van de leefomgeving wordt hierbij nadrukkelijk in acht genomen. Binnenkort zal de regering een wetsvoorstel indienen tot invoering van een kilometerheffing in combinatie met een verlaging van de vaste lasten voor de automobilist. Aanvullende middelen worden ingezet om wegen en overwegen veiliger te maken. De veiligheid in en rondom het openbaar vervoer zal worden vergroot door het aanstellen van toezichthouders en het aanbrengen van extra verlichting en camera's. Knelpunten bij het treinvervoer zullen gefaseerd worden weggenomen. Voor de sociale en economische toekomst van ons land blijven de mainports Schiphol en Rotterdam van onmisbare betekenis. De regering neemt nog dit jaar een besluit over de Tweede Maasvlakte. De veehouders in ons land maken een moeilijke periode door. De mond- en klauwzeercrisis heeft veel ondernemers en hun gezinnen zwaar getroffen. Onder moeilijke omstandigheden hebben zijzelf en de verschillende diensten gewerkt aan de bestrijding ervan. De komende jaren dient de landbouw een duurzamer karakter te krijgen, zowel in eigen land als in Europa. Het doel daarbij is een hogere kwaliteit en meer diversiteit. Bijzondere inspanningen zullen worden verricht ten behoeve van het milieu, het welzijn van dieren en de voedselveiligheid. Zowel de landbouwsector zelf als de Nederlandse en Europese overheden hebben hierin een rol te vervullen. Ook de consument kan een bijdrage leveren aan noodzakelijke veranderingen. De omslag naar een duurzame energiehuishouding en een verantwoord gebruik van fossiele brandstoffen gaat gepaard met ingrijpende aanpassingsprocessen die veel van alle betrokkenen vragen. Milieuproblemen mogen niet worden afgewenteld op andere landen en volgende generaties. Spoedige inwerkingtreding van het internationale biodiversiteitsverdrag is gewenst. Ten behoeve van de VN-conferentie over duurzame ontwikkeling bereidt de regering een nationale strategie voor. Het akkoord dat deze zomer in Bonn is gesloten vormt een doorbraak voor het internationale klimaatbeleid. Goedkeuring van het Kyoto-protocol in 2002 is van vitaal belang om de uitstoot van broeikasgassen wereldwijd terug te dringen. In ons land hechten wij steeds meer waarde aan de kwaliteit van de ruimte. Om de schaarse ruimte goed te benutten kiest de regering voor intensief en meervoudig gebruik en, waar nodig, herinrichting van gebieden. De uitwerking van de nota ruimtelijke ordening zal u rond de jaarwisseling bereiken, evenals het ontwerp voor een nieuwe wet op de ruimtelijke ordening. Behoud en goed beheer van de natuur zijn van toenemend belang. Daarom krijgt de ecologische hoofdstructuur een extra impuls. Een voldoende aanbod van woningen voor alle inkomensgroepen en soorten huishoudens is noodzakelijk. Binnenkort zal de regering voorstellen doen om de productie van nieuwbouw op te voeren. In het komende jaar wordt u een wetsvoorstel aangeboden teneinde de betrokkenheid van burgers bij hun woonsituatie te vergroten. Vrijwilligerswerk en mantelzorg zijn in onze samenleving van onschatbare waarde. Voor de ondersteuning van activiteiten op dit gebied stelt de regering aanvullende middelen ter beschikking. Sport en beweging dragen bij aan gezondheid en vermindering van ziekteverzuim. Nog te vaak volgt op ziekte een langdurige uitschakeling uit het arbeidsproces. Zowel om sociale als om economische redenen dient het beroep op de WAO te worden verminderd. Er moeten meer kansen worden geschapen en benut om aan het werk te blijven of weer aan het arbeidsproces deel te nemen, uitgaande van wat mensen wél kunnen. Na ontvangst van het advies van de Sociaal-Economische Raad over de aanbevelingen van de commissie-Donner zal de regering met spoed voorstellen tot wetswijziging voorbereiden. Steeds meer vrouwen en mannen combineren arbeid met zorgtaken. De wet arbeid en zorg, die volgend jaar van kracht wordt, vergroot daartoe de mogelijkheid, onder meer door invoering van betaald kortdurend zorgverlof en betaald adoptieverlof. De capaciteit van de kinderopvang wordt verder uitgebreid. De sociaal-economische positie van etnische minderheden in ons land is de afgelopen jaren versterkt, al is er nog veel verbetering nodig. Nieuwe migranten worden intensief begeleid bij hun verplichte inburgering. Om het integratieproces te bevorderen van hen die al langer in Nederland verblijven, maakt de overheid op ruime schaal inburgeringsprogramma's mogelijk. Deelname daaraan is essentieel om een plaats in onze samenleving te vervullen. Initiatieven vanuit het bedrijfsleven om werk en inburgering te combineren blijken van grote waarde te zijn. Eerder dit jaar is de nieuwe vreemdelingenwet in werking getreden. Door de vereenvoudiging van procedures verkrijgen vreemdelingen eerder dan voorheen duidelijkheid over de vraag of zij tot ons land kunnen worden toegelaten. Alleenstaande minderjarige asielzoekers zullen sneller weten of hun verblijf in speciale opvang gericht wordt op integratie of op terugkeer. Vreemdelingen die hier niet mogen blijven, zullen ons land tijdig moeten verlaten. Komend jaar zijn er verkiezingen voor de gemeenteraden en de Tweede Kamer. De regering acht het van groot belang dat zo veel mogelijk kiezers van hun stemrecht gebruikmaken. Een vitale democratie is gebaat bij actieve participatie van burgers. Het raadgevend referendum biedt daartoe vanaf 1 januari nieuwe mogelijkheden. Betrokkenheid van de burger wordt verder bevorderd door modernisering van overheidscommunicatie en van toegang tot informatie. Daartoe zijn voorstellen tot nieuw beleid en aanpassing van de Grondwet in voorbereiding. De Nederlandse Antillen werken met hulp van het Internationaal Monetair Fonds aan een duurzaam herstel van de sociaal-economische situatie. Nederland draagt daaraan actief bij. Op Aruba vraagt een evenwichtige ontwikkeling van de overheidsfinanciën voortdurende aandacht. Met voldoening kijken wij terug op het huwelijk van Prins Constantijn met Laurentien Brinkhorst eerder dit jaar. Het voorgenomen huwelijk van Prins Willem-Alexander en Máxima Zorreguieta op 2 februari 2002 vervult ons met vreugde. Samen bereiden zij zich intensief voor op hun toekomst. Het is van groot belang dat Europese besluiten democratisch worden gecontroleerd en dat de burger zich herkent en thuis voelt in Europa. De regering hecht zeer aan een spoedige goedkeuring van het Verdrag van Nice. Dat is essentieel voor de toetreding van Midden- en Oost-Europese landen tot de Europese Unie. De uitbreiding zal gunstig zijn voor de stabiliteit en de veiligheid van Europa en voor het welzijn van de burgers. Om de Europese Unie te ontwikkelen tot een van de meest concurrerende en dynamische regio's ter wereld is voortzetting van de economische integratie vereist. Gezamenlijk werken wij aan doelstellingen die mensen werkelijk raken: vrede en veiligheid, werkgelegenheid en sociale rechtvaardigheid, voedselveiligheid, een gezonde leefomgeving en de strijd tegen criminaliteit en terrorisme. Op al deze terreinen kan en moet Europa een krachtige partner in de wereld zijn. Toenemende globalisering brengt velen in de wereld meer welvaart. Tegelijkertijd missen nog steeds grote groepen mensen in vooral de armste landen, met name in Afrika, de aansluiting bij deze ontwikkeling. Voor een meer rechtvaardige verdeling van de welvaart is financiële hulp aan ontwikkelingslanden noodzakelijk maar niet voldoende. Samenhangende inspanningen zijn nodig op alle beleidsterreinen, in het bijzonder de armoedebestrijding, de gezondheidszorg en de bevordering van de wereldhandel. Internationale samenwerking staat onder druk. Hervorming en versterking van de Verenigde Naties, het Internationaal Monetair Fonds, de Wereldbank en de Wereldhandelsorganisatie moeten hierop het antwoord zijn. Alle landen behoren te investeren in internationale samenwerking en afspraken na te komen. Het bedrijfsleven kan hieraan bijdragen door maatschappelijk verantwoord te ondernemen. De regering zal blijven opkomen voor mensen die onvoldoende kunnen delen in de kansen die globalisering biedt. Meer dan 1500 Nederlandse militairen nemen thans deel aan internationale crisisbeheersingsoperaties, vaak onder moeilijke omstandigheden. Eerder dit jaar hebben onze blauwhelmen een waardevolle bijdrage geleverd aan de bevordering van vrede en stabiliteit in Ethiopië en Eritrea. Momenteel zet een Nederlandse compagnie zich samen met partners in voor handhaving van de vrede in een multi-etnisch Macedonië. Er wordt verder gewerkt aan een vergroting van de paraatheid, flexibiliteit en snelle inzetbaarheid van de krijgsmacht. Nederland draagt bij aan de versterking van het vermogen tot crisisbeheersing binnen het gezamenlijke kader van de NAVO en de Europese Unie. Een politiek krachtiger Europa met meer directe verantwoordelijkheid voor vrede en veiligheid zal beter kunnen bijdragen aan het voorkomen en oplossen van conflicten in de wereld. Het schenden van mensenrechten mag niet onbestraft blijven. Het Joegoslavië-tribunaal en het Internationaal Strafhof, dat zich naar verwachting al komend jaar in Den Haag zal vestigen, zijn van grote betekenis voor de internationale rechtsorde. De regering is diep bezorgd over de voortdurende geweldspiraal in het Palestijns-Israëlische conflict. Zonder intensieve betrokkenheid van de internationale gemeenschap zullen partijen niet tot elkaar komen. Tezamen met onze Europese partners en de Verenigde Staten zet Nederland zich in voor een hervatting van het vredesproces in het Midden-Oosten. De samenwerking met Indonesië is gericht op stabiliteit en sociaal-economisch herstel. De regering draagt actief bij aan de inspanningen van de internationale gemeenschap bij de wederopbouw van de Molukken. Nederland verleent gaarne ondersteuning bij de verdere opbouw van de rechtsstaat en goed bestuur in de archipel. De dramatische gebeurtenissen in de Verenigde Staten doordringen ons allen van de noodzaak tot nauwe internationale samenwerking ter verdediging van onze fundamentele waarden van vrijheid, democratie en rechtvaardigheid. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De sociale, economische en financiële fundamenten van ons land zijn de afgelopen jaren verstevigd. Zeer velen hebben daaraan bijgedragen. De weerbaarheid van veel mensen is groter geworden. Investeringen in de kwaliteit van onze samenleving leiden tot zichtbare resultaten. Er moet echter nog veel gebeuren. In hoog tempo voltrekken zich nieuwe ontwikkelingen die om tijdige en adequate antwoorden vragen, ook in Europees en internationaal verband. Dit vergt een groot aanpassingsvermogen en krachtige inspanningen van burgers, overheid en bedrijfsleven, zeker nu de economische vooruitzichten minder gunstig zijn. Voorop staat de noodzaak van verantwoord evenwicht: tussen economische dynamiek en sociale rechtvaardigheid, tussen individuele ontplooiing en wederzijdse verantwoordelijkheid. Met de betrokkenheid en de bijdragen van allen kunnen wij met succes voortbouwen aan onze gezamenlijke toekomst. Regering en volksvertegenwoordiging hebben hierbij een bijzondere opdracht. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. Aan het begin van deze 21e eeuw beleeft ons land een periode van economische voorspoed. Vanuit de voorspoed van nu werken wij aan de welvaart en het welzijn van morgen. Voor een sterke en solidaire samenleving die in staat is antwoord te geven op de uitdagingen die voor ons liggen, zijn omvangrijke investeringen nodig in de economische en sociale structuur van ons land. De gunstige budgettaire situatie biedt de regering ruimte om volgend jaar een bedrag van zeven en een half miljard gulden extra te besteden aan onderwijs en onderzoek, gezondheidszorg, veiligheid en leefbaarheid, natuur, milieu, infrastructuur en andere overheidstaken. Dit betekent een verdubbeling van de middelen die in het regeerakkoord zijn uitgetrokken. De veranderende samenstelling van onze bevolking, individualisering, technologische en economische ontwikkelingen en internationalisering zullen de komende decennia belangrijke invloed op Nederland hebben. Aan de kwaliteit en de beschikbaarheid van collectieve voorzieningen worden terecht hoge eisen gesteld. De overheid dient rekening te houden met de toenemende behoefte in de maatschappij aan keuzevrijheid. Tegelijkertijd zal de toegankelijkheid tot deze voorzieningen gewaarborgd blijven. Op 1 januari 2001 wordt een robuust en rechtvaardig fiscaal stelsel ingevoerd, dat toegesneden is op de eisen van deze tijd. De invoering gaat gepaard met een aanzienlijke lastenverlichting. Het nieuwe stelsel maakt arbeid meer lonend, vergroot de concurrentiekracht van Nederland en bevordert een duurzame ontwikkeling. Hiermee wordt de basis voor onze toekomstige welvaart versterkt. Voor het eerst sinds decennia vertoont de overheidsschuld deze jaren een daling. De opbouw van het AOW-spaarfonds heeft tot doel welvaartsvaste ouderenpensioenen voor de toekomst veilig te stellen. Hiermee blijft ook in een vergrijzende samenleving de solidariteit tussen generaties behouden. De Nederlandse economie is de afgelopen jaren sterker geworden. De werkgelegenheid ontwikkelt zich gunstig. Ondanks een groeiend aantal vacatures hebben echter te veel mensen nog geen betaald werk. Een verdere toename van de arbeidsparticipatie is om economische n sociale redenen noodzakelijk. De regering stimuleert deelname aan betaalde arbeid en maakt werken financieel aantrekkelijker. Werkzoekenden worden intensief begeleid en voorbereid op de arbeidsmarkt. Bevorderd zal worden dat ouderen langer kunnen doorgaan met werken. In de publieke sector, vooral in het onderwijs en de gezondheidszorg, is het snelgroeiende tekort aan arbeidskrachten thans duidelijk voelbaar. Hier ligt voor de overheid een bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid. Om de uitvoering van deze publieke taken veilig te stellen zal de regering knelpunten op de arbeidsmarkt gericht aanpakken. De regering blijft zich inspannen om het beroep op de WAO terug te dringen. Helaas zijn nog te veel mensen arbeidsongeschikt. In een vernieuwde, clintvriendelijke uitvoeringsorganisatie voor de sociale zekerheid en de arbeidsvoorziening staan preventie en rentegratie voorop. Veel vrouwen en mannen hebben behoefte aan een betere balans tussen werk en priv-leven. Meer keuzevrijheid vergroot de mogelijkheden tot economische zelfstandigheid en stelt mensen beter in staat de zorg voor naasten op zich te nemen. De regering zal betaald ouderschapsverlof fiscaal stimuleren. Kinderopvang en mogelijkheden voor opvang buiten schooltijd worden versneld uitgebreid. Ook buiten de arbeidssituatie kunnen burgers veel voor de samenleving betekenen. Vrijwilligers vervullen daarin een onmisbare rol. Hun belangeloze inzet levert een grote bijdrage aan het welzijn van velen. In de hedendaagse maatschappij worden steeds hogere eisen gesteld aan de kennis en vaardigheden van mensen. In het onderwijs dient eenieder optimale kansen te krijgen om zijn of haar talenten ten volle te ontwikkelen en te benutten. In nauwe aansluiting bij de afspraken die hierover eerder dit jaar binnen de Europese Unie zijn gemaakt, zullen extra uitgaven voor onderwijs, onderzoek en technologische vernieuwing worden gedaan. Kinderen leggen vooral in de eerste jaren van het onderwijs de fundamenten voor de verwerving van kennis en vaardigheden. Om te voorkomen dat reeds op jeugdige leeftijd achterstanden ontstaan, worden samen met scholen en gemeenten op ruime schaal leer- en taalprogramma's ontwikkeld. Een goede doorstroming naar het vervolgonderwijs is noodzakelijk om te kunnen voldoen aan de toenemende vraag op de arbeidsmarkt. Verdieping en toepassing van wetenschappelijke kennis vormen de basis voor een hoogwaardige samenleving. Daarom investeert de regering ruimschoots in onderzoek en innovatie. Meer middelen worden ingezet voor een snellere invoering van computers in het onderwijs en de aansluiting van scholen op het Kennisnet. De invloed van de computer en internet op de samenleving is aanzienlijk. De technologische ontwikkelingen zetten zich in hoog tempo voort. Vele ouderen leven als het ware in de sciencefiction van hun jeugd. Bijzondere aandacht gaat uit naar burgers die de aansluiting op de nieuwe informatie- en communicatietechnologie nog moeten vinden. Ook de overheid zal nog beter gebruikmaken van de nieuwe technologische mogelijkheden. Juist in een samenleving waarin de materile welvaart toeneemt, is het van vitale betekenis oog te blijven houden voor immaterile waarden. Kunst en cultuur leveren een onmisbare bijdrage aan de kwaliteit van ons bestaan. Toegankelijkheid voor zo veel mogelijk burgers is daarbij van groot belang. De toenemende welvaart veroorzaakt een hoge milieudruk. De wereldwijde klimaatverandering maakt nationale en internationale afspraken en maatregelen nodig om de uitstoot van broeikasgassen en het energiegebruik aanzienlijk te beperken. Wetenschap en technologie bieden nieuwe mogelijkheden voor het gebruik van alternatieve bronnen van energie en voor duurzame ontwikkeling. De regering ondersteunt deze innovaties. In de intensieve veehouderij zijn de afgelopen jaren ernstige milieuproblemen ontstaan. Vernieuwing van de landbouw zal moeten plaatsvinden door de toepassing van duurzame landbouwmethoden. Zij die hun bedrijfsvoering tijdig aanpassen, kunnen rekenen op flankerende sociale maatregelen. Meer mensen hebben meer ruimte nodig om te wonen, te werken, zich te verplaatsen en te recreren. Het scheppen van de ruimtelijke voorwaarden voor een hoogwaardige economie en een goede woonomgeving vergt keuzen die verder reiken dan de verdeling van schaarse ruimte. Natuur en landschap maken de leefomgeving aantrekkelijk. Deze goed te beschermen en te ontwikkelen is onze voortdurende opdracht. De waterkwaliteit, de opslag van water met het oog op het peil van onze grote rivieren en de bodemdaling in het westen van ons land vragen veel aandacht. Goed waterbeheer moet hier de oplossing bieden. Bereikbaarheid blijkt meer en meer een voorwaarde voor economische expansie en maatschappelijke emancipatie. De snelle toename van de mobiliteit plaatst ons voor de noodzaak uiteenlopende belangen en behoeften tot elkaar te brengen. In de recente afspraken over de bereikbaarheid van de Randstad is hieraan op evenwichtige wijze invulling gegeven. De regering zal op korte termijn maatregelen presenteren teneinde ook in andere delen van het land de bereikbaarheid te verbeteren. Steden moeten vitaal en leefbaar blijven en een woonomgeving bieden waar burgers zich thuis kunnen voelen. De regering heeft met de grote steden afspraken gemaakt om hierin de komende jaren verdere verbetering te brengen. De vuurwerkramp in Enschede heeft ons allen diep geschokt. Met grote inzet wordt gewerkt aan herstel van de schade en de voorbereiding van de wederopbouw. Deze dramatische gebeurtenis heeft ons opnieuw duidelijk gemaakt hoe belangrijk voor eenieder de veiligheid van de woonomgeving is. Daarbij gaat het om meer dan goede regelgeving alleen. Zonder normen en regels kan onze samenleving niet functioneren. De overheid heeft een directe verantwoordelijkheid voor het stellen van regels en het toezien op de uitvoering en handhaving daarvan. Maar ook burgers, maatschappelijke organisaties en bedrijven moeten hun verantwoordelijkheid kennen en nemen. De inzet van de overheid om de veiligheid te vergroten, is veelomvattend. In de komende periode zal bijzondere aandacht worden besteed aan de verkeersveiligheid en aan het voorkomen en bestrijden van geweld op straat, jeugdcriminaliteit, milieudelicten en zware misdaad. Het tegengaan van grensoverschrijdende criminaliteit, waaronder mensensmokkel, vraagt om een intensieve Europese samenwerking. Bij de opsporing van misdrijven kan gebruikgemaakt worden van de modernste technieken, met inbegrip van DNA-onderzoek. Hierbij zal steeds een zorgvuldige afweging plaatsvinden tussen de effectiviteit van de opsporing en het beschermen van de persoonlijke levenssfeer. De rechterlijke macht levert grote inspanningen om zowel de kwaliteit als de snelheid van onze rechtspraak te verbeteren. De regering vertrouwt op een spoedige behandeling van de voorstellen tot modernisering van de rechtspraak. Ook het sluitstuk van de strafrechtketen wordt aangepast. De regering zal voorstellen doen om tot een eenvoudiger en beter toepasbaar stelsel van straffen te komen. Het streven van de regering is erop gericht in de eerste helft van 2001 de nieuwe Vreemdelingenwet in te voeren, met als belangrijkste doel het verkorten van de asielprocedure. Ook de nieuwe wet is gestoeld op een restrictief en rechtvaardig toelatingsbeleid. De Europese afspraken over een gezamenlijk asiel- en migratiebeleid dienen spoedig nadere invulling te krijgen. Inburgering als eerste stap in het integratieproces is voor migranten van bijzondere betekenis en is daarom verplicht gesteld. Het beheersen van de Nederlandse taal is onontbeerlijk voor eenieder die hier wil wonen en werken. De regering zet zich samen met alle betrokkenen in voor voldoende inburgeringscursussen. Dit alles vraagt van de nieuwe Nederlanders een open en actieve opstelling. Onze samenleving in haar geheel behoort bereid te zijn hen daadwerkelijk op te nemen. Wederzijds respect dient hierbij leidraad te zijn. In de zorg is de afgelopen jaren het beroep op voorzieningen sneller gegroeid dan de capaciteit, met als gevolg nog steeds te lange wachttijden. Om deze terug te dringen, stelt de regering dit en volgend jaar opnieuw omvangrijke middelen beschikbaar. Technologische ontwikkelingen maken het mogelijk de medische en verpleegkundige zorg op een steeds hoger peil te brengen. De toename van het aantal ouderen leidt tot een grotere behoefte aan zorg. Wil ons systeem van gezondheidszorg bij de tijd blijven, dan zijn aanpassingen van de organisatie en de financiering noodzakelijk. De regering bereidt daarom een vernieuwing van het stelsel van zorgverzekeringen voor. De ontrafeling van het menselijk genoom is een aansprekend voorbeeld van de ingrijpende ontwikkelingen die verdere verbeteringen in de voedselproductie en de geneeskunde mogelijk maken. Zij roepen echter ook ethische dilemma's op. Mogen wij menselijke embryo's gebruiken voor wetenschappelijk onderzoek indien dit kan leiden tot genezing van levensbedreigende ziekten? Voor welke doeleinden achten wij genetische modificatie gerechtvaardigd? Over deze en andere klemmende vragen zullen regering en parlement indringend met elkaar van gedachten wisselen. In onze Grondwet zijn blijvende waarden verankerd. Tevens is zij een levend document waarin wezenlijke veranderingen in onze samenleving hun plaats krijgen. De regering hecht eraan dat een aantal onderwerpen in de Grondwet wordt opgenomen, in het bijzonder het correctief referendum. De gemeentelijke en provinciale democratie zal worden versterkt. De regering zal nog dit jaar voorstellen doen die moeten leiden tot een betere taakverdeling en een grotere herkenbaarheid van het lokaal bestuur. De Nederlands-Antilliaanse regering neemt de uitvoering ter hand van een urgentieprogramma dat is gericht op duurzaam financieel-economisch en sociaal herstel. Zij kan hierbij rekenen op actieve samenwerking met Nederland. Perspectieven voor jongeren op een goede toekomst op de Antillen dienen te verbeteren. Op Aruba verloopt de economische ontwikkeling gunstig. Aandacht voor de beheersing van overheidsuitgaven en voor de kwaliteit van het openbaar bestuur blijft echter geboden. Europa is geen buitenland meer. Europa is onze toekomst, daar liggen onze kansen. In het dynamische proces van Europese samenwerking zijn vrgaande stappen gezet. De totstandkoming van de Economische en Monetaire Unie leidt ertoe dat de gulden in 2001 voor het laatste jaar onze munteenheid zal zijn. Vanaf 2002 zullen meer dan 300 miljoen Europese burgers met hetzelfde geld, de euro, betalen. Daarmee raken zij ng directer betrokken bij Europa. De Europese Unie stelt zich ten doel een van de meest dynamische en concurrerende regio's ter wereld te worden, geschraagd door duurzame economische groei, een blijvend hoog niveau van werkgelegenheid en een hechte sociale samenhang. De Europese Unie geeft ook aan haar politieke verantwoordelijkheden in Europa en in de wereld steeds meer inhoud. De bijdrage van Europa aan crisisbeheersings- en vredesoperaties dient te worden versterkt. De uitbreiding met landen van Midden- en Oost-Europa is een historische opdracht. Zij biedt economische kansen, zowel voor kandidaat-leden als voor de huidige lidstaten, en verankert democratie en stabiliteit op ons gehele continent. Een grondige voorbereiding op het lidmaatschap van de Unie vereist zware inspanningen van de toetredende landen. Ook Nederland ondersteunt hen hierbij. Het vooruitzicht van een grotere Unie maakt verdragswijzigingen noodzakelijk. Het gaat erom de eenheid te waarborgen, de slagvaardigheid te verbeteren en de democratische legitimiteit te versterken. Nederland streeft ernaar dat het aantal onderwerpen waarover nu nog met eenparigheid van stemmen wordt beslist, zo veel mogelijk wordt beperkt. Het nieuwe Unieverdrag dient meer ruimte te bieden voor nauwere samenwerking tussen lidstaten. In ons buitenlands beleid staat het streven naar menselijke waardigheid, vrede en veiligheid en welzijn centraal. De extra middelen die beschikbaar komen voor ontwikkelingssamenwerking worden vooral multilateraal ingezet. Goed beleid en goed bestuur zijn onmisbaar om de armoede daadwerkelijk te kunnen bestrijden. Ontwikkelingslanden moeten gebruik kunnen maken van de vruchten van de globalisering en de wereldwijde technologische vooruitgang. Uitzicht op volwaardige deelname aan het wereldhandelsstelsel is wenselijk. De internationale gemeenschap moet zich erop bezinnen hoe zij een grotere verantwoordelijkheid kan nemen bij het voorkomen en beindigen van conflicten, die in het bijzonder het Afrikaanse continent teisteren. De Verenigde Naties spelen hierin een centrale rol. Op de Millennium Top eerder deze maand zijn de idealen die ten grondslag liggen aan de wereldorde opnieuw bevestigd. Aan de vooravond van de viering van 25 jaar onafhankelijkheid ziet de nieuwe regering in Suriname zich geplaatst voor grote financile, economische en sociale problemen. Zij wil deze voortvarend aanpakken en ook de democratische rechtsstaat versterken. Nederland stelt zich positief op tegenover de wens om nauwer samen te werken. Het programma van de Surinaamse regering zal voor Nederland maatgevend zijn bij de invulling van deze samenwerking. Voor ons veiligheidsbeleid zijn een effectieve NAVO en een sterke transatlantische band onontbeerlijk. De Nederlandse krijgsmacht levert met de inzet van geoefend en gemotiveerd personeel en van moderne middelen een hoogwaardige bijdrage aan vredesoperaties. Daarnaast verleent de krijgsmacht humanitaire hulp en wordt steun gegeven aan wederopbouw. Voor de inzet van allen die daaraan bijdragen, bestaat grote waardering. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Deze jaren van voorspoed bieden ons goede mogelijkheden om vorm te geven aan de toekomst. Een toekomst die perspectief biedt voor allen en waarin sociale cohesie een centrale plaats inneemt. Wij zien ons geplaatst voor de opdracht om de fundamenten van onze samenleving duurzaam te versterken. Het is de bijzondere taak van regering en volksvertegenwoordiging om daaraan bij te dragen. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. Mijne Heeren! Het is Mij aangenaam U bijeen te zien tot hervatting Uwer werkzaamheden.(...) Op menig gebied is dringend behoefte aan krachtige wetgevende maatregelen. Zo sprak honderd jaar geleden mijn Grootmoeder tot Uw voorgangers. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De twintigste eeuw was een eeuw van scherpe contrasten. Twee bloedige wereldoorlogen werden uitgevochten. Door oude tegenstellingen te overwinnen, door samenwerking te zoeken in plaats van conflict, heeft West-Europa de rampspoed van het verleden achter zich gelaten. Politieke stabiliteit alsmede economische en sociale vooruitgang zijn de resultaten van een voortgaande Europese integratie. Het besef van toenemende wederzijdse afhankelijkheid lag en ligt ten grondslag aan de overtuiging dat in Europa meer eenheid nodig is. De Midden- en Oost-Europese landen konden lange tijd niet aan deze eenwording deelnemen. Zij lagen aan de andere kant van de politieke en ideologische scheidslijn. Nu deze landen de vrijheid hebben herwonnen om als democratische rechtsstaten zelf hun bestemming te bepalen, zoeken zij aansluiting bij het proces naar meer stabiliteit en samenwerking in Europa. Daarvoor ruimte scheppen is een van de grote opgaven waarvoor de Europese Unie nu staat. De twintigste eeuw was ook het tijdperk van ongekende wetenschappelijke, technologische en economische vooruitgang. Velen hebben hiervan de vruchten kunnen plukken. Ook hebben meer mensen democratische rechten verworven. Een groter deel van de wereldbevolking leeft in vrijheid en voorspoed. Toch delen te veel mensen nog onvoldoende in deze vooruitgang, vooral elders in de wereld, maar ook dichtbij. Wij mogen daarin niet berusten. Op de drempel van de nieuwe eeuw staat ons land voor bijzondere uitdagingen: - Waarborgen dat Nederland volwaardig blijft deelnemen aan de mondialisering van de economie. - Een duurzaam evenwicht vinden tussen welvaartsgroei en behoud van onze natuurlijke omgeving. - Investeren in kennis én in mensen die daarmee verantwoord kunnen omgaan, in het belang van een hoogwaardige samenleving. - Samenhang bewaren in onze maatschappij in een tijd van snelle technologische en economische ontwikkelingen. - Versterken van solidariteit in onze samenleving, die van leeftijdsopbouw en samenstelling verandert. - Vasthouden aan de waarden en normen die zijn verankerd in de Grondwet en die aan ons land stabiliteit en richting geven. De regering beantwoordt deze uitdagingen door te investeren in de kwaliteit van de samenleving. Betrokkenheid van allen is daarbij noodzakelijk, ook over de landsgrenzen heen. Het buitenlands beleid staat in het teken van groeiende onderlinge afhankelijkheid van landen en volkeren. Prioriteit wordt gegeven aan het versterken van de internationale rechtsorde, veiligheid en rechtvaardigheid. Daarvoor stáán wij, nu ook als lid van de Veiligheidsraad. De Verenigde Naties leveren een onmisbare bijdrage aan het herstel van vreedzame verhoudingen op Oost-Timor. Ook inspanningen van de internationale gemeenschap om conflicten elders te beheersen en te beëindigen, hebben onze volle steun. De Europese Unie is een van de grootste verworvenheden van deze eeuw. De gemeenschappelijke munt - de euro - geeft aan hoe ver het integratieproces is gevorderd. Onze toekomst wordt meer en meer bepaald door de prestaties van Europa. De integratie werkt door tot in alle geledingen van ons binnenlands bestuur. Een nauwere Europese samenwerking op de terreinen van justitie en politie begint vorm te krijgen. Nederland maakt zich sterk voor afspraken over het asiel- en migratiebeleid. Een steeds grotere Unie vraagt om doelmatiger instellingen, meer democratische, transparante besluitvorming en goed financieel beheer. Uitbreiding van de Unie brengt een ongedeeld Europa dichterbij. In voormalig Joegoslavië hebben opnieuw ernstige schendingen van mensenrechten en etnische zuiveringen plaatsgevonden. Eensgezind heeft de NAVO het conflict in Kosovo tot een einde gebracht. Ook Nederland heeft daarvoor verantwoordelijkheid genomen. Ons land zal belangrijke bijdragen leveren aan de internationale inspanningen ten behoeve van de wederopbouw en stabiliteit in geheel Zuidoost-Europa. De Nederlandse krijgsmacht neemt, vakbekwaam en met grote toewijding, met meer dan drieduizend mannen en vrouwen deel aan vredesoperaties op de Balkan en elders in de wereld. Een professioneel en goed toegerust defensieapparaat is onontbeerlijk. Daarom hecht de regering grote waarde aan het verder ontwikkelen van een moderne en flexibele krijgsmacht. De NAVO blijft hoeksteen van ons veiligheidsbeleid. De eigen verantwoordelijkheid van de Europese Unie zal meer inhoud krijgen door invulling te geven aan de gemeenschappelijke veiligheids- en defensie-identiteit. Als uitdrukking van onze verbondenheid met andere landen en volkeren is Nederland vijftig jaar geleden begonnen met ontwikkelingshulp. In veel ontwikkelingslanden zijn de levensomstandigheden aanzienlijk verbeterd, vooral door toedoen van de landen zèlf. De hulp heeft daaraan bijgedragen. De grote armoede in delen van Afrika en elders in de wereld vereist een voortzetting van de internationale hulpinspanningen. Concentratie van de bilaterale samenwerking op een aantal landen en sectoren vergroot de effectiviteit. In internationaal overleg zet Nederland zich in voor kwaliteitsverbetering van de multilaterale hulp, voor een sterkere positie van ontwikkelingslanden binnen het wereldhandelsstelsel en voor verdere schuldverlichting van de armste landen. De Nederlandse economie is sterk en veerkrachtig en zal dat kunnen blijven wanneer wij erin slagen de belasting van het milieu verder terug te dringen. Productieprocessen en producten moeten ecologisch verantwoord zijn. De ervaring leert dat het herstellen van milieuschade aanzienlijk meer kost dan het voorkomen van die schade. Vaak is dit niet alleen een kwestie van geld, maar ook van zorgvuldige en verantwoorde beslissingen. Onze inzet van nu bepaalt de toekomst van generaties na ons. De ruimte in ons land is schaars. Economische expansie brengt een grotere behoefte met zich mee aan ruimte voor bedrijventerreinen, woningbouw, infrastructuur en recreatiegebieden. Een welvarende samenleving stelt tevens hoge eisen aan de kwaliteit van de ruimtelijke ordening. Steden met fraaie monumenten, omgeven door cultuurlandschappen en gebieden waarin de natuur de kans krijgt zich te ontwikkelen, worden als waardevol ervaren. De wens tot het behouden van deze verscheidenheid dwingt ertoe dat we onze steden compact inrichten - zowel om in te wonen als in te werken - en dat het platteland gevarieerd is, met open ruimten en een rijke, toegankelijke natuur. Voor de vitaliteit van het platteland zijn duurzame vormen van bedrijvigheid nodig. In de Vijfde Nota inzake de Ruimtelijke Ordening zullen richtinggevende keuzes worden uitgewerkt. De agrarische sector staat voor ingrijpende hervormingen. De grenzen die het milieu stelt, laten ons geen keus. Vooral voor de intensieve veehouderij betekent dit een enorme opgave. Europese regelgeving maakt het des te meer noodzakelijk dat op korte termijn een verantwoorde mestafzet wordt verzekerd. De bevolking stelt steeds hogere eisen aan de veiligheid van het voedsel en aan de wijze waarop het wordt geproduceerd. Dat schept verplichtingen voor allen die bij productie en handel betrokken zijn. Aanscherping van normen en verbetering van de controles zijn beide nodig. De ruimtelijke inrichting van Nederland wordt sterk bepaald door onze ligging. Van oudsher komen hier goederenstromen samen en splitsen zich weer. Onze economische en culturele openheid en onze maatschappelijke stabiliteit maken ons land aantrekkelijk voor investeringen uit het buitenland. Nederland als ontmoetingsplaats heeft daardoor een eigen kleur en dynamiek. Dit heeft veel mobiliteit van mensen en goederen tot gevolg, die in goede banen moet worden geleid. De Nederlandse overheid besteedt dan ook veel aandacht aan hoogwaardige infrastructuur. Zij zal dat blijven doen. De uitdaging is de mobiliteit te verenigen met nieuwe eisen van duurzaamheid. Vooral in de verstedelijkte gebieden zal het aandeel van het openbaar vervoer verder toenemen. De aansluiting van ons land op de grote internationale en Europese verkeersnetwerken moet verzekerd blijven. De mainports Rotterdam en Schiphol leggen zich toe op hoogwaardige kennis en innovatie om zo hun distributietaken goed te kunnen blijven vervullen. In onze samenleving neemt het belang van communicatie en van elektronische uitwisseling van informatie snel toe. Communicatie-infrastructuur moet hoogwaardig, toegankelijk en betrouwbaar zijn. Door nieuwe toepassingen kan de overheid haar dienstverlening verbeteren en kan ons bedrijfsleven concurrerend blijven. Nieuwe technologieën brengen grote sociale, economische en culturele veranderingen met zich mee. Mensen moeten goed leren omgaan met computers. De regering stelt het onderwijs in staat hierin een sleutelrol te vervullen. Het gaat vooral om investeren in mensen. Onze samenleving kan het zich niet veroorloven beschikbaar talent onbenut te laten. Regering, onderwijsinstellingen, sociale partners en bedrijven zijn gezamenlijk verantwoordelijk voor het scheppen van een klimaat waarin het uitdagend is te leren en te werken. De snelle veranderingen in onze maatschappij doen een groot beroep op het aanpassingsvermogen van de burger. Veel mensen zijn onzeker over hun toekomst, hun veiligheid en werk, over hun mogelijkheden om ook op latere leeftijd de nodige aandacht en verzorging te krijgen. Het versterken van de sociale infrastructuur heeft hoge prioriteit. Door te investeren in werk en bestaanszekerheid, en in zorg en veiligheid, schept de regering voorwaarden voor een actieve deelname van allen aan de samenleving. De werkgelegenheid heeft zich de laatste jaren bijzonder gunstig ontwikkeld. Daaraan is door velen - overheid en sociale partners - bijgedragen. Grote aandacht blijft evenwel vereist voor mensen die nog geen werk hebben. Ook hun deelname aan het arbeidsproces is wenselijk, zowel om sociale als om economische redenen. Arbeid - ook vrijwilligerswerk - is voor velen een belangrijke voorwaarde voor maatschappelijk functioneren. Vrouwen en mannen zoeken naar een betere balans tussen werk en privé-leven. Meer keuzevrijheid vergroot de mogelijkheden tot economische zelfstandigheid en stelt mensen beter in staat de zorg voor naasten op zich te nemen. Het aantal zieken en arbeidsongeschikten met een uitkering is groot. Bijzondere inspanningen zijn nodig om te voorkomen dat mensen voortijdig het arbeidsproces verlaten en daarin niet meer kunnen terugkeren. In een vernieuwde, cliëntvriendelijke uitvoeringsorganisatie voor de sociale zekerheid en de arbeidsvoorziening staat het belang van preventie en reïntegratie voorop. Het vaststellen van het recht op een sociale uitkering blijft een publieke verantwoordelijkheid. Mensen hebben veel over voor een goede gezondheid. Ook zij die gehandicapt zijn of een chronische ziekte hebben, streven naar een zo hoog mogelijke kwaliteit van hun leven. De investeringen in de zorg zijn erop gericht de vooruitgang van wetenschap en technologie aan patiënten ten goede te laten komen. Samenwerking tussen zorginstellingen, verzekeraars, beroepsbeoefenaren, patiëntenorganisaties en overheid is noodzakelijk voor verdere verbeteringen in de gezondheidszorg. Geldmiddelen en goede regelgeving zijn essentieel, maar niet toereikend. Het is nodig gezamenlijk te blijven werken aan een doelmatige en flexibele zorgverlening waarin de patiënt centraal staat. Alleen zo kunnen wachtlijsten en werkdruk worden teruggebracht. Voor het bevorderen van de gezondheid draagt ieder mens ook zelf verantwoordelijkheid: een gezonde leefwijze kan veel moderne welvaartsziekten voorkomen. De samenstelling van de Nederlandse bevolking verandert snel. Het aandeel van etnische minderheden groeit gestaag. Integratie van nieuwe groepen medeburgers is nodig. Scholing en het terugdringen van de hoge werkloosheid onder etnische minderheden bevorderen de zelfstandigheid. Gezamenlijk gevoelde en gedragen waarden en normen zijn een voorwaarde voor sociale samenhang in onze maatschappij. Wij leven met elkaar als vrije burgers, met rechten én plichten en met respect voor elkaars opvattingen. Burgers én overheid dienen alert te blijven op uitingen van racisme en discriminatie. In sommige wijken van onze grote steden stapelen problemen zich op: voortijdig schoolverlaten, langdurige werkloosheid, criminaliteit en agressie, sociale uitsluiting. De verbetering van het leefklimaat in steden staat centraal bij het bouwen aan een sterkere sociaal-economische basis voor ons land. Probleemwijken moeten de kans krijgen uit te groeien tot gebieden waarin de bewoners goed kunnen werken, wonen en leven. Bescherming van vervolgden en ontheemden blijft uitgangspunt van het vreemdelingenbeleid. Voorgesteld wordt de Vreemdelingenwet te wijzigen, opdat eerder uitsluitsel kan worden gegeven over het recht om voorlopig hier te mogen blijven. Spoedige duidelijkheid is in het belang van alle betrokkenen. Een kortere tijd in de opvang en eerdere toegang tot de arbeidsmarkt zal de positie verbeteren van hen die terecht een beroep doen op bescherming. Afgewezen asielzoekers kunnen geen aanspraak meer maken op voorzieningen en dienen het land te verlaten. Voor een sociaal sterk land is veiligheid van wezenlijke betekenis. Mensen moeten zich veilig kunnen voelen. Naar de beleving van te veel burgers is de veiligheid nog onvoldoende. Dit stelt hoge eisen aan de politie, waarvan wordt gevraagd dat zij effectief én integer, aanwezig én doortastend is. De regering heeft besloten voor de uitoefening van politietaken extra middelen beschikbaar te stellen. De criminaliteit verandert met de ontwikkelingen in onze samenleving. Ook daarom zijn nieuwe methoden nodig bij de handhaving van het recht en de openbare orde. De overheid krijgt meer bevoegdheden voor de bestrijding van fraude en witwassen, de opsporing van strafbare feiten en de aanpak van geweld op straat. In het regeerakkoord is een bedrag - oplopend tot ruim negen miljard gulden - vrijgemaakt voor nieuw beleid ten behoeve van arbeidsparticipatie, onderwijs, zorg, armoedebestrijding, veiligheid, infrastructuur en milieu. In de begroting voor volgend jaar worden deze prioriteiten nader uitgewerkt en zijn bovendien aanvullende middelen opgenomen, vooral voor maatschappelijke zorg, jeugdbeleid en onderwijs. Voor verlichting van lasten komt een bedrag van ongeveer één miljard gulden beschikbaar. Om het arbeidsaanbod te stimuleren en een verantwoorde loonontwikkeling te ondersteunen wordt het arbeidskostenforfait verder verhoogd. De werkgelegenheid wordt ook bevorderd door een verlaging van het BTW-tarief op arbeidsintensieve diensten. Het geheel van belasting- en premiemaatregelen maakt een evenwichtige inkomensontwikkeling mogelijk. Bijzondere aandacht krijgt de inkomenspositie van vroeg-gehandicapten. Het financieringstekort komt volgend jaar naar verwachting op een half procent van het BBP. Ook de schuldquote daalt sneller dan eerder werd voorzien. Een degelijk financieel-economisch beleid blijft geboden. Met de voorgestelde herziening van ons belastingstelsel per 1 januari 2001 beoogt de regering de economische structuur en de werkgelegenheid te versterken en beter rekening te houden met de eisen die het milieu stelt. Zo wordt het fiscaal stelsel toegesneden op de 21e eeuw. Goed openbaar bestuur inspireert tot actief burgerschap. Het stimuleert de betrokkenheid bij de publieke zaak. Wederkerigheid en vertrouwen versterken het fundament van een rechtsstaat die ook in de volgende eeuw weerbaar zal zijn. De grondslagen van onze democratie vragen voortdurend om onderhoud. De teruglopende opkomst bij verkiezingen baart zorgen. Nieuwe mogelijkheden die de techniek ons biedt, worden onderzocht, maar deze zullen de persoonlijke inzet van mensen nooit kunnen vervangen. De regering blijft streven naar de totstandkoming van een wettelijk geregeld correctief referendum. Heldere wetgeving en wijze terughoudendheid bij regulering zijn belangrijke voorwaarden voor een goed functionerende markt in een samenleving die steeds kritischer en ingewikkelder wordt. De kwaliteit van de rechtsstaat stelt hoge eisen aan de overheid en de rechterlijke macht. De snel veranderende maatschappij vergt dat wij ons allen voortdurend aanpassen aan nieuwe eisen en omstandigheden. De overheid moet algemene regels stellen, de veiligheid garanderen en bescherming bieden waar nodig. Zij moet zelf normen en waarden hanteren en moet ook anderen daarop kunnen aanspreken. De overheid is van en voor de samenleving en staat borg voor de rechtsstaat. De bereikbaarheid en aanspreekbaarheid van de overheid worden met een één-loket-benadering verbeterd. Zo kan de burger ook beter de weg worden gewezen in het woud van instanties en regelingen. Het gebruik van mogelijkheden die de moderne informatie- en communicatietechnologie ons biedt, dient dat doel. De overheid moet duidelijk maken wat zij doet, waarom en hoe. Dit vereist goed samenspel en vertrouwen tussen de politiek verantwoordelijken en hun ambtelijk apparaat. Transparantie en verantwoording zijn daarvoor onmisbaar. In het functioneren van de rijksdienst staan integriteit en vertrouwen in verantwoordelijkheid centraal. Ook binnen het verband van het Koninkrijk verdient de kwaliteit van het publiek domein bijzondere aandacht. De Nederlands-Antilliaanse regering staat voor de opgave het hoofd te bieden aan ernstige financieel-economische en maatschappelijke problemen. Op Aruba zijn goede resultaten geboekt met het op orde brengen van de openbare financiën. Daar ligt het accent nu op de verbetering van de kwaliteit van het openbaar bestuur. In Koninkrijksverband vindt overleg plaats over voorstellen om de samenwerkingsrelatie te moderniseren. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Aan het einde van deze eeuw kan een balans worden opgemaakt. In Nederland is veel goeds tot stand gebracht. Velen hebben daaraan bijgedragen. In het besef van onze kracht en met open oog voor onze zwaktes geeft dat vertrouwen voor de toekomst. Ook in de nieuwe eeuw zal het nodig zijn gezamenlijk te investeren in de kwaliteit van onze samenleving en in internationale samenwerking. De regering blijft zich onverminderd inspannen voor een sterke economie en een vitale samenleving. Zij wil dat doen samen met U, met de andere overheden en met alle burgers. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat U Uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij U wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor U bidden. In deze tijd van ongekende technologische ontwikkelingen en vervagende grenzen wordt eens temeer duidelijk hoezeer landen en volkeren van elkaar afhankelijk zijn. De wereld lijkt steeds kleiner te worden. Ingrijpende politieke, economische en maatschappelijke veranderingen elders beïnvloeden ook ons land. Conflicten en onrust dringen snel door in het dagelijks leven. In deze onzekerheid moeten wij onze weerbaarheid vergroten en onze kwetsbaarheid verkleinen door met overtuiging te blijven investeren in alles wat samenhang en evenwicht kan bevorderen. Zo kunnen wij ook, met andere landen, onze bijdrage leveren aan stabiliteit in de wereld. De noodzaak van hechte samenwerking met onze Europese partners is groter dan ooit. Een evenwichtige, weerbare samenleving kenmerkt zich door goede verhoudingen tussen burgers en overheid, door verdraagzaamheid tussen burgers onderling en tussen bevolkingsgroepen. Verschillen geven kleur aan de samenleving, maar mogen niet tot onoverbrugbare afstanden leiden. Gemeenschapszin en persoonlijke verantwoordelijkheid zijn beide nodig om antwoord te kunnen geven op de grote vraagstukken en uitdagingen van deze tijd. Veel van de voornemens voor het komende jaar staan in het teken van duurzaamheid, stabiliteit en samenwerking. Burgers moeten kunnen blijven rekenen op een actieve, verantwoordelijke en betrouwbare overheid. De kwaliteit van bestuur, wetgeving en rechtspleging krijgt hernieuwde aandacht en wordt toegesneden op de eisen van deze tijd. Reeds dit najaar zal de regering in nauwe samenwerking met de rechterlijke macht een aanvang maken met een betere toerusting van de zittende magistratuur. Het openbaar bestuur is aan verandering onderhevig. Het moet doorzichtiger voor de burgers zijn, het dient snel en zorgvuldig te werken en de prestaties behoren beter te kunnen worden getoetst. De regering zal initiatieven nemen ter versterking van de gemeentelijke democratie. Nog deze maand zal een staatscommissie worden ingesteld die uiterlijk eind volgend jaar advies zal uitbrengen over de wijze waarop vorm kan worden gegeven aan meer dualisme. Daarbij wordt tevens bezien hoe een eventuele invoering van de gekozen burgemeester zich tot een duaal bestel zou verhouden. De regering zal spoedig een voorstel tot wijziging van de Gemeentewet indienen om een grotere invloed van burgers op de benoeming van de burgemeester mogelijk te maken. Veiligheid gaat de gehele gemeenschap aan. Voor een veiliger Nederland is meer nodig dan uitsluitend grotere inspanningen van politie en justitie. Integrale veiligheidsplannen - opgesteld en uitgevoerd door overheid, burgers, bedrijven en maatschappelijke instellingen - brengen dit tot uitdrukking. De verruiming van middelen voor politie en justitie zal samengaan met een doeltreffender aanwending van de reeds beschikbare capaciteit. De verantwoordelijkheid voor het centrale beheer van de politie komt bij de minister van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties te liggen. De minister van Justitie blijft verantwoordelijk voor de rechtshandhaving. Alle overheidsgeledingen dragen zorg voor de cohesie in onze samenleving. Een nieuw bestuursakkoord met gemeenten en provincies zal de basis hiervoor versterken. Veel aandacht is nodig voor de positie van jongeren. Met de meeste jongeren gaat het gelukkig goed. Maar er zijn ook ernstige problemen. Aan een samenhangende, effectieve aanpak van jeugdcriminaliteit zal hoge prioriteit worden gegeven. Nauwe samenwerking tussen justitie en lokaal bestuur staat daarbij voorop. Om het functioneren van jeugdvoorzieningen te verbeteren wordt een nieuwe Wet op de Jeugdzorg voorbereid. Het toenemend geweld op straat raakt ons allen. Regering en gemeenten spannen zich in om deze zorgwekkende ontwikkeling te keren. De ervaringen hebben inmiddels geleerd dat er een grote maatschappelijke bereidheid bestaat om de handen ineen te slaan bij het werken aan oplossingen. De Nederlandse samenleving laat een steeds bredere schakering aan culturen, godsdiensten en etnische groepen zien. Dit weerspiegelt zich vooral in onze steden. De stad moet voor alle bevolkingsgroepen aantrekkelijk zijn om in te wonen. In 1999 zullen nieuwe afspraken worden gemaakt gericht op versterking van de sociale en economische infrastructuur en op verbetering van de woonomgeving in onze steden. Hiervoor komt extra geld beschikbaar. Bij het herstel van de vitaliteit en leefbaarheid is een actieve betrokkenheid van bedrijven, maatschappelijke organisaties en burgers onontbeerlijk. Door instabiliteit elders in de wereld raken veel mensen ontheemd en slaan op de vlucht. De regering zal nog in de loop van het komende begrotingsjaar, met inachtneming van internationale verdragsverplichtingen, voorstellen tot wijziging van de Vreemdelingenwet aan u voorleggen. Uitgangspunt is dat, onder voortzetting van een streng en rechtvaardig asielbeleid, procedures worden verkort. Langdurige onzekerheid is in niemands belang. Personen van wie is vastgesteld dat zij niet rechtmatig in Nederland mogen blijven, dienen zo spoedig mogelijk ons land te verlaten. In geval van toelating moeten alle inspanningen worden gericht op integratie. Cultuur is zowel voor de samenleving in haar geheel als voor de individuele burger van grote waarde en kan een bijdrage leveren aan integratie en cohesie in onze maatschappij. Cultuureducatie krijgt daarom een belangrijker plaats in het onderwijs. Media en cultuur kunnen elkaar wederzijds versterken. Nieuwe eisen en verantwoordelijkheden die de informatiesamenleving met zich meebrengt, vragen ook in het mediabeleid om een antwoord. Een kennisintensieve samenleving als de Nederlandse maakt het wenselijk dat eenieder kennis en vaardigheden op peil weet te houden. De regering zal hieraan een krachtige bijdrage leveren. In het onderwijs zal bijzondere aandacht blijven uitgaan naar het voorkomen en tegengaan van achterstanden. Het is de taak van het onderwijs om kwaliteit te verhogen en kansen te scheppen. De regering zal hierin meer investeren. Dit komt tot uitdrukking in een verdergaande verkleining van de klassen in het basisonderwijs. Voor het voortgezet en beroepsonderwijs wordt extra geld vrijgemaakt. Volgend jaar wordt financiële ruimte geboden voor de verdere introductie van informatie- en communicatietechnologie in scholen. In bibliotheken zullen computers worden geplaatst om meer burgers de kans te geven daarmee te leren omgaan. Goede lerarenopleidingen en adequate arbeidsvoorwaarden zijn vereisten voor hoogwaardig onderwijs. De regering zal voorstellen doen inzake functiedifferentiatie en modernisering van de arbeidsverhoudingen. Het economisch beleid biedt ruimte aan slagvaardig ondernemerschap en stimuleert tot duurzaamheid en vernieuwing. Alleen een gezond en concurrerend bedrijfsleven is voldoende in staat zich tijdig aan te passen aan nieuwe economische en technologische ontwikkelingen. De gevolgen van de informatiemaatschappij zijn ingrijpend. Traditionele verhoudingen veranderen en vragen om een nieuwe manier van leren en werken. Niet alleen aan bestaande bedrijven maar ook aan startende ondernemingen kunnen deze ontwikkelingen nieuwe kansen bieden. 1999 is het laatste jaar waarin computers gereedgemaakt kunnen worden voor de eeuwwisseling. De regering zal er alles aan doen om te voorkomen dat de uitvoering van de publieke taken wordt belemmerd. Ook het bedrijfsleven zal het millenniumprobleem creatief en energiek moeten aanpakken. Vanaf 1 januari aanstaande is onze gulden onlosmakelijk gekoppeld aan de nieuwe gezamenlijke Europese munt, de euro. De bereikte convergentie van de verschillende economieën biedt het vertrouwen dat de euro over een solide basis zal kunnen beschikken. De voltooiing van de Economische en Monetaire Unie spoort ons aan tot verdergaande samenwerking en integratie op andere terreinen. Door de gunstige economische ontwikkeling, het gevoerde beleid en de constructieve opstelling van sociale partners is de groei van de werkgelegenheid de afgelopen jaren veel omvangrijker geweest dan eerder werd verwacht. Ook in 1999 zal de werkgelegenheid toenemen, zij het minder spectaculair. De geregistreerde werkloosheid daalt naar verwachting tot onder de 5 procent. Sinds 1980 is dat niet meer voorgekomen. De risico's zijn echter duidelijk groter dan de afgelopen jaren, nu de economische vooruitzichten voor belangrijke delen van de wereld ongunstiger worden. Dit noopt tot behoedzaamheid. Wij mogen de gunstige resultaten op sociaal-economisch gebied van de afgelopen jaren niet in de waagschaal stellen. Een verantwoorde loonontwikkeling blijft met het oog op een voortgaande groei van de werkgelegenheid van het grootste belang. De regering zal in overleg met de sociale partners bezien op welke wijze werknemers en werkzoekenden beter kunnen worden toegerust voor de veranderende arbeidsmarkt. In het bijzonder de positie van oudere werknemers verdient daarbij veel aandacht. Het tekort van de overheid zal in 1999 naar verwachting 1,3 procent bedragen. Een verdere daling is de komende jaren mogelijk, zeker bij een meevallende economische groei. De schuld van de overheid is nog steeds te hoog. De komende jaren zullen extra middelen beschikbaar komen voor belangrijke maatschappelijke prioriteiten. In totaal bieden de begrotingsvoorstellen een additionele ruimte van ruim 2,5 miljard gulden. De begroting voorziet ook in besparingen. Onder meer door een grotere doelmatigheid bij de uitvoering van publieke taken kan volgend jaar een uitgavenbeperking van bijna 1,5 miljard gulden worden bereikt. In verband met de noodzaak de vermogenspositie van de sociale fondsen op peil te brengen is volgend jaar enige lastenverzwaring helaas onvermijdelijk. Desondanks is de verwachting omtrent de koopkrachtontwikkeling over het algemeen positief. Door de invoering van een nieuw belastingtarief worden de laagste inkomens extra ondersteund. Voorts zijn voor kwetsbare groepen ruimere middelen beschikbaar. De regering blijft armoede en sociale uitsluiting met kracht bestrijden. Een te groot aantal langdurig werklozen heeft moeite de weg naar de arbeidsmarkt te vinden. Om aan hen begeleiding te bieden waar dat mogelijk is, zal in 1999 een start worden gemaakt met de zogeheten sluitende aanpak, die beoogt aan alle werkzoekenden een aanbod voor werk of scholing te doen. De regeling Extra Werkgelegenheid Langdurig Werklozen wordt op belangrijke onderdelen verruimd. Om een beter evenwicht te bereiken tussen zorg en arbeid, sociale participatie en vrije tijd voor mannen en vrouwen, zal de regering een Kaderwet Arbeid en Zorg indienen. Voorrang zal worden gegeven aan een voorwaardelijk wettelijk recht op deeltijdarbeid. Persoonlijke, sociale en economische belangen versterken elkaar in een modern emancipatiebeleid. De kinderopvang en naschoolse opvang krijgen de komende jaren een belangrijke financiële impuls. Er wordt een wetsvoorstel Basisvoorziening Kinderopvang voorbereid. Zowel de economische groei als de toenemende omvang van de bevolking beïnvloedt ons milieu. De regering streeft naar vermindering van de druk op het milieu, ook bij voortgaande groei van productie en consumptie. Nieuwe afspraken met bedrijven zijn nodig over milieuvriendelijke technologie, energiezuinige producten, hergebruik van materialen en vermindering van afval. Op de naleving van milieuwetten zal nauwgezet worden toegezien. De uitstoot van broeikasgassen stelt Nederland, evenals andere landen, voor zware opgaven. Om de overeengekomen reductiedoelstellingen te bereiken is een grotere inspanning op het gebied van energiebesparing en duurzame energie vereist. De regulerende energiebelasting zal vanaf volgend jaar in drie stappen worden verhoogd. De opbrengst wordt teruggesluisd naar burgers en bedrijven. Een deel hiervan wordt ingezet om bedrijven tot energiebesparing te stimuleren. Voorts wordt een regeling voorbereid die de aanschaf van energiezuinige apparatuur voor burgers aantrekkelijker maakt. De regering maakt extra geld vrij voor duurzame energie, in het bijzonder voor een snellere introductie van zonne-energie. De groei van de economie leidt tot een groter beslag op de schaarse ruimte in ons land. Nog dit jaar zal de regering u een schets voor de toekomstige inrichting van Nederland voorleggen. De spanning tussen de behoefte aan ruimte voor de individuele burger en de wens tot het behoud van de collectieve waarden van natuur en landschap wordt steeds sterker voelbaar. De druk op de landbouw is groot, mede omdat de maatschappelijke functies van het landelijk gebied anders worden gewaardeerd. In de eerste helft van 1999 zullen de hoofdlijnen worden geformuleerd van het beleid op het gebied van landbouw, veeteelt en natuur. Het doel is een nieuwe impuls te geven aan de vitaliteit van ons platteland. De mobiliteit neemt snel toe. Dit stelt ons allen voor ernstige problemen. Files brengen hoge kosten met zich mee en geven bovendien aanleiding tot ergernis. De regering stelt grote bedragen beschikbaar voor verbetering van de achterlandverbindingen en de bereikbaarheid van onze economische centra. Dit najaar kunt u nadere voorstellen verwachten voor de bestemming van de middelen die daarvoor zijn gereserveerd. De eerste proeven met rekeningrijden worden binnenkort gestart. Investeren in nieuwe vervoerssystemen is nodig en ook economisch aantrekkelijk. De regering acht het van grote waarde dat voor beslissingen over belangrijke infrastructurele werken zo veel mogelijk begrip en steun wordt verworven. In samenwerking met andere overheden en maatschappelijke groeperingen wordt een nota over het nationale verkeers- en vervoersbeleid voorbereid. Binnen enkele maanden zal de regering haar inzichten aan u voorleggen omtrent een mogelijke ruimere benutting van Schiphol op langere termijn. Voorts zal de regering nog dit jaar haar voornemens formuleren inzake een eventuele aanvullende locatie om de groei van de luchtvaart op te vangen. Hierbij worden de randvoorwaarden van milieu, gezondheid en veiligheid in acht genomen. Gezondheid is een groot goed. Ons stelsel van gezondheidszorg is weliswaar van hoge kwaliteit, maar verbeteringen zijn wel nodig. Er komt meer geld beschikbaar voor de zorgsector, waardoor het volume met ruim2 procent per jaar kan groeien. Duidelijke keuzen blijven nodig over de vraag waar en hoe het geld zal worden uitgegeven. De nadruk wordt gelegd op de zorg voor ouderen en gehandicapten en op de thuiszorg. Verbetering van kwaliteit, vermindering van werkdruk en verkorting van wachttijden staan centraal. In goede samenwerking zal inhoud worden gegeven aan de verantwoordelijkheden van de overheid en de zorgsector zelf. Dit is de kern van nieuwe bestuurlijke afspraken die de regering voor ogen staan. De regeling inzake eigen bijdragen voor de ziekenfondsverzekering wordt met ingang van 1 januari 1999 ingetrokken, evenals de toegangsbijdrage voor de thuiszorg en voor ouder- en kindzorg. Om de kosten van de geneesmiddelen te beheersen zal een reeks van maatregelen worden getroffen gericht op kwaliteit, kosteneffectiviteit en doelmatigheid. Dit najaar zal u een plan van aanpak worden gezonden. Mensen bereiken een hogere leeftijd dan vroeger en blijven langer gezond en vitaal. Het is zeer gewenst dat ouderen zo lang mogelijk actief aan de samenleving deelnemen. Zo wordt ook de band tussen de generaties versterkt. Voor het sportbeleid wordt meer geld uitgetrokken. Het maatschappelijk belang van sport is zichtbaar in tal van activiteiten. De amateursport als basis van de sportbeoefening zal verder worden gestimuleerd. Over de topsport zal de regering u nog dit najaar een beleidsnota toezenden. Nederland wenst bijdragen te blijven leveren aan de handhaving van de internationale rechtsorde. De aanwijzing van Den Haag als standplaats van het op te richten Internationaal Strafhof is een blijk van waardering voor de Nederlandse inspanningen. Stabiliteit en veiligheid zijn helaas geen zekerheden voor iedereen. Dagelijks worden wij via de media geconfronteerd met conflicten; dichtbij in Europa, maar ook verder weg. Alleen samen met andere landen kan Nederland een bijdrage leveren aan een wereld die stabieler en veiliger is. De regering spreekt de hoop uit dat het Verdrag van Amsterdam spoedig door u zal worden goedgekeurd. Dat is noodzakelijk om tot de volgende stappen in het integratieproces te kunnen overgaan en een goed antwoord te geven op de uitdagingen van de volgende eeuw. De Europese Unie dient zich daarop tijdig in te stellen. Het is van groot belang dat de uitbreiding van de Unie voortvarend en zorgvuldig wordt voorbereid. Aanpassing van het gemeenschappelijk landbouwbeleid, het structuurfondsenbeleid en de wijze waarop de Unie wordt gefinancierd, is noodzakelijk. De onderhandelingen daarover zullen veel creativiteit en energie vragen.Onze vrede en veiligheid wordt gewaarborgd door de Noord-Atlantische Verdragsorganisatie, die in april 1999 haar vijftigjarig bestaan viert en bij die gelegenheid drie nieuwe lidstaten zal verwelkomen. De NAVO blijft van essentiële betekenis bij het voorkomen en indammen van conflicten die de internationale veiligheid bedreigen. De transatlantische banden zijn ook op andere terreinen van bijzondere waarde. Uiterlijk begin volgend jaar ontvangt u een brief met de uitgangspunten voor de nieuwe Defensienota. Daarin zal worden ingegaan op de omvang, de structuur en de toerusting van onze krijgsmacht. Grote inspanningen blijven nodig om de kwetsbare positie van de armste mensen in de wereld te verbeteren. Structurele armoedebestrijding is de centrale doelstelling van de Nederlandse samenwerking met ontwikkelingslanden. Het gaat daarbij om het stimuleren van participatie door de mensen zelf, voorrang aan basisvoorzieningen zoals onderwijs en gezondheidszorg, een zuinig gebruik van natuurlijke hulpbronnen en een goed bestuur. Constante aandacht voor de effectiviteit van de hulp is een vereiste. Nederland blijft zich inzetten voor een versterking van de positie van ontwikkelingslanden in de wereldeconomie. De Nederlandse regering hecht grote waarde aan de verdere ontwikkeling van de constructieve betrekkingen met de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba. De regering van de Nederlandse Antillen staat voor de zware taak de zorgwekkende financieel-economische problemen aan te pakken. De rol van het Internationaal Monetair Fonds is hierbij van groot belang. Verhoging van de kwaliteit van het openbaar bestuur en de rechtshandhaving verdienen in alle drie de landen van het Koninkrijk nadrukkelijke aandacht. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, het fundament van een democratische samenleving wordt gevormd door vertrouwen tussen burgers en bestuur en tussen burgers onderling. Veranderingen, dichtbij en ver weg, stellen hoge eisen aan onze weerbaarheid en het vermogen om de cohesie in onze maatschappij te behouden en te versterken. Regering en volksvertegenwoordiging hebben in dezen een bijzondere opdracht. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. Dankzij de inspanningen van zeer velen heeft ons land in de afgelopen jaren belangrijke vooruitgang geboekt, zowel in sociaal als in economisch opzicht. De vooruitzichten voor 1998 zijn gunstig. Op ons allen rust de taak om de basis voor welzijn en welvaart verder te versterken. Voortgaande groei van de werkgelegenheid en bevordering van maatschappelijke en economische participatie door alle burgers staan hierbij voorop. Met het gezond maken van de overheidsfinanciën en met de duurzame versterking van de economische structuur dient te worden voortgegaan. Van een vitale economie kan echter geen sprake zijn wanneer de kwaliteit van ons leefmilieu onvoldoende gewaarborgd wordt. Werken aan de toekomst betekent ook investeren in mensen, in hun kennis en vaardigheden, in goed onderwijs, en daarmee in kansen om deel te nemen aan de samenleving. Het aantal mensen met een sociale uitkering daalt. De werkgelegenheid blijft krachtig doorgroeien. Eind volgend jaar zullen naar verwachting bijna een half miljoen personen meer betaalde arbeid verrichten dan vier jaar daarvoor. Onder hen zijn ook vele allochtonen. Toch blijft het noodzakelijk dat de deelname aan de arbeidsmarkt verder wordt vergroot, in het bijzonder voor hen die weinig opleiding of onvoldoende werkervaring hebben. De mogelijkheden voor gedeeltelijk arbeidsgeschikten tot herintreding zullen worden verruimd, ook door maatregelen op het terrein van de sociale zekerheid. De positie van oudere werknemers verdient eveneens aandacht. Het voortijdig buitenspel zetten van mensen is sociaal schrijnend en, in het licht van de komende vergrijzing, economisch steeds minder verantwoord. Ruimere scholings-en opleidingsmogelijkheden en het bestrijden van leeftijdsdiscriminatie zullen aan ouderen de kans bieden om langer aan het arbeidsproces deel te nemen. De verdeling van arbeid en zorg tussen mannen en vrouwen is nog steeds onevenwichtig. Voldoende, toegankelijke kinderopvang, ook voor schoolgaande kinderen, zal vrouwen beter in staat stellen hun keuze voor economische zelfstandigheid te verwezenlijken. De verdere verlaging in 1998 van het tekort op de rijksbegroting en de vermindering van de schuldquote zijn van meer dan cijfermatige betekenis. De daling van de rente-uitgaven die daardoor mogelijk wordt, schept financiële ruimte voor nieuwe prioriteiten. De gunstige economische situatie maakt het mogelijk om nu omvangrijke bedragen te reserveren voor de toekomst. Met het oog op onze oudedagsvoorziening wordt een substantiële bijdrage geleverd aan het AOW-onds. Voorts worden middelen gereserveerd voor de financiering van noodzakelijke investeringen in de infrastructuur in ruime zin. Volgend jaar zal opnieuw een aanzienlijke lastenverlichting worden doorgevoerd. Voor burgers betekent dat onder meer een verlaging van het geheel van belastingen en premies en een korting op de gemeentelijke milieuheffingen. Mede door deze maatregelen gaan vrijwel alle groepen van de bevolking er in koopkracht op vooruit. Ouderen met alleen AOW of met daarnaast een klein aanvullend pensioen krijgen een extra voordeel. Met de koopkrachtondersteuning wordt voortzetting van een verantwoorde loonontwikkeling bevorderd. De overgang van een uitkering naar werk wordt fiscaal ondersteund. De arbeidskosten aan de onderkant van de arbeidsmarkt zullen verder worden verlaagd. De lastenverlichting voor bedrijven wordt voorts gericht op economische innovatie, verbetering van het milieu en bevordering van scholing en opleiding. De snel voortschrijdende internationalisering en het wegvallen van de Europese binnengrenzen maken structurele aanpassingen van ons belastingstelsel nodig. Doelstellingen daarbij zijn het goedkoper maken van arbeid, het vergroten van de economische dynamiek en het stimuleren van milieubewust gedrag. De regering zal binnenkort een nota aan u voorleggen waarin de hoofdlijnen van een nieuw stelsel worden verkend. De gunstige sociaal-conomische ontwikkelingen zijn mede te danken aan de stabiele arbeidsverhoudingen in ons land. Kenmerk van ons overlegstelsel is dat, met erkenning van uiteenlopende belangen en onder behoud van eigen verantwoordelijkheden, wordt gezocht naar wegen om het gezamenlijke belang te realiseren. De regering vertrouwt erop dat langs de weg van overleg ook in de komende jaren kan worden verdergewerkt aan de oplossing van de belangrijke sociale en economische vraagstukken die zich aan ons voordoen. De ruimtelijk-conomische structuur van ons land zal in de komende jaren onze aandacht blijven vragen. Hoe zullen wij ons nationaal inkomen verdienen, waar zal dat kunnen en onder welke omstandigheden? Ingrijpende keuzen zullen noodzakelijk zijn met betrekking tot het ruimtegebrek van de zeehaven Rotterdam, de toekomst van de luchtvaart in Nederland en de economische vitaliteit van de grote steden. Het gaat hierbij om investeringen in de fysieke infrastructuur, de ruimtelijke kwaliteit en het stedelijk leefklimaat, maar ook om investeringen in kennis. Het behoud van open ruimten en landschappen, een goed onderhouden gebouwd erfgoed en een gezond leefmilieu zijn voorwaarden waarbinnen de plannen voor wonen, werken en vervoer zullen moeten passen. Ook de programma's voor de bereikbaarheid van de grote steden, de verbetering van het openbaar vervoer en de beïnvloeding van de transportstromen maken deel uit van deze afweging. Recent onderzoek toont aan dat de druk op het milieu, ondanks de groeiende economie, op vele terreinen daalt. De inspanningen van de afgelopen jaren werpen dus vruchten af. Om deze ontwikkeling vast te houden en verdere verbeteringen te bereiken, zullen aanvullende inspanningen nodig zijn, in binnen-en buitenland. Deze zullen in de eerste plaats gericht moeten zijn op het ontwikkelen van producten en processen die de omgeving minder zwaar belasten. Wanneer de milieukosten beter in de prijzen van goederen en diensten tot uitdrukking komen, zal het zoeken naar milieuvriendelijke oplossingen worden gestimuleerd. De basis voor dit beleid is in de nota 'Milieu en Economie' neergelegd. De uitstoot van CO2 vormt een apart probleem.Nog steeds leidt meer economische groei tot een hogere C02-missie. Hierin mogen we niet berusten, omdat de gevolgen voor het klimaat te ernstig zijn. Het is nodig om wereldwijd de uitstoot van broeikasgassen terug te dringen. Op de wereldklimaatconferentie eind dit jaar in Japan dienen daartoe afspraken te worden gemaakt. Nederland heeft daarvoor samen met andere Europese landen verreikende voorstellen gedaan. De bevordering van investeringen in schone technologie in minder welvarende landen is van toenemend belang. Daarmee kunnen niet zelden veel gunstiger milieu-ffecten worden bereikt tegen gelijke kosten. De gezondheidszorg in Nederland staat op een hoog peil. Dat is van groot belang voor de individuele mens en voor onze samenleving als geheel. Uitgaven voor zorg zijn niet alleen kosten; zij hebben ook een grote maatschappelijke en economische waarde. De spanning tussen de groeiende vraag naar zorg en de noodzaak van kostenbeheersing zal ook de komende jaren actueel blijven. De gemiddelde levensverwachting stijgt nog steeds. Het blijft echter nodig dat verschillen in gezondheid tussen bevolkingsgroepen worden verminderd. Meer banen in de zorgsector dragen bij aan betere zorg voor de patiënt, verkorting van de wachtlijsten en een dalende werkdruk. In 1998 zal meer personeel in de verpleeg-en verzorgingshuizen en in de thuiszorg worden aangesteld. Voorts worden er middelen vrijgemaakt om de werkdruk en de wachtlijsten in de gehandicaptensector te verminderen. Verontrustend is het toenemend aantal jongeren dat er een ongezonde levensstijl op na houdt: zij roken meer, gebruiken meer alcohol en drugs en doen te weinig aan lichaamsbeweging. Voor de aanschaf van tabaksartikelen en alcohol zal een leeftijdsgrens van 18 jaar worden voorgesteld. Voorlichting over de gezondheidsrisico's van druggebruik en bestrijding van de handel in drugs blijven onverminderd nodig. Bezorgdheid over een ongezonde levensstijl brengt het belang van sportbeoefening nog nadrukkelijker onder onze aandacht. Sport is een inspiratiebron voor velen. Samen sporten kan de integratie van minderheden bevorderen. De actie 'Sport, Tolerantie en Fairplay' is gericht op de strijd tegen discriminatie en intolerantie. Op de basisschool wordt het fundament gelegd voor de verdere ontwikkeling van onze kinderen. De regering heeft met ingang van het zojuist begonnen schooljaar een eerste aanzet gegeven voor kleinere klassen in de onderbouw van de basisschool, ter uitvoering van de nota 'Onderwijs op maat'. De nieuwe examenprogramma's van VBO en mavo geven kinderen een betere toegang tot het vervolgonderwijs. Het is van essentieel belang dat onderwijs aansluit bij de talenten en ambities van leerlingen en dat het rekening houdt met de eisen die de arbeidsmarkt stelt. Om te helpen voorkomen dat jongeren zonder diploma de school verlaten, worden er extra middelen ingezet. Kennis moet worden bijgehouden. Aan leren komt daarom een vanzelfsprekende plaats in het leven toe, naast werk, huishouden en vrije tijd. De resultaten van het kennisdebat worden omgezet in het nationaal programma 'Een leven lang leren'. De vruchten van wetenschap en technologie bepalen in hoge mate de kwaliteit van de samenleving van morgen. Onderzoek heeft daarom speciale aandacht. Het gebruik van de computer in de school zal een grotere rol krijgen. In het onderwijs werken verhoudingsgewijs veel ouderen. Extra maatregelen worden genomen om van de kennis, inzet en ervaring van oudere leerkrachten gebruik te maken en hen op een passende wijze in het onderwijs te blijven inzetten. Een open samenleving waarin veranderingen snel doorwerken, biedt aan velen aantrekkelijke kansen voor ontplooiing en groei, maar kan ook leiden tot sociale uitsluiting van mensen die niet mee kunnen komen. Twee jaar geleden heeft de regering een krachtig beroep gedaan op burgers, bedrijven en maatschappelijke organisaties om gezamenlijk met de verschillende overheden vraagstukken rondom sociale uitsluiting en armoede - soms in stilte beleefd - onder ogen te zien en eensgezind aan te pakken. Aan deze problematiek wordt nu in brede kring aandacht gegeven. In een samenleving die economische vooruitgang laat zien, mag geen sociale stilstand of achteruitgang optreden. Bevordering van de arbeidsdeelname blijft vooropstaan. Een betaalde baan biedt vaak nieuwe kansen en een uitweg uit sociaal isolement. Maar niet alleen betaald werk is van belang, ook maatschappelijke participatie telt. Vrijwilligerswerk versterkt de cohesie in onze samenleving. De inkomenspositie van burgers met een laag inkomen zal worden verbeterd door een reeks van maatregelen. Naast koopkrachtstijging over vrijwel de gehele linie heeft de regering op ruime schaal financiële middelen vrijgemaakt voor gerichte inkomensondersteuning. Op 1 juli jongstleden is de individuele huursubsidie voor veel huishoudens extra omhooggegaan. Alles zal in het werk worden gesteld om ervoor te zorgen dat mensen die op deze voorziening recht hebben, daadwerkelijk worden bereikt. Het budget van de bijzondere bijstand wordt aanmerkelijk verruimd. Gemeenten worden daardoor in staat gesteld een gerichter beleid te voeren en meer maatwerk te leveren. De organisatie van de politie is de afgelopen jaren versterkt. Landelijke en regionale opsporingsteams laten regelmatig goede resultaten zien. Toch blijft de veiligheid een punt van zorg. De criminaliteit neemt weliswaar af, maar nog lang niet voldoende. Verdere versterking van de kwaliteit van het Openbaar Ministerie en de politie is nodig. Een evaluatie van enkele hoofdkenmerken van het politiebestel is voorzien. Tevens zal worden nagegaan in hoeverre het politieonderwijs wezenlijke veranderingen behoeft. Bijzondere aandacht vraagt de jeugdcriminaliteit. Het is van groot belang dat aan jongeren een toekomstperspectief wordt geboden. Zij moeten onderwijs kunnen volgen en voldoende kans op werk hebben. In aanvulling op het algemene werkgelegenheids- en onderwijsbeleid zullen de bijzondere opvangprojecten, gericht op scholing en arbeidsinspanning voor kwetsbare jongeren, worden uitgebreid. Wanneer zich ontsporingen voordoen, is snel en consequent optreden van politie en Justitie het enige juiste antwoord. In het beleid ten behoeve van grote steden zetten Rijk en gemeenten zich samen met bedrijven en maatschappelijke organisaties in voor versterking van de economische bedrijvigheid, werkgelegenheid en sociale cohesie in wijken en buurten. Op grote schaal worden inburgeringsprogramma's uitgevoerd ter bevordering van de integratie van nieuwkomers. Ook de veiligheid en de verbetering van de leefomgeving moeten hier worden genoemd; een verantwoordelijkheid waaraan politie, brandweer en stadswachten met des te meer resultaat kunnen werken indien zij mogen rekenen op de actieve steun en betrokkenheid van alle burgers. In de bestuurlijke organisatie staan de kwaliteit van het openbaar bestuur op gemeentelijk, provinciaal en rijksniveau en een goede democratische controle centraal. In een dynamische samenleving vormen recht en rechtspraak een belangrijk anker. Het beroep op de rechtspleging wordt steeds groter. De rechterlijke organisatie behoort opgewassen te zijn tegen de eisen die in de komende tijd aan haar worden gesteld. De veranderingen die daarvoor nodig zijn vormen onderwerp van nadere overweging. De toegankelijkheid van de rechtspraak moet gewaarborgd blijven. Daarom zijn er maatregelen genomen op het gebied van de gefinancierde rechtshulp. Toepassing van het vreemdelingenrecht breng delicate afwegingen met zich mee. Een iedere die een aanvraag indient om in Nederland te mogen verblijven, heeft recht op een zorgvuldige beoordeling die binnen een redelijke termijn tot duidelijkheid leidt. De uitvoeringsorganisatie is daartoe beter toegerust. Het culturele leven toont een veelheid van bloeiende activiteiten en initiatieven die op een groeiende belangstelling mogen rekenen. De regering heeft besloten tot een verlaging van het BTW-tarief voor de podiumkunsten. De toegankelijkheid wordt daarmee bevorderd. Teneinde belangrijke kunstwerken voor Nederland te behouden en te verwerven wordt een begin gemaakt met een aankoopfonds. Op 1 januari 1998wordt de structuur van de publieke omroep aangepast. Daarmee wordt beoogd de slagvaardigheid te vergroten met behoud van de veelzijdigheid. Dit najaar zullen de hoofdlijnen van een nieuwe concessiewet voor de publieke omroep worden gepresenteerd. De Nederlandse land- en tuinbouw heeft zijn sterke concurrentiepositie weten vast te houden door innovatie en door goed in te spelen op internationale ontwikkelingen, alsmede op wensen van de consument. Deze positieve ontwikkelingen worden echter overschaduwd door de problematiek in verband met de varkenspest. Binnen en buiten de sector wordt ingezien dat in de varkenshouderij alleen door grote inspanningen weer een gezond en duurzaam perspectief kan ontstaan. Die inspanningen zijn met het oog op de belangen van de boeren, de werknemers in de sector en hun gezinnen helaas onvermijdelijk. Bij de aanpassingen die de regering voor ogen heeft, staan het voorkomen van het uitbreken van nieuwe dierziekten, de kwaliteit van ons milieu en het dierenwelzijn centraal. De Europese samenwerking blijft voor de toekomst van ons land van vitaal belang. Met het Verdrag van Amsterdam, dat binnenkort ter goedkeuring aan u zal worden voorgelegd, zijn enkele belangrijke stappen gezet. De samenwerking op het terrein van politie en justitie en van het personenverkeer wordt uitgebreid. De economische en monetaire integratie moet gepaard gaan met een overtuigende aanpak van de ernstige werkgelegenheidsproblemen binnen de Unie. In het Verdrag van Amsterdam is aan deze samenhang vormgegeven. Tevens is de basis gelegd om de onderhandelingen te openen voor de toetreding van nieuwe lidstaten tot de Unie. Uitbreiding van de Europese Unie is van groot belang voor de politieke, economische en sociale toekomst van Europa. In het komende jaar zullen belangrijke besluiten worden genomen over de laatste fase van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. De regering blijft hechten aan een strikte toepassing van de afspraken die in het Verdrag van Maastricht zijn neergelegd. Dit is nodig om de belangrijke voordelen die met de muntunie worden nagestreefd te verwezenlijken. Het verdwijnen van oude scheidslijnen binnen Europa is voor de ontwikkeling van stabiliteit, democratie en welvaart van onschatbare betekenis. De uitbreiding van de NAVO en de versterking van relaties met landen die niet of nog niet zullen toetreden, passen in de nieuwe verhoudingen die na 1989 op ons continent zijn ontstaan. Het vredesproces in het Midde-Oosten verkeert in een ernstige impasse. De regering veroordeelt alle vormen van geweld en terreur. Het respecteren van de vredesakkoorden en van het internationale recht is essentieel voor het herstel van het vertrouwen tussen Israëli's en Palestijnen. Het streven naar een democratische, multi-etnische staat in Bosnië Herzegovina stuit op zware tegenstand. Internationale steun en druk blijven nodig voor vrede en verzoening. Daar, maar ook elders in de wereld, neemt de Nederlandse krijgsmacht intensief deel aan vredesoperaties. De ervaringen met deze operaties alsmede de evaluatie van de krijgsmacht in de nieuwe vorm zullen worden verwerkt in een actualisering van de Prioriteitennota. De wereldgemeenschap zal zich onverminderd moeten blijven inzetten voor democratie en mensenrechten. De Nederlandse regering ziet het als een prioriteit daaraan bij te dragen, zoveel mogelijk samen met de Europese partners. Nederland ondersteunt de plannen om te komen tot een internationaal strafhof ter berechting van oorlogsmisdaden en andere grove schendingen van de mensenrechten. Voor veel ontwikkelingslanden geldt dat in de afgelopen periode van aanpassing een basis is gelegd voor voortgaande economische groei. Het Nederlandse beleid zal daarop inspelen door een uitbreiding van de steun aan de particuliere sector en door het stimuleren van investeringen. Een vast deel van de middelen wordt ingezet voor de verbetering van het leefmilieu en het ondersteunen van duurzaamheid. Ondanks de economische vooruitgang leven tallozen nog steeds in diepe armoede. Gewapende conflicten, zowel in Afrika als in Azië, verergeren deze situatie. Miljoenen mensen zijn ontheemd. Armoedebestrijding blijft het belangrijkste doel van ons beleid. Daarnaast wordt vredeshulp geboden om conflicten te beheersen en waar mogelijk te voorkomen. De regeringen van de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba worden geconfronteerd met grote en complexe problemen, in het bijzonder bij de gezondmaking van de overheidsfinanciën, de ontwikkeling van de economie en de bestrijding van de grensoverschrijdende criminaliteit. Vaak overstijgen deze problemen de mogelijkheden van de landen afzonderlijk en is samenwerking binnen de koninkrijksrelatie geboden, met respect voor elkaars autonomie en verantwoordelijkheid. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De fundamenten van onze samenleving liggen vast in onze staatsstructuur, onze parlementaire democratie en het respect voor grondrechten van mensen. In het komende jaar zal hieraan bijzondere aandacht worden gewijd in de herdenkingen van de erkenning van Nederland als aparte stat met de Vrede van Munster, de grondwet van 1848, die de grondslag legde voor onze parlementaire democratie, en de Universele Verklaring van de Rechten van de Mens. Door de inzet en het werk van generatie op generatie is veel tot stand gebracht. Op ons allen rust nu de plicht onze bijdrage te leveren en te werken aan de toekomst. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. De toekomst van Europa is onze toekomst. Vrede en veiligheid, maar ook welvaart en stabiliteit vragen om het bredere kader dat Europa ons biedt. In de eerste helft van volgend jaar valt aan Nederland als voorzitter van de Europese Unie een bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid toe. De Unie ziet zich de komende jaren gesteld voor een krachtproef. Voor de deur staat de herziening van het Verdrag van Maastricht. Spoedig daarna zal de Economische en Monetaire Unie van start gaan. De Europese Unie bereidt zich voor op de toetreding van nieuwe lidstaten. Dit alles gaat de burgers direct aan. Om hun invloed op het proces van Europese integratie te vergroten, is verdere democratisering van de besluitvorming vereist. De regering ziet het als haar opdracht aan de Europese samenwerking te blijven bijdragen en ons land ook na de eeuwwisseling te verzekeren van een solide plaats binnen de Europese Unie. Een krachtige economische expansie is daartoe onontbeerlijk. De huidige ontwikkelingen zijn bemoedigend. Zowel in 1996 als volgend jaar wordt voor Nederland een economische groei verwacht die het gemiddelde van de landen in de Europese Unie overtreft. Hetzelfde geldt voor de werkgelegenheid: in 1997 komen er opnieuw meer dan 100.000 banen bij. Zo wordt niet alleen het groeiend arbeidsaanbod opgevangen, maar kan ook het aantal werklozen dalen. Voor het eerst sinds een kwart eeuw neemt het totale aantal uitkerings- en pensioengerechtigden af, ondanks de toenemende vergrijzing. Zowel voor burgers als voor bedrijven zal volgend jaar enige verlichting van de lastendruk optreden. Door het volledig toepassen van de koppeling, en door een samenstel van sociale en fiscale maatregelen, zal voor grote groepen werkenden en uitkeringsgerechtigden de koopkracht op peil kunnen blijven. Hiermee wordt tevens ondersteuning gegeven aan een voortgezette matiging van de arbeidskosten, hetgeen van groot belang is voor meer werkgelegenheid. De werkgeverslasten voor werknemers met een inkomen op of vlak boven het minimumloonniveau worden verder verlaagd. Zo zullen meer werkzoekenden met een geringe opleiding kunnen worden ingeschakeld in het arbeidsproces. De gezondmaking van de openbare financiën verloopt voorspoedig. Het geraamde financieringstekort en de daling van de schuldquote geven vertrouwen in deelname van Nederland aan de EMU vanaf het startjaar 1999. Het economisch herstel is mede mogelijk geworden door de wijze waarop de sociale partners door de jaren heen verantwoordelijkheid hebben getoond. Het beleid, waarvoor velen offers hebben gebracht, werpt nu vruchten af. Deze gunstige ontwikkelingen mogen echter niet leiden tot zelfgenoegzaamheid. Aan de ingeslagen koers wil de regering vasthouden om de uitdagingen aan te kunnen waarvoor ons land staat. Over twintig jaar zal Nederland achttien miljoen inwoners tellen, ruim twee miljoen meer dan nu. Ook voor die grotere bevolking zal er voldoende werk moeten zijn. De burgers moeten kunnen wonen, zich verplaatsen en recreëren in een schone en veilige omgeving. Dat is een enorme opgave voor een land waar de arbeidsdeelname nog relatief laag is, de ruimte beperkt en het milieu zwaarbelast. Om een werkelijk duurzame ontwikkeling te realiseren, is het nodig dat economische groei, versterking van concurrentiekracht en toename van werkgelegenheid samengaan met een zorgvuldig beheer van milieu, ruimte en natuur. Dit vraagt om een duidelijke versterking van de kwaliteit van onze infrastructuur in de meest brede zin van het woord: economische capaciteit, ruimtelijke ordening, kennis en sociale cohesie. Consistentie van beleid en voldoende afstemming op veranderingen in de samenleving zijn beide nodig, alsmede verantwoorde inpassing binnen de financiële mogelijkheden. Het is van het grootste belang dat belemmeringen voor een daadkrachtig openbaar bestuur op alle niveaus worden weggenomen. Ter verbetering van de bereikbaarheid en om te voorkomen dat de verkeerscongestie onaanvaardbare vormen aanneemt, maakt de regering tot het jaar 2000 aanzienlijke bedragen vrij voor vervoer over spoor, weg en water, en voor stads- en streekvervoer. De verbetering van verbindingen met het achterland zal worden versneld. De grootstedelijke gebieden krijgen meer middelen tot hun beschikking om de toegankelijkheid te verbeteren. Vooruitlopend op de invoering van rekeningrijden zullen de kosten van het autogebruik sterker afhankelijk worden gemaakt van het aantal gereden kilometers. Daartoe wordt een verhoging voorgesteld van de accijns op motorbrandstoffen per 1 juli volgend jaar, onder gelijktijdige verlaging van de motorrijtuigenbelasting. Bij de voorbereiding van de begroting voor 1998 zal in het licht van de ontwikkelingen in onze buurlanden een eventuele volgende stap in deze richting worden overwogen. Economische groei en verbetering van het milieu kunnen en moeten hand in hand gaan. De emissie van een groot aantal schadelijke stoffen is de laatste jaren in absolute zin afgenomen; dat is bemoedigend. De uitstoot van CO2 neemt echter nog steeds toe; dit is zorgwekkend. Daarom is op korte termijn een extra inspanning vereist. De regering zal dit najaar een pakket maatregelen aan u voorleggen dat tot een structurele beperking van CO2-uitstoot zal leiden. Het beleid blijft gericht op realisatie van de zo noodzakelijke absolute daling van CO2-emissie. Investeren in de groene infrastructuur is essentieel voor een hoogwaardig woon-, werk- en leefklimaat. In de agrarische sector maken de zich snel wijzigende marktomstandigheden en de bescherming van het milieu ingrijpende veranderingen noodzakelijk. De regering geeft ondersteuning aan dit proces van onvermijdelijke aanpassingen. Voor het welzijn van burgers is meer nodig dan een duurzaam economisch draagvlak, hoe belangrijk ook. Aan geborgenheid en veiligheid, kennis en onderwijs, alsmede aan sociale samenhang, bestaat evenzeer grote behoefte. Als gevolg van verschillende maatregelen en een gunstige arbeidsmarkt daalt het beroep op de sociale zekerheid. Hoogte en duur van uitkeringen krijgen hierdoor vereisten waaraan een modern en houdbaar stelsel van sociale zekerheid op de lange termijn moet voldoen. Het stelsel dient voldoende afgestemd te zijn op flexibeler arbeidsverhoudingen en op het streven naar economische zelfstandigheid. Het moet waar nodig fungeren als vangnet en waar mogelijk stimuleren tot inschakeling in het arbeidsproces. De vergrijzing die ons in de komende decennia te wachten staat, maakt dit des te meer noodzakelijk. De regering kiest voor het waarborgen van de AOW als volwaardig basispensioen, nu en in de toekomst. Vanuit die verantwoordelijkheid wil zij bevorderen dat er voor de financiering van de toenemende AOW-uitgaven een voldoende breed draagvlak aanwezig zal zijn. Ondersteuning door de overheid van pensioenafspraken tussen werkgevers en werknemers blijft onmisbaar. De regering acht wel een beperkte versobering noodzakelijk. Daarnaast stelt zij binnen het pensioensysteem een verruiming van individuele keuzemogelijkheden voor. In de volksgezondheid blijft de spanning tussen de nog immer toenemende vraag naar zorg en de noodzaak tot kostenbeheersing onverminderd voelbaar. In aanvulling op de in het regeerakkoord afgesproken volumegroei is voor 1997 ruimte gemaakt voor het wegnemen van acute knelpunten in de thuiszorg, waarop een steeds groter beroep wordt gedaan. Ook voor nieuwe geneesmiddelen die van groot medisch belang zijn, worden meer financiële middelen beschikbaar gesteld. Voorgesteld wordt de tabaksaccijns te verhogen om roken, vooral onder jeugdigen, te ontmoedigen. Het systeem van eigen bijdragen in de zorgsector wordt uitgebreid. In samenhang hiermee wordt de nominale ziekenfondspremie verlaagd. Het volkshuisvestingsbeleid blijft erop gericht te voorzien in voldoende betaalbare en goede woonruimte voor alle groepen van de bevolking. Het percentage van het huurwaardeforfait in de inkomstenbelasting wordt verlaagd. De individuele huursubsidie gaat extra omhoog voor alleenstaanden en gezinnen met een laag inkomen. Kennis en informatie zijn zowel voor een sterke en duurzame economie als voor volwaardige deelname aan het maatschappelijk leven van grote betekenis. Het door de regering opgezette kennisdebat doet een appèl aan burgers, bedrijven en maatschappelijke organisaties om na te denken over de betekenis van kennis in onze snel veranderende samenleving. Aan investeringen in onderzoek en ontwikkeling wordt een financiële impuls gegeven. Dit geldt ook voor toponderzoek. In de Cultuurnota wordt sterk de nadruk gelegd op het betrekken van jonge mensen bij het culturele leven in al zijn verscheidenheid. De band tussen onderwijs en cultuurinstellingen zal worden versterkt om een bijdrage te leveren aan de culturele vorming in de scholen. De samenwerking tussen beroepsonderwijs en bedrijven in de regio groeit. Dit proces zal verder worden bevorderd met de invoering van een nieuwe fiscale faciliteit. Het wordt daardoor aantrekkelijker werk en studie in het hoger beroepsonderwijs te combineren. Het basisonderwijs moet goed aansluiten bij de mogelijkheden van leerlingen. Dit blijft veel van de leerkrachten vragen. Om hen te ondersteunen zijn er onderwijsassistenten aangesteld. Aanvullende voorzieningen zullen kinderen met een handicap beter in staat stellen het reguliere onderwijs te volgen. De regering acht het van grote waarde dat problemen van jongeren thuis, op school en op straat in samenhang worden onderkend. Het vroegtijdig onder ogen zien van ernstige problemen tijdens de opvoeding, en het ondersteunen van ouders kunnen ontsporing of crimineel gedrag op latere leeftijd helpen voorkomen. Voor een goede ontwikkeling van kinderen zijn geborgenheid, affectie en veiligheid van essentiële betekenis. Hieraan wordt in onze pluriforme samenleving terecht veel zorg besteed, zodat het merendeel van onze jeugdigen zonder al te veel problemen kan opgroeien. Een deel van hen heeft echter wél hulp nodig. Om daarin te voorzien wordt de capaciteit van de jeugdhulpverlening volgend jaar vergroot. Hoewel steeds meer vrouwen een betaalde baan hebben, blijkt dat arbeid en zorgtaken nog onevenwichtig verdeeld zijn. In het bijzonder onder vrouwen met weinig opleiding is de arbeidsparticipatie laag. De regering zal initiatieven nemen om de economische zelfstandigheid van vrouwen en een betere verdeling van zorgtaken en betaalde arbeid te ondersteunen. Sociale samenhang is van vitaal belang voor het functioneren van onze samenleving. Vele maatregelen ter bestrijding van armoede en sociale uitsluiting zijn inmiddels ter hand genomen. Voor alleenstaande ouderen met een bescheiden inkomen wordt een bijzondere belastingaftrek ingevoerd. Langdurige en intensieve inspanningen van overheid en maatschappelijke groeperingen blijven noodzakelijk om een ruimere deelname aan betaalde arbeid en scholing mogelijk te maken en mensen uit hun sociaal isolement te halen. De tijdelijke regeling voor de buitenschoolse opvang van kinderen van alleenstaande ouders met een bijstandsuitkering krijgt een wettelijke basis. De voorzieningen voor de opvang van dak- en thuislozen worden uitgebreid. Sociale integratie dient ook burgers te omvatten die niet in staat zijn deel te nemen aan het arbeidsproces. Activiteiten in groepsverband zoals kunstuitingen en sportbeoefening kunnen _ naast de intrinsieke waarde die zij hebben voor de individuele mens _ een belangrijke bijdrage leveren aan maatschappelijke integratie. Van sociale samenhang is pas echt sprake indien mensen met verschillende culturele achtergronden ook werkelijk samenleven. Ter ondersteuning van het integratieproces zijn extra middelen beschikbaar gesteld aan de grotere steden. Een gezamenlijke inzet van overheid en sociale partners is geboden om tot een ruimere inschakeling van allochtonen in het arbeidsproces te komen. Op het terrein van het vreemdelingenbeleid is het zaak steeds het juiste evenwicht voor ogen te houden: procedures moeten snel zijn, maar ook zorgvuldig. Degenen wier aanvraag om verblijf in Nederland is afgewezen, zullen op verantwoorde wijze moeten kunnen terugkeren naar hun land van herkomst. De strijd tegen discriminatie en intolerantie in de samenleving moet onverminderd onze aandacht houden. De door Nederland ingezette actie voor fair play en tolerantie in de sport, en het aanstaande Europese Jaar tegen Racisme vormen een krachtige stimulans. Het handhaven van veiligheid is een van de kerntaken van de overheid. Voorrang wordt gegeven aan het bestrijden en voorkomen van jeugdcriminaliteit en van allerlei vormen van overlast en misdaad, als gevolg van druggebruik en drughandel. Politie en justitie zullen de strafrechtelijke aanpak van de criminaliteit verstevigen. De politie wordt verder uitgebreid. De toepassing van indringende opsporingsmethoden zal strakker in de wet worden genormeerd. Met de bouw van meer, sobere cellen en instellingen voor tbs-veroordeelden en jeugdige criminelen wordt de gevangeniscapaciteit vergroot. Het aantal taak- en werkstraffen wordt uitgebreid. Preventie blijft natuurlijk altijd de voorkeur verdienen boven bestraffing achteraf. Ook voor het drugbeleid is preventie van groot belang. De voorlichting over de schadelijke gevolgen van druggebruik zal worden geïntensiveerd. In de drugnota die dit voorjaar met de Tweede Kamer is besproken, is het beleid _ gericht op ontmoediging en schadebeperking _ uiteengezet. Bij de uitvoering daarvan zal, behalve op preventie en volksgezondheid, bijzondere nadruk worden gelegd op het bestrijden van de handel in en de productie van drugs, waaronder XTC, en op het in samenwerking met onze nabuurlanden tegengaan van drugtoerisme. De ingrijpende herstructurering van de krijgsmacht, die een gevolg is van de grote internationale veranderingen, verloopt bevredigend. De personele omvang wordt in overeenstemming met de plannen verminderd, de laatste dienstplichtigen hebben de krijgsmacht vervroegd kunnen verlaten en er melden zich voldoende vrijwilligers. Mede dankzij vele doelmatigheidsmaatregelen groeit ook de samenwerking tusen de krijgsmachtdelen onderling. In de samenwerkingsrelatie met de Caraïbische delen van het Koninkrijk vragen de financiële sanering en de sociale situatie in de Nederlandse Antillen alsmede de rechtshandhaving op Aruba bijzondere aandacht. Nederland ondersteunt de uitvoering van het Antilliaanse saneringsbeleid. Om de sociale gevolgen van de financiële gezondmaking te verzachten, zal een belangrijke bijdrage worden geleverd aan de uitvoering van het noodprogramma. De relatieve rust en welvaart waarin wij in ons land leven, steekt scherp af bij oorlog, armoede en instabiliteit in sommige andere delen van de wereld. Zoals wij het fundament willen versterken voor onze eigen toekomst, zo weten wij ons ook verantwoordelijk voor het leveren van bijdragen aan vrede en economische en sociale ontwikkeling elders. Ongeveer 2.200 Nederlandse militairen nemen op dit ogenblik deel aan vredesoperaties in diverse landen, met name in Bosnië. Zij dragen daar bij aan de bestendiging van de nog broze vrede. De internationale gemeenschap behoort alles te doen wat in haar vermogen ligt om het proces van wederopbouw te ondersteunen. De samenwerking tussen Europa en de Verenigde Staten blijft in meerdere opzichten van grote betekenis. Het Atlantisch Bondgenootschap is een onmisbare schakel in ons veiligheidsbeleid. Om vrede en stabiliteit te bevorderen, zowel op ons continent als in andere delen van de wereld, komt aan de Verenigde Naties een belangrijke verantwoordelijkheid toe. Europa en de Verenigde Staten zullen zich, samen met andere landen, moeten inspannen om de Verenigde Naties te versterken en te hervormen, zodat de vredesbevorderende functie beter kan worden vervuld. Eensgezind optreden bleek de voorwaarden te scheppen voor het vredesakkoord van Dayton. Het is gewenst dat handelsfricties tussen de Europese Unie en de Verenigde Staten beheersbaar blijven. Samen met andere delen van de wereld, waaronder Azië, dient te worden gewerkt aan een open wereldhandelssysteem. De economische en sociale vooruitgang in de wereld is daarbij gebaat. Zonder voortgang in het vredesproces in het Midden-Oosten hebben de verschillende volkeren daar niet de kans om oorlog en dreiging achter zich te laten en te bouwen aan de toekomst van nieuwe generaties. De regering zal zich met de Europese partners blijven inzetten voor vrede op basis van de eerder gesloten akkoorden. Nederland voelt zich verbonden met de bevolking van Suriname. De regering spreekt de hoop uit dat ook in de toekomst goede mogelijkheden voor samenwerking kunnen blijven bestaan. De vele contacten op regeringsniveau die in de afgelopen tijd met onze Benelux-partners, Duitsland, Frankrijk en het Verenigd Koninkrijk zijn ontwikkeld, tonen het belang aan dat wederzijds wordt gehecht aan goed nabuurschap. Dit kan tevens bijdragen aan een versterking van de Europese Unie. De wereld telt nog steeds meer dan een miljard mensen die in absolute armoede leven. Armoede, milieudegradatie en geweld versterken elkaar in een neergaande spiraal. In 1997 zal ons land daarom 20 procent van de uitgaven voor ontwikkelingssamenwerking besteden aan hulp voor basisvoorzieningen, zoals gezondheidszorg, drinkwater en onderwijs. Voorts is een belangrijke plaats gereserveerd voor internationaal natuur-, milieu- en klimaatbeleid, met name gericht op het behoud van het tropisch bos. Ook de culturele samenwerking met ontwikkelingslanden krijgt een extra stimulans. De regering zal zich actief blijven inzetten voor democratisering en een betere naleving van de universele rechten van de mens, zowel bilateraal als via de Europese Unie. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Volgend jaar is het een halve eeuw geleden dat met de aankondiging van het Marshallplan de kiem werd gelegd voor Europese samenwerking. Door prioriteit te geven aan wederopbouw werd het toen mogelijk ons beproefde land op te stuwen naar een hoog peil van welvaart. Nederland staat ook na de eeuwwisseling voor zware opgaven. Met het herstel van onze economie, waaraan door zo velen is bijgedragen, is de basis gelegd voor de opbouw van een harmonieuze samenleving. Laten we inspiratie putten uit de naoorlogse ervaring en opnieuw investeren in de toekomst. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. Veel landen in de wereld bevinden zich in een fase van dynamische vernieuwing en economische expansie. Nederland wordt uitgedaagd daarbij niet achter te blijven. Om de bevolking voldoende perspectief te kunnen bieden op welzijn, werk en welvaart zijn versterking van onze concurrentiekracht, vergroting van de arbeidsdeelname en voortgaande sanering van de overheidsfinancien noodzakelijk. Actieve participatie is speerpunt van beleid. De regering wil burgers in staat stellen zich te ontplooien en hen aanmoedigen een actieve bijdrage te leveren aan het maatschappelijk, cultureel en economisch leven. De capaciteiten van alle mensen behoren in onze samenleving tot hun recht te komen. De vernieuwing van het sociaal stelsel gericht op het beter inschakelen van mensen in het arbeidsproces begint vruchten af te werpen. Mede als gevolg van de hogere economische groei en het beleid van overheid en sociale partners zullen er in 1996 ongeveer 100.000 banen bijkomen. Voor het eerst in tientallen jaren daalt het aantal mensen beneden de 65 jaar dat afhankelijk is van een uitkering. Hierdoor ontstaat financiele ruimte voor de noodzakelijke lastenverlichting, vooral aan de onderkant van de arbeidsmarkt. Zo wordt het voor werkgevers aantrekkelijker mensen met weinig opleiding of werkervaring in dienst te nemen. Dankzij de forse toename van de werkgelegenheid is de koppeling van de uitkeringen en de AOW-pensioenen aan de contractlonen volgend jaar weer verantwoord. Een beheerste ontwikkeling van de inkomens blijft nodig om in de toekomst voldoende werkgelegenheid te scheppen en het draagvlak voor een solide en rechtvaardig sociaal stelsel te versterken. Een bijzondere inspanning is vereist om langdurig werklozen nieuwe kansen te bieden. Aan initiatieven van gemeenten en instellingen zal ruim baan worden gegeven. De regering doet een beroep op sociale partners om zo veel mogelijk werkzoekenden in te schakelen. De sanering van de overheidsfinanciën wordt gestaag voortgezet. Zowel in 1995 als in 1996 zal het financieringstekort dalen. Ook de druk van belastingen en premies zal in beide jaren verder afnemen. Het beheerste uitgavenbeleid maakt het mogelijk om de in het regeerakkoord overeengekomen beleidsintensiveringen te realiseren en bovendien voor volgend jaar extra middelen vrij te maken voor veiligheid, sociale integratie, milieu en infrastructuur. Door het open karakter van onze economie maakt Nederland een goed gebruik van de gunstige internationale conjunctuur. Daartegenover staat dat ons land ook kwetsbaar is voor invloeden van buitenaf. Nieuwe impulsen zijn daarom nodig om de dynamiek en het aanpassingsvermogen van onze economie te vergroten. Nederland zal zo beter kunnen voldoen aan de eisen die de internationale integratie en globalisering stellen. Een hierop gericht omvangrijk pakket maatregelen geeft extra aandacht aan het midden- en kleinbedrijf, aan startende ondernemers en aan de agrarische bedrijfstak, die al zozeer voor zware inspanningen staat. Om de structuur van de tuinbouw te versterken zal de regering medewerking verlenen aan het opstellen van een plan van actie. Meer marktwerking en minder regulering zijn onontbeerlijk. Een eerste reeks voorstellen, waaronder het wetsontwerp voor de openingstijden van winkels, is onlangs aan u voorgelegd. Voor de versterking van onze economie is een moderne infrastructuur vereist. Eerder dit jaar zijn belangrijke beslissingen genomen die nu tot uitvoering worden gebracht. De voorbereidingen voor de aansluiting van ons land op het Europese net van hogesnelheidslijnen zijn in volle gang. Met voorrang is de versterking van de rivierdijken ter hand genomen. Nieuwe technologieën en vooral de informatietechnologie zijn van grote betekenis. Nederland moet ook hier de ambitie hebben aansluiting te houden bij de meest geavanceerde landen. De totstandkoming van de elektronische snelweg wordt bevorderd. Daartoe zal de regering particuliere en publieke investeringen stimuleren. Bij een gezond economisch draagvlak past een verantwoord evenwicht tussen economie en milieu. De belasting van het milieu als gevolg van de economische groei moet zoveel mogelijk worden beperkt. Voor het eerst wordt u een Milieubalans aangeboden. Daaruit blijkt dat we erin geslaagd zijn om de uitstoot van de meeste schadelijke stoffen in de laatste tien jaar minder te doen toenemen dan op grond van de groei van de economie moest worden verwacht. Dat is positief. Zorgelijk is de omvang van de mondiale CO2-emissie. Ook in Nederland is deze groter dan eerder in de streefcijfers werd beoogd. Dit vraagt in de eerste plaats om een internationale aanpak, waaraan Nederland, ook financieel, actief zal meewerken. Daarnaast kunnen nationale maatregelen niet worden gemist. De op 1 januari aanstaande in te voeren energieheffing dient in dit licht te worden beoordeeld. Binnenkort zal de regering voorstellen doen om het mestoverschot te verminderen. Daarbij staat haar voor ogen de belangen van het boerenbedrijf en van een goed milieu zo verantwoord mogelijk met elkaar in harmonie te brengen. Ook andere terreinen vragen om goed doordachte en tijdig te nemen maatregelen. Zoals in het regeerakkoord staat aangegeven, zal in de komende periode worden verkend aan welke eisen een houdbaar en betaalbaar sociaal stelsel op lange termijn dient te voldoen. Ook de financiering van de AOW als veilige oudedagsvoorziening voor iedereen zal daarbij aan de orde komen. Een samenleving die participatie centraal stelt, vraagt om een betere verdeling van betaalde en onbetaalde arbeid en om meer economische zelfstandigheid van vrouwen. Jongeren geven vorm aan de toekomst. De wijze waarop zij opgroeien en zich kunnen ontplooien, is bepalend voor de samenleving van morgen. Goede onderwijsmogelijkheden waarin zij hun talenten kunnen ontwikkelen, zijn daarom essentieel. Basisscholen zullen ruimere mogelijkheden krijgen om kinderen die speciale zorg nodig hebben, binnen de eigen school op te vangen. Extra investeringen in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs zijn nodig om meer jongeren voor te bereiden op het arbeidsproces. Aan werkgevers die leerovereenkomsten afsluiten, wordt een fiscaal voordeel toegekend. Het leerlingwezen is immers voor veel jongeren een goede combinatie van scholing en werkervaring. In het hoger onderwijs worden ingrijpende maatregelen voorgesteld, zowel met betrekking tot de inhoud van het onderwijs als tot de bestuursstructuur. Toegankelijkheid tot universiteit en hoger beroepsonderwijs, maatwerk en kwaliteit staan centraal. De zorgsector levert kwalitatief goede prestaties. Met de inzet van allen kan dat in de toekomst zo blijven, ook als door de vergrijzing van de bevolking meer van deze sector wordt gevraagd. Noodzakelijke zorg moet voor iedereen bereikbaar en betaalbaar blijven. Voor de toekomstige financiering zal daarom een solide basis worden gelegd. De regering stelt een aantal kostenbesparende maatregelen voor, waaronder een Prijzenwet geneesmiddelen. Aldus ontstaat er ook ruimte voor nieuw beleid. De regering bereidt besluiten voor om het beroep op de medische zorg op verantwoorde wijze te beperken. Op 1 januari aanstaande zal een aantal verstrekkingen, waaronder geneesmiddelen, worden overgebracht van de AWBZ naar het ziekenfonds en de particuliere ziektekostenverzekering. De regering zal voorstellen de bejaardenoorden met ingang van 1997 naar de AWBZ over te brengen onder gelijktijdige afschaffing van de vermogenstoets. De kwaliteit van de zorgverlening voor gehandicapten, chronisch zieken en ouderen zal verder moeten verbeteren. Het persoonsgebonden budget zal hen beter in staat stellen zich naar eigen inzicht van de nodige zorg te voorzien. Veel ouderen willen actief deel blijven uitmaken van de samenleving. Zij moeten zo lang mogelijk thuis kunnen blijven wonen. De regering steunt hen in deze wens tot zelfstandigheid. Onze samenleving wordt gevormd door mensen afkomstig uit verschillende culturen. Nieuw is dat niet. Door de eeuwen heen hebben velen in Nederland een thuis kunnen vinden. Het multiculturele karakter van onze samenleving is in menig opzicht verrijkend. Veel leden van etnische minderheden hebben thans echter te weinig uitzicht op werk en op volwaardige deelname aan onze maatschappij. Overigens bevinden ook veel autochtone Nederlanders zich in een vergelijkbaar zwakke sociaal-economische positie. De regering doet een beroep op burgers, bedrijven, andere overheden en maatschappelijke organisaties om gezamenlijk de sociale uitsluiting en stille armoede in onze samenleving eensgezind en met kracht aan te pakken. De noodzakelijke cohesie staat immers op het spel indien grote aantallen mensen zich buitengesloten voelen. De regering wil in dit verband meer aandacht schenken aan de problematiek in de grote steden. De steden zijn niet alleen een bakermat van nieuwe economische impulsen en technologische ontwikkelingen, maar kennen ook een opeenhoping van sociale en maatschappelijke problemen. Via decentralisatie en deregulering worden de gemeenten in staat gesteld slagvaardiger te opereren. Op deze wijze kunnen zij beter inspelen op specifieke omstandigheden en mogelijkheden. De vorming van stadsprovincies heeft na de uitslag van de referenda in Amsterdam en Rotterdam vertraging opgelopen. Naar het oordeel van de regering blijft een versterking van de positie van gemeenten en provincies noodzakelijk, in het bijzonder in de stedelijke gebieden. De burger moet zich veilig kunnen voelen. Veiligheid is een voorwaarde voor deelname aan het maatschappelijk leven. Preventie en bestrijding van criminaliteit maken een actieve samenwerking tussen de regering en de betrokken instanties dringend noodzakelijk. Voor de rechtshandhaving en veiligheid worden extra middelen beschikbaar gesteld. De activiteiten van de georganiseerde misdaad, in het bijzonder de drughandel en het witwassen van zwart geld, zijn ontwrichtend voor onze samenleving. De strijd tegen de zware criminaliteit vergt onverminderde inzet van veel capaciteit en specifieke deskundigheid bij Politie en Openbaar Ministerie. De drugproblematiek baart ook in Nederland zorgen. Beperking van de schade voor de gezondheid staat in ons drugbeleid voorop. De feiten laten zien dat de resultaten van dit beleid de internationale vergelijking zeker kunnen doorstaan. De met de drughandel gepaard gaande criminaliteit en overlast voor de burger, en de uitzichtloze situatie van vele verslaafden vragen van de samenleving en de overheid echter grotere inspanningen. De politieke verhoudingen in de wereld zijn fundamenteel veranderd. Bij de oprichting van de Verenigde Naties, vijftig jaar geleden, stond internationale samenwerking voorop, met het doel de mensheid te vrijwaren van geweld en armoede. Die idealen zijn nog lang niet verwezenlijkt. Wel is veel gedaan om conflicten te beheersen en om weerloze mensen te behoeden voor nog meer rampspoed. Op deze weg moet worden voortgegaan. De dramatische gebeurtenissen in Afrika en in het voormalige Joegoslavië tonen hoe beperkt nog steeds de mogelijkheden voor de Verenigde Naties zijn. De frustraties die daarmee gepaard gaan, mogen ons niet weerhouden ons internationaal medeverantwoordelijk te blijven voelen en daarnaar te handelen. De inspanningen van militairen en burgers die onder moeilijke omstandigheden vredestaken verrichten en humanitaire hulp verlenen, verdienen grote waardering. Nederland zal zich inspannen om samen met andere landen noodzakelijke hervormingen van de Verenigde Naties voor te bereiden en de instrumenten voor het handhaven van de internationale rechtsorde te verbeteren. Verschillende ontwikkelingslanden hebben de aansluiting bij de wereldmarkt gevonden en groeien uit tot handelspartners van gewicht. Het aantal armen in de wereld neemt echter nog steeds toe. Een substantiële en effectieve ontwikkelingssamenwerking blijft dan ook geboden. De regering wil met een herijking van het buitenlands beleid beter kunnen inspelen op de zich snel wijzigende internationale verhoudingen. Meer dan voorheen bestaat er behoefte aan tijdige afstemming van de verschillende facetten van het beleid. Een gecoördineerd optreden op velerlei terreinen is een vereiste om de rol van Nederland in de dynamiek van het wereldgebeuren te versterken. Met de daartoe noodzakelijke reorganisatie van de ministeries zal dit jaar worden begonnen. Het proces van Europese integratie zal nieuwe impulsen moeten krijgen in de herzieningsconferentie van het Verdrag van Maastricht. Europa zal slagvaardiger, democratischer en voor de burgers doorzichtiger moeten worden. Meer dan ooit is er ook behoefte aan hechte samenwerking ter bestrijding van werkloosheid, milieuvervuiling en internationaal georganiseerde criminaliteit. Een Europees beleid waarin een evenwichtige verdeling van de opvang van asielzoekers centraal staat, is dringend gewenst. Participatie, structuurversterking en vergroting van de concurrentiekracht zijn ook trefwoorden voor het Europa van de toekomst. Nederland zal daaraan naar vermogen bijdragen. Met al het werk voor Europa dat ons de komende jaren te wachten staat, mogen wij de bijzondere waarde van de transatlantische band niet uit het oog verliezen. De bijdrage van ons land aan vrede en veiligheid wordt verzekerd door een verantwoorde uitvoering van de Prioriteitennota. Als gevolg van de herstructurering van de krijgsmacht zullen vanaf april volgend jaar geen nieuwe dienstplichtigen meer opkomen. Vanaf 1 januari 1997 zal de krijgsmacht geheel uit vrijwilligers bestaan. Nu Aruba, de Nederlandse Antillen en Nederland hebben besloten het Koninkrijksverband te handhaven, zullen in het belang van de onderlinge relatie en samenwerking de statutaire verhoudingen moeten worden gemoderniseerd. De tragische gevolgen van de natuurramp die de Bovenwindse Eilanden heeft getroffen, hebben ook in Nederland diepe indruk gemaakt. Het noodzakelijke herstel zal in Koninkrijksverband gezamenlijk ter hand worden genomen. Aan Nederlandse zijde bestaat ten volle de bereidheid bij te dragen aan inspanningen gericht op handhaving van de democratische rechtsorde, sanering van de openbare financiën en de bestuurlijke, economische en culturele ontwikkeling van de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Naast het positieve dat in achterliggende decennia is bereikt en waarvoor wij dankbaar mogen zijn, valt er in menig opzicht nog veel te verbeteren. U staat in het komende parlementaire jaar voor zware opgaven. Van harte spreek ik de wens uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken met toewijding en grote inzet zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. Vijftig jaar geleden werden de eerste steden en dorpen van ons land bevrijd. De wereldoorlog liep ten einde. Voor velen moest de zwaarste beproeving, de hongerwinter, echter nog komen en het zou nog lange tijd duren voordat het toenmalige Nederlands-Indië werd bevrijd. In vele herdenkingen wordt nu stilgestaan hij die moeilijke jaren. Herdenken is herinneren, maar ook inspiratie putten en lering trekken voor het heden en de toekomst. Werken aan duurzame vrede, aan samenwerking binnen en buiten de landsgrenzen, dat moet onze opdracht zijn. Voormalige tegenstanders kwamen na de Tweede Wereldoorlog tot elkaar in internationale organisaties; zo ontstonden er nieuwe structuren. In West-Europa namen zes landen het initiatief tot economische integratie. De Europese Unie van thans twaalf landen hoopt op 1 januari aanstaande vier nieuwe leden te verwelkomen. De regering hecht grote waarde aan de belangstelling die nieuwe democratieën in Centraal- en Oost-Europa hebben getoond voor het lidmaatschap. Verdere uitbreiding van de Europese Unie zal hand in hand dienen te gaan met institutionele hervormingen die de besluitvaardigheid waarborgen. Versterking van de parlementaire democratie is daarbij een belangrijk element. Sinds de Tweede Wereldoorlog is in ons land een indrukwekkende verhoging van het levenspeil tot stand gebracht. De ervaring leert ons dat de verworvenheden die daarmee verband houden niet onaantastbaar zijn. Daarom kiest de regering voor versterking van het draagvlak voor duurzame werkgelegenheid. Meer mensen aan de slag, dat is het devies. Deze doelstelling wordt langs een drietal wegen nagestreefd: - een vertrouwenwekkend macro-economisch beleid, gericht op beheersing van de staatsschuld en de inflatie en op verlaging van de arbeidskosten; - een beleid dat economische dynamiek, ondernemen, investeren en innoveren aanmoedigt, waardoor de concurrentiepositie wordt versterkt en de vraag naar arbeid toeneemt; - het stimuleren van arbeidsdeelname en een geringere afhankelijkheid van uitkeringen onder handhaving van de sociale bescherming voor hen die daarop zijn aangewezen. De ontwerp-begroting die u heden wordt aangeboden, draagt het karakter van soberheid en modernisering. Er is een beduidende daling van de collectieve lastendruk voorzien en de basis wordt gelegd voor een vermindering van het financieringstekort in de komende jaren. De zorgwekkende verhouding tussen de aantallen inactieven en actieven maakt het onontkoombaar dat volgend jaar wordt afgezien van koppeling van minimumloon en uitkeringen aan de loonontwikkeling. Met flankerende maatregelen wil de regering eraan bijdragen dat er toch een redelijk evenwichtig inkomensbeeld ontstaat. Daartoe dienen onder meer de invoering van een inkomensafhankelijke belastingaftrek voor ouderen en maatregelen in de sfeer van de individuele huursubsidie, in het bijzonder voor gezinnen met kinderen. Het belastingtarief voor de eerste schijf in de loon- en inkomstenbelasting zal ter ondersteuning van een gematigde loononwikkeling worden verlaagd. Door de invoering van een franchise in de premie Ziekenfondswet worden de werkgeverslasten voor laagbetaalde arbeid verminderd. De modernisering van het sociale stelsel wordt voortgezet. Om op langere termijn de zekerheid te kunnen blijven bieden van een gegarandeerd basispensioen en om solidaire regelingen bij arbeidsongeschiktheid en werkloosheid in stand te houden, is een kritische toets van het bestaande stelsel nu geboden. De regering doet voorstellen in het kader van de kinderbijslag, waarbij een zwaarder beroep wordt gedaan op de eigen verantwoordelijkheid van ouders. De toegang tot de Werkloosheidswet zal worden beperkt, terwijl de duur van de vervolguitkering wordt verlengd. Voorbereidingen worden getroffen om de nabestaandenwetgeving te wijzigen. Hierbij wordt rekening gehouden met de wenselijkheid van een overgangsregeling. Na jaren van onafgebroken stijging van het beroep op uitkeringen bij ziekte en arbeidsongeschiktheid doet zich gelukkig nu een keer ten goede voor. Om verdere verbetering mogelijk te maken zal worden voortgegaan op de weg van privatisering van de Ziektewet. In de Wet op de Arbeidsongeschiktheidsverzekering zal concurrentie in de uitvoering worden toegelaten, waarbij de overheid verantwoordelijk blijft voor de polisvoorwaarden. De uitwerking zal zodanig vorm worden gegeven dat een solide draagvlak voor sociale zekerheid voor alle burgers in stand blijft, met solidariteit als kenmerk. De regering is zich ervan bewust dat haar voornemens gevoelige aanpassingen bevatten. Daar staat een lastenverlichting van ruim 4 miljard gulden voor burgers en bedrijven tegenover. Voorts komt in 1995 voor het eerst sinds jaren weer enige verbetering in zicht in de verhouding tussen aantallen inactieven en actieven. Versterking van onze economie vraagt om een offensief beleid. En in de industrie en in het midden- en kleinbedrijf dient meer te worden geïnvesteerd in de ontwikkeling en de toepassing van kennis en technologie. Daartoe zullen bedrijven nauwer worden betrokken bij het stellen van prioriteiten voor het onderzoek dat door de overheid wordt bekostigd. Ook zal worden voortgegaan met het ontwikkelen van top-instituten op enkele veelbelovende technologiegebieden. Aan het beroepsonderwijs zullen ruimere mogelijkheden worden geboden om beter aan te sluiten bij de praktijk. Eind 1994 zal u een nationaal actieplan bereiken, gericht op proefprojecten van overheid en bedrijfsleven op het terrein van zogenoemde elektronische snelwegen. De slagvaardigheid van bedrijven kan worden vergroot door te zorgen voor minder lasten, minder regels en beter werkende markten. Binnen zes maanden zult u een plan van aanpak ontvangen voor deregulering en versterking van de marktwerking. Vermindering van administratieve lasten zal daarvan deel uitmaken. Knellende bepalingen van de Winkelsluitingswet worden op korte termijn weggenomen. Begin 1995 zullen u voorstellen bereiken ter aanmoediging van startende ondernemers. Naast werkgelegenheid in de marktsector is er behoefte aan betere dienstverlening in de publieke sector. Volgend jaar zullen ten minste 2500 extra banen worden geschapen in de zorgsector en eveneens 2500 banen in de veiligheid en het openbaar toezicht. Deze maatregelen zullen nieuw perspectief bieden aan langdurig werklozen. Aldus wordt een begin gemaakt met de toepassing van de sociale norm die erop is gericht de langdurige werkloosheid stelselmatig terug te dringen. De regering zal nagaan op welke wijze de flexibiliteit van arbeidspatronen kan worden vergroot, mede gelet op individuele behoeften met betrekking tot betaalde arbeid, zorgtaken, studie en vrije tijd. Voor duurzame versterking van de economie en van de werkgelegenheid is de medewerking van de sociale partners belangrijk. Met hen wil de regering op korte termijn overleggen over de vraag hoe de beoogde effecten bereikt kunnen worden. Versterking van de economie kan niet zonder een goed milieubeleid. In ons dagelijks handelen wordt aandacht voor het milieu steeds belangrijker. Mede dankzij de inzet van de burgers komen het preventiebeleid op het gebied van afval en het gescheiden inzamelen steeds beter van de grond. Hoewel de C02-uitstoot zich voor het eerst sedert lange tijd lijkt te stabiliseren, zijn er verdere verbeteringen op dat terrein noodzakelijk. Ook het oplossen van de mestproblematiek en het beheersen van de mobiliteit vragen om voortgaande inspanningen. De regering zet zich met kracht in voor het bereiken van overeenstemming over een energieheffing op Europees niveau. Mocht dit voorlopig niet mogelijk blijken, dan zal in 1995 de invoering van een kleinverbruikersheffing worden voorbereid. De heffing zal een bijdrage moeten leveren aan het bereiken van de vastgestelde milieudoelen. Behoud en verbetering van het milieu vereisen ook een mondiale aanpak. De regering zal daarom een actief internationaal milieubeleid voeren. De Europese integratie is op weinig terreinen zo direct merkbaar als in de land- en tuinbouw. De agrarische sector staat voor de uitdaging zijn grote bijdrage aan de nationale economie te blijven leveren en deze tegelijkertijd in evenwicht te brengen met de belangen van natuur, milieu, landschap en het welzijn van dieren. Voor een vitaal, aantrekkelijk en leefbaar platteland zal de komende jaren een actief vernieuwingsbeleid worden ontwikkeld. De realisering van een duurzame economische hoofdstructuur past daarin. De overheid zal, door middel van lagere lasten en het wegnemen van belemmerende regels, voorwaarden scheppen om de concurrentiekracht van de land- en tuinbouw te behouden. Het totstandbrengen van de noodzakelijke aanpassingen aan markt en milieu is ook een taak van de sector zelf. De afgelopen vijftig jaar hebben geleerd dat boeren en tuinders daartoe over de slagkracht en inventiviteit beschikken, alsook bereid zijn te investeren. Begin 1995 zal aan de Tweede Kamer de nota "Ruimtelijk-economisch beleid voor de periode 1995-1999" worden voorgelegd. Uitgangspunt is dat regio's niet geïsoleerd, maar in onderling verband en in samenhang met de internationale omgeving worden beschouwd. De groeiende behoefte aan woningbouwlocaties maakt het nodig zorgvuldig om te gaan met de belangen van natuur, landschap en recreatie. De noodzakelijke investeringen vragen om een forse inspanning van de betrokken overheden en de marktsector. Het leefbaar houden van het stedelijk gebied verdient bijzondere aandacht. [nieuwe alinea?] Voor de versterking van onze Nederlandse concurrentiepositie is een samenhangend en duurzaam vervoersbeleid een vereiste. Centraal staan de investeringsplannen voor de mainports Rijnmond en Schiphol, de achterlandverbindingen, de grote stadsgewesten en de stedelijke knooppunten. De procedure voor de planologisch kernbeslissing betreffende de Hogesnelheidslijn is thans in de inspraakfase. Het definitieve regeringsstandpunt zal u in het voorjaar van 1995 bereiken. Aan het begin van dat jaar zal de regering ook klaarheid scheppen over haar voornemens omtrent de Betuwelijn. Een intensieve internationale samenwerking in Europees verband, gericht op de aansluiting op transeuropese netwerken, is van groot belang. Het overheidsbeleid inzake de gezondheidszorg en de zorg voor chronisch zieken stelt de patiënt voorop. Om essentiële gezondheidszorg voor iedereen toegankelijk te houden is het nodig de ontwikkeling van volume en kosten strak te beheersen. Doelmatigheid en soberheid zijn geboden, zowel bij aanbieders als bij vragers van zorg. Wat noodzakelijke zorg is, zal op basis van de adviezen van de commissie-Dunning en van de Gezondheidsraad worden beantwoord. Concrete maatregelen met betrekking tot het verzekeringspakket zullen daarop volgen. De regering zal u nog dit najaar een integraal plan voor volume- en kostenbeheersing aanbieden, met het daarvoor benodigde wetgevend kader. Uitvoering van de aanbevelingen van de commissie-Biesheuvel met betrekking tot de positie van de huisarts, de medisch specialist en het ziekenhuis krijgt daarin een plaats. Het nemen van eigen verantwoordelijkheid door gebruikers zal worden gestimuleerd. De Algemene Wet Bijzondere Ziektekosten wordt beperkt tot een voorziening voor onverzekerbare risico's en langdurige zorg. In het ziekenfonds en de particuliere verzekering komt een scherper gedefinieerd basispakket van noodzakelijke zorg tot stand. Er wordt gewerkt aan het dichter bij elkaar brengen van particuliere ziektekostenverzekering en ziekenfondsverzekering. De veranderingen zullen stapsgewijs plaatsvinden. Op het terrein van medische ethiek zal verder worden gewerkt aan noodzakelijke wet- en regelgeving. De regering hoopt dat de behandeling van het wetsvoorstel orgaandonatie en het wetsvoorstel medische experimenten dit parlementaire jaar kan worden afgerond. Ook in het welzijnsbeleid staat de cliënt centraal. Zowel voor jongeren en gehandicapten als voor ouderen zal zorgverlening worden gestimuleerd die meer aansluit bij de eigen mogelijkheden van een ieder in de thuissituatie. De emancipatie en participatie van ouderen wordt krachtig ondersteund; leeftijdsdiscriminatie wordt bestreden. De regering brengt het komend jaar een actieprogramma voor integraal ouderenbeleid uit. De voorgenomen bezuinigingen op de bejaardenoorden worden geschrapt. De regering zet zich in voor een veiliger samenleving met een hoog niveau van rechtshandhaving. Een integrale benadering van het veiligheidsbeleid is daartoe noodzakelijk. De politie vervult een spilfunctie, zowel bij de veiligheid op straat als bij de bestrijding van de georganiseerde misdaad. De politie en de rechterlijke organisatie worden versterkt. Voor het einde van het jaar zult u concrete voornemens hieromtrent ontvangen. In oktober zal de regering haar plannen presenteren voor een krachtiger aanpak van de georganiseerde misdaad. Naast en in aanvulling op de bestaande kernteams wordt een landelijk rechercheteam opgericht. Dit team zal onder meer onderzoeken verrichten naar aanleiding van meldingen inzake ongebruikelijke transacties. Financieel-economische opsporingsmethoden staan hierbij centraal. Onveiligheid op straat wordt voor een groot gedeelte veroorzaakt door jongerencriminaliteit. Voorstellen voor de aanpak hiervan worden u begin 1995 aangeboden. Ook hier gaat het om een integrale benadering waarbij lokale overheden, jeugdhulpverlening, politie en justitie nauw zullen samenwerken. Het geven van perspectief aan de jeugd is van blijvend belang voor de vitaliteit van de samenleving. Op het terrein van de jeugdhulpverlening worden de voorgenomen bezuinigingen geschrapt. Verslavingshulp en bestrijding van drugsoverlast krijgen meer aandacht. Onstabiele internationale verhoudingen, onlusten en economische tegenstellingen blijven invloed uitoefenen op migratiestromen. Zorgvuldigheid en effectiviteit bij de behandeling van aanvragen van asielzoekers en vluchtelingen zullen hand in hand gaan. De inspanningen zullen voorts gericht zijn op het totstandbrengen van een Europees asielbeleid. Nederland is een multicultureel land geworden. Veel allochtonen blijken vrij snel in de Nederlandse maatschappij in te burgeren. Niettemin zijn er grote aanpassingsproblemen en is de werkloosheid onder minderheden onevenredig hoog. De regering zal daarom gerichte scholings- en werkgelegenheidsmaatregelen treffen. Met mensen die zich nieuw in Nederland vestigen zullen contracten worden gesloten waarin de wederzijdse verantwoordelijkheden worden vastgelegd. Zo kunnen nieuwkomers zo spoedig mogelijk volwaardige leden van onze maatschappij worden. De regering wil het bestuur dichter bij de burger brengen. Taken van het Rijk zullen worden overgeheveld naar de mede-overheden om de gezamenlijke beleidsdoelstellingen beter te realiseren. In de regio's Rotterdam, Amsterdam en Den Haag worden besturen ingesteld die slagvaardig en democratisch kunnen functioneren. De grote steden trekken hoogwaardige werkgelegenheid aan en ontwikkelen zich tot gevarieerde centra voor cultuur en wetenschap. Aan de andere kant zorgen juist daar langdurige werkloosheid en een hoge criminaliteit voor ernstige problemen. Hieraan zal gericht aandacht worden gegeven teneinde de ontwikkelingskansen voor de grote steden te versterken. Het openbaar bestuur is er voor de bevolking. De regering wil dat de burgers hun stem beter kunnen laten horen en hun invloed beter kunnen laten gelden. Een ministeriële commissie staatkundige vernieuwing zal voorstellen doen. Voor het cultuurbeleid, dat nu met onderwijs en wetenschappen in één ministerie is samengevoegd, is 1995 een jaar van uitvoering. Het is ook een jaar van voorbereiding van de hoofdlijnen voor de komende tijd. Voor een beperkte groep veelbelovende kunstenaars zal een nieuwe regeling worden getroffen die het hun mogelijk maakt om een aantal jaren te werken aan de opbouw van een renderende beroepspraktijk. Goed onderwijs staat of valt met de kwaliteit van de leraar. Vanaf 1995 komen daarom extra middelen beschikbaar om de voorstellen van de commissie toekomst leraarschap uit te voeren. Om de creativiteit van de onderwijsgevenden te stimuleren zullen scholen bij de uitvoering van primaire onderwijstaken een meer autonome rol krijgen. Ouders krijgen een grotere invloed op het beleid van het schoolbestuur. Meer aandacht zal worden besteed aan diversiteit in het voortgezet onderwijs, zowel ten behoeve van hoogbegaafde leerlingen als voor leerlingen die het voortgezet speciaal onderwijs volgen. De gemeentelijke rol wordt versterkt door de huisvesting en de schoolbegeleidingsdiensten te decentraliseren en het achterstandsbeleid door hen te laten coördineren. Voor het voortgezet en hoger onderwijs zal verder gestalte worden gegeven aan een goede afstemming met onze buurlanden en worden internationale contacten gestimuleerd. De huidige uniforme structuur van het hoger onderwijs doet onvoldoende recht aan de veranderde maatschappelijke eisen. De regering streeft daarom een stelselwijziging na met een grotere variëteit in opleidingen en een gemiddeld kortere verblijfsduur van studenten in het hoger onderwijs. In het komende jaar zal in open overleg met de betrokkenen over de vormgeving en uitvoering hiervan worden gesproken. De wijzigingen, op termijn, in het stelsel van hoger onderwijs zullen ook gevolgen hebben voor de studiefinanciering. Maar ook los daarvan zijn er nu al maatregelen met betrekking tot de studiefinanciering nodig. Aan nieuwe studenten in het hoger onderwijs wordt een prestatiebeurs verstrekt voor een periode die gelijk is aan de cursusduur. In de ontwikkeling van de hedendaagse samenleving spelen sport en actieve recreatie een steeds belangrijker rol. Niet alleen voor de ontwikkeling van de jeugd, maar ook voor de vitaliteit van hen die ouder worden, voor mensen met een handicap en voor de verschillende maatschappelijke integratieprocessen in ons land blijkt de sport van steeds wezenlijker belang. De samenwerking tussen de drie landen van het Koninkrijk is gebaseerd op wederzijds respect. Een evenwichtige ontwikkeling van de Nederlands-Antilliaanse en Arubaanse samenlevingen is een doelstelling waaraan Nederland met overtuiging wil bijdragen. Goed openbaar bestuur, rechtshandhaving, gezond financieel beleid en onderwijs zijn daarbij aandachtspunten. De viering op 15 december aanstaande van veertig jaar autonomie, belichaamd in het Statuut voor het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, zal passende aandacht krijgen. In overleg met de koninkrijkspartners zullen nieuwe staatkundige verhoudingen hun beslag krijgen in een herzien Statuut. Naast de vrede die wij al vijftig jaar kennen, zijn er helaas nieuwe brandhaarden in de wereld. Van het zo dichtbij gelegen ex-Joegoslavië tot het verre Ruanda bereiken ons hartverscheurende beelden. De grenzen van de verschrikking blijken daarbij steeds weer te kunnen worden verlegd. De Nederlandse samenleving geeft op vele manieren uiting aan haar gevoelens van betrokkenheid. Hier moeten zeker ook veel Nederlandse burgers en militairen worden genoemd die in voormalig Joegoslavië en elders in internationaal verband actief zijn. Meer dan drieduizend Nederlandse mannen en vrouwen nemen thans deel aan vredesoperaties in vaak zeer moeilijke omstandigheden. Hun grote inzet verdient veel waardering en dank. Onze gedachten gaan uit naar hen die bij de uitoefening van hun taak blijvend letsel opliepen en in het bijzonder naar de nabestaanden van hen die omkwamen. In vijftig jaar is de wereld ingrijpend veranderd en daarmee ook onze positie in die wereld. De samenhang van internationale vraagstukken is sterker dan ooit. De regering wenst een positieve bijdrage te leveren aan het oplossen van mondiale problemen. Oude tegenstellingen tussen Noord-Zuid en Oost-West vervagen. Samenwerking en ontwikkeling moeten dus in een nieuw perspectief worden geplaatst. Een herijking van het buitenlands beleid in brede zin, met daarin ook begrepen ontwikkelingssamenwerking, economische betrekkingen, internationaal milieubeleid en defensie, is daarom noodzakelijk. De verkleining en de herstructurering van de Nederlandse krijgsmacht zijn in volle gang. De overgang naar een vrijwilligerskrijgsmacht vergt van Defensie een grote inspanning. Nog voor de behandeling van de begroting van Defensie zal de regering u inlichten over de gevolgen van de in het regeerakkoord aangekondigde bezuinigingen voor de krijgsmacht. Een verantwoorde uitvoering van de Prioriteitennota blijft hierbij de toetssteen. Binnen het grote kader van het Noordatlantische bondgenootschap kiest Nederland voor intensievere Europese defensiesamenwerking. Dit leidt in toenemende mate tot verwevenheid van onze krijgsmacht met die van de ons omringende landen. Met België wordt een geïntegreerde marinestaf gevormd. Met Duitsland wordt een gezamenlijk legerkorps opgericht. Op allerlei terreinen zijn de betrekkingen met ons grootste buurland uitgegroeid tot nauwe samenwerking. Dit symboliseert de fundamentele en onomkeerbare omslag van de politieke verhoudingen in Europa, vijftig jaar na de bevrijding. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De indrukwekkende herdenking van D-day op 6 juni van dit jaar was een uiting van respect voor de grote inzet van vele miljoenen mannen en vrouwen. Het is bemoedigend dat de bereidheid om uit het verleden lering te trekken zo breed leeft. Internationaal en nationaal is het besef van de waarde van leven in vrede en vrijheid tevens een opdracht aan ons allen om aandacht te blijven geven aan de kwaliteit van onze samenleving. Van harte spreek ik de hoop uit dat u uw verantwoordelijke taken ook in dit licht zult vervullen, in het vertrouwen dat velen met mij u wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor u bidden. Verbondenheid tussen mensen en aandacht voor het kwetsbare; in dit teken stond het leven van Koning Boudewijn, van wie wij dit jaar afscheid hebben moeten nemen. Zijn boodschap was er een van bemoediging en hoop, en zijn oproep was voor het kwetsbare op te komen. Dat sprak ons allen bijzonder aan. In de wereld om ons heen is de verbondenheid tussen mensen vaak moeilijk terug te vinden. Binnen de landen, maar ook tussen de landen, zien wij overal het gevaar van een neerwaartse spiraal van steeds minder samenwerking, en de dreiging van 'eigen volk eerst' in al haar verschijningsvormen. Wij hebben de plicht daartegen stelling te nemen, ieder naar eigen vermogen. Verbondenheid en inzet beginnen dicht bij huis. Voor het eerst sinds heel lang stijgt nu ook in Nederland de werkloosheid weer. De situatie is alarmerend. Werk staat dan ook centraal in de voorstellen die de regering vandaag aan U, volksvertegenwoordigers, en aan de samenleving voorlegt. Voor meer werk is een stevig economisch fundament nodig. De investeringen in spoorverbindingen, in wegen en vaarwegen zullen sterk opgevoerd worden. Dat zal de goede positie van Nederland als vestigingsplaats versterken. Onderzoek en ontwikkeling van nieuwe technieken zullen fiscaal gestimuleerd worden; dat bevordert groei en werk. Investeren in eigen land wordt bevorderd door een grotere ondernemingsvrijstelling in de vermogensbelasting. Maar alleen met investeren in infrastructuur en bedrijven komen wij er niet. Er moet ook meer gebeuren aan scholing, vooral voor diegenen die moeilijk aan de slag komen. Het leerlingstelsel wordt fors uitgebreid en datzelfde geldt voor werkervaringsplaatsen en banenpools voor met name oudere langdurig werklozen. Met het Jeugdwerkgarantieplan wordt ook voortgegaan. Het zal nu eveneens openstaan voor alle allochtone jongeren. Het is immers beter te werken dan een uitkering te ontvangen. Voor alle burgers staat tegenover het recht op voorzieningen de plicht zich voor werk te scholen. Investeren is nodig, scholing is nodig; maar er is meer te doen. Overheid en sociale partners mogen er niet in berusten dat zoveel mensen met weinig opleiding en werkervaring of met beperkte mogelijkheden niet aan de slag komen. Ieder moet zich inspannen, maar dan moet er ook wèl een kans op werk zijn. Voor velen is die kans er niet, zolang in tal van bedrijven en instellingen de laagste loonschaal aanzienlijk hoger ligt dan het wettelijk minimumloon. Aan de Sociaal-Economische Raad zal daarom advies gevraagd worden over de mogelijkheid te allen tijde - ongeacht het in cao's bepaalde - ook een aantal werknemers tegen het wettelijk minimumloon in dienst te nemen. Het is belangrijk dat eenvoudig werk afgesplitst wordt en dat mensen de mogelijkheid krijgen tegen het minimumloon werkervaring op te doen. Het doorbreken van de starheid van de arbeidsmarkt vraagt voorts om meer deeltijdbanen en verlenging van bedrijfstijd. Daarom is het nodig de regels voor de arbeidstijden te versoepelen. Herziening van het ontslagrecht en meer mogelijkheden voor uitzendbureaus kunnen voor ondernemingen de drempel verlagen om personeel in dienst te nemen. Het algemeen verbindend verklaren van CAO's schiet zijn doel voorbij voor zover dat het deelnemen aan betaalde arbeid schaadt. Een nadere afweging is dus geboden. Naast al deze structurele verbeteringen met het oog op meer werk, is het dringend noodzakelijk het loonkostenpeil beter in de hand te houden. Ruim een jaar geleden adviseerde de Sociaal-Economische Raad dat voortaan de lonen niet verhoogd, maar de lasten beheerst moeten worden. Dat advies is door de regering gevolgd. Nadat vervolgens onze concurrentiepositie daarenboven schade ondervond van muntontwaarding in andere Europese landen, is in 1993 in goed overleg tussen regering en sociale partners gekozen voor loonkostenmatiging. Deze kwam echter te traag op gang en bovendien nam de internationale concurrentie - ook uit Azië - verder toe. Algemene salarisverhogingen zijn daarom - na wat er in 1993 gebeurd is - volgend jaar niet verantwoord. De regering spreekt de hoop uit dat de sociale partners voor werk zullen kiezen en de noodzaak van een èchte pas op de plaats zullen onderschrijven. Zonodig zal dit bij wet geregeld moeten worden. Dit betekent niet dat salarisverbeteringen zoals periodieken en hogere betaling bij betere geschooldheid geen doorgang mogen vinden. Voor het goed functioneren van de arbeidsmarkt zijn deze juist wèl nodig. In het verlengde van de algemene inkomensmatiging zal volgend jaar de zogenaamde inflatiecorrectie niet worden toegepast, overigens op een wijze dat dit slechts effect heeft op het inkomen boven de eerste schijf. Voorgesteld wordt het arbeidskostenforfait aanzienlijk te verhogen. Zo zal voor werkenden in plaats van een algemene loonsverhoging het grotere arbeidskostenforfait ervoor zorgen dat werken meer loont. Alles bijeen is er dan sprake van enige verlaging van de loon- en inkomstenbelasting. Een deel van de hogere inkomsten uit benzine- en dieselaccijns zal hiervoor worden gebruikt. Daarnaast worden ook andere lastenverlichtende maatregelen met het oog op investeren en groei in ons land hieruit betaald. Bij dit geheel is bijzondere aandacht gegeven aan het midden- en kleinbedrijf. De benzine- en dieselaccijns zullen na de voorgenomen verhogingen in Duitsland en Nederland op ongeveer hetzelfde niveau liggen. In de afgelopen jaren is met wisselend succes begonnen aan het herijken van ons stelsel van sociale zekerheid en sociale voorzieningen. Kernpunt is steeds weer dat het beter is mensen te activeren tot werk dan hun tekort aan inkomen aan te vullen; juist om de voorzieningen in stand te houden voor hen die erop aangewezen zijn. Als vervolg op eerdere voorstellen tot wijziging van de Wet op de arbeidsongeschiktheid, de Ziektewet en de Nabestaandenwet worden nu Voorstellen gedaan voor de Werkloosheidswet en de Algemene Bijstandswet. Bij de uitvoering van de bijstand zullen de gemeenten een grotere beleidsverantwoordelijkheid krijgen, opdat uitkeringen meer op maat zullen zijn. Bovendien zullen de gemeenten fraude en oneigenlijk gebruik veel actiever gaan bestrijden. Koppeling van bestanden om gegevens te kunnen vergelijken en de toepassing van administratieve sancties zullen hieraan dienstbaar zijn. Het devies moet steeds zijn: meer werk, en bestrijding van fraude en oneigenlijk gebruik. Dat is ook de rode draad in het recent verschenen rapport van de parlementaire enquêtecommissie inzake de sociale zekerheid. Nu niet omzien met verwijten, maar aan de slag met veranderingen; die boodschap verdient waardering en vraagt om actie ter bescherming van diegenen die het echt nodig hebben. Het economisch klimaat is nog steeds guur. Toch zijn er ook bemoedigende ontwikkelingen. Ondanks de scherpe daling van de groei en van de belastingopbrengst is het tekort van de overheid teruggebracht, zij het nog niet tot het niveau dat in het regeerakkoord voor 1994 ten doel gesteld werd. De norm van 3% van het nationaal produkt die wij onszelf daarna in het Verdrag van Maastricht opgelegd hebben, moet echter over enige jaren bereikt kunnen worden. De rente, zo belangrijk voor bedrijven en voor investeringen, is sterk gedaald. Door een jarenlang volgehouden beleid van ombuigingen is Nederland financieel meer solide, al noopt de hoge staatsschuld tot voortgaande soberheid in de overheidsuitgaven. Bij de volkshuisvesting zullen overheveling van verantwoordelijkheden naar gemeenten en woningbouwcorporaties, alsmede de verbetering van financiële verhoudingen het mogelijk maken om na 1994 een punt te zetten achter algemene objectsubsidies in de sociale woningbouw. De stadsvernieuwing zal wèl worden voortgezet en er kunnen nu ook middelen worden aangewend voor het benutten van duurdere locaties, die uit een oogpunt van ruimtelijke ordening en milieubeleid de voorkeur verdienen. Ook bij het openbaar vervoer gaan meer investeringen gepaard met minder subsidies. Met decentralisatie naar de vervoerregio's en met meer zelfstandige bedrijfsvoering door de spoorwegen wordt goede voortgang gemaakt. De kwaliteit van ons land is nauw verbonden met een actief voortzetten van het milieubeleid. Veel is de afgelopen jaren bereikt: schonere produktie op geschikte plaatsen met betere verwerking van het afval. Het gaat om betrokkenheid en om nieuwe technieken. Milieubeleid is succesvoller naarmate het beter begrepen en breder gedragen wordt. Zo krijgt het in de praktijk gestalte. Heffingen en herschikking van ons fiscaal stelsel zijn daarbij instrumenten om het beleid te ondersteunen. De evaluatie van het eerste Nationaal Milieubeleidsplan zal laten zien hoeveel er bereikt is en wat ons in het tweede nog te doen staat. Ons land is te mooi om te bederven; daarom streven we naar behoud en ontwikkeling van natuur en landschap, en zorgvuldigheid bij produktie en consumptie. Op dat punt is met bedrijfstakken en doelgroepen een goede samenwerking tot stand gekomen. Op die weg zal worden voortgegaan bij het investeren in duurzame ontwikkeling. Bemoedigend is ook dat verbetering van de verkeersveiligheid mogelijk blijkt. Het menselijk verdriet als gevolg van verkeersongevallen motiveert om door te gaan met de aanscherping van het beleid. In deze kabinetsperiode is aanzienlijke voortgang gemaakt met de decentralisatie, allereerst naar provincies en gemeenten. Dat proces in de regio's is nu zo ver voortgeschreden dat het moet komen tot verbetering van de 'Wet gemeenschappelijke regelingen' en tot ordening van de gebiedsindeling. Daarnaast wordt aan zeven grootstedelijke gebieden de mogelijkheid geboden een stap verder te gaan. Te beginnen met Rotterdam en omstreken kan gekozen worden voor een eigen grootstedelijke provincie, die dan afgesplitst wordt van Zuid-Holland. Elk van de grootstedelijke gebieden zal op termijn een keus doen of men inderdaad zo ver wil gaan, dan wel er de voorkeur aan geeft tot een andere vorm van toereikende samenwerking te komen. Behalve aan territoriale decentralisatie is er de laatste jaren veel gebeurd aan functionale decentralisatie om burgers en organisaties meer ruimte te geven voor eigen verantwoordelijkheid. Zo zullen het komende jaar decentralisatie en deregulering van het onderwijs nader gestalte krijgen. Scholen zullen hun werk daardoor beter en meer zelf kunnen doen. Goed onderwijs moet het hebben van gemotiveerde onderwijsgevenden. Daarom komen er dan ook meer financiële middelen en krijgen schoolbesturen en schoolleiding meer beleidsverantwoordelijkheid. Doelmatigheid in het onderwijs vereist een betere verwijzing na de basisvorming, en in het hoger onderwijs de juiste student op de juiste plaats. Dat is te meer van belang daar de komende jaren hogere eisen zullen worden gesteld aan de studievoortgang. Bij het herijken van onze verzorgingsstaat staan steeds centraal het activeren van burgers en het zorgvuldig beheren van de middelen die de overheid zijn toevertrouwd. Tegelijk wil en moet de overheid schild voor de zwakken zijn en is een verantwoordelijke samenleving nodig om te voorkomen dat mensen van de weg raken of blijvend in een isolement terechtkomen. Het gaat immers om verbondenheid tussen mensen en om opkomen voor het kwetsbare. Daarom moeten behouden blijven: de oudedagsvoorziening voor allen, een bijstand die de armoede weert, een gezondheidszorg die voor ieder betaalbaar blijft. Daarom ook moet voorzien worden in veel meer kansen op werk voor lagergeschoolden. Op de arbeidsmarkt mag het immers niet alleen om de sterken, maar moet het ook om de zwakken gaan. Zelfs dan zullen er in onze samenleving altijd mensen zijn die nooit hebben kunnen werken of uitgeschakeld zullen blijven. Zij hebben er evenzeer recht op in onze verbondenheid te delen. Een overheid die zuinig moet zijn en dan ter wille van de kwaliteit van de samenleving toch nog veel belastingen en premies van de burgers moet vragen, is gehouden de strijd aan te binden met fraude en oneigenlijk gebruik van voorzieningen. Dat heeft in deze kabinetsperiode dan ook steeds meer gestalte gekregen. Met het terugdringen van veelvoorkomende misdrijven werd reeds eerder een aanvang gemaakt. De betere preventie en de nieuwe vormen van het zogenaamde lik-op-stuk-beleid blijken succes te hebben. De invoering van de identificatieplicht zal tot verdere verbetering leiden. Na vele jaren van discussie wordt in deze kabinetsperiode door de inspanningen van velen één politie tot stand gebracht. Geloofwaardig en effectief optreden vroeg en vraagt om uitbreiding van de celcapaciteit. Deze komt er dan ook. Maar dit kan niet het enige antwoord zijn op crimineel gedrag. De zorgelijke ontwikkeling van de misdaad onder jongeren eist een bredere aanpak. Nog dit jaar zal met een experiment worden begonnen waarin jeugdige delinquenten door een strak regime en intensieve begeleiding worden voorbereid op terugkeer in de samenleving. De afgelopen jaren zijn op het terrein van de wetgeving en de versterking van de gehele justitiële keten belangrijke inspanningen verricht en veranderingen in gang gezet. Al met al is er bij de bestrijding van fraude en criminaliteit een omslag in denken en handelen. Er is echter nog veel te doen. Bestuur en wetgever kunnen met al deze inspanningen ten bate van de burger alleen geloofwaardig blijven als zij voldoende aandacht geven aan de integriteit van het bestuur. Nederland is gelukkig nog geen land van corruptie en gebruik van publiek geld ten eigen bate, en dat moet zo blijven. Dit najaar zal de Tweede Kamer de balans opmaken van de bestuurlijke en staatkundige vernieuwing, opdat er daadwerkelijke verbetering bereikt wordt. De regering ziet daarnaar uit en heeft haar zienswijze en alle aan haar gevraagde opvattingen daarom tijdig en concreet gegeven. Bestuurlijke en staatkundige vernieuwing staan ook centraal bij de Toekomstconferentie die thans in en tussen de verschillende delen van het Koninkrijk plaatsvindt. Het Statuut is toe aan renovatie. De jaren negentig stellen ons voor andere problemen dan die van een generatie geleden. Samen antwoord vinden op vragen van goed en verantwoordelijk bestuur, dat is wat er in het belang van alle burgers van het Koninkrijk moet gebeuren. De stroom van asielzoekers naar ons land is recentelijk toegenomen. Wie recht heeft op asiel moet hier kunnen blijven. Wie dat niet heeft, moet - juist om de werkelijk vervolgden te beschermen - de toegang worden geweigerd. Te lange onduidelijkheid daarover is in strijd met zorgvuldigheid, niet in de laatste plaats tegenover de betrokkenen zelf. Een nieuwe Vreemdelingenwet is daarom nodig gebleken. De criteria voor gezinshereniging werden al eerder dit jaar verduidelijkt. Is men echter tot ons land toegelaten, dan moet het komen tot spoedige inburgering. Daarom zullen nieuwkomers opgevangen worden en wegwijs gemaakt, waardoor zij snel op eigen benen kunnen staan. Het gaat om elementaire vaardigheden: het leren van Nederlands en van de in onze samenleving geldende regels, waarden, normen en omgangsvormen. Dat vraagt allereerst om inspanningen van de betrokkenen zelf. Het vraagt echter ook om inspanningen van allen in onze samenleving. Daarbij gaat het om méér dan tolerantie, om de ander werkelijk te waarderen. Onze maatschappij moet als kenmerk hebben: vervulling van eigen plichten en respect voor anderen. Wij moeten werken aan een samenleving die talenten benut en daarmee verrijkt wordt. De belangrijke stroom mensen uit het buitenland, volwassenen en kinderen, eerste en tweede generatie, heeft hoe dan ook een aantal veranderingen in onze samenleving tot gevolg. Meer woningen zijn nodig en zullen gebouwd worden. Er zijn steeds meer jongeren, van wie vele beginnen met een achterstand. Dat vergt veel van het onderwijs en vereist scholing gericht op arbeid. Er zijn meer banen nodig voor laaggeschoolde nieuwkomers op de arbeidsmarkt. Op de gezondheidszorg zal vaker een beroep gedaan worden, maar tegelijk zullen daar ook vele nieuwe medeburgers aan de slag kunnen. Bij de gezondheidszorg staat de inhoud van de zorg en van het werk voorop. Een voor ieder toegankelijk en betaalbaar stelsel van gezondheidszorg vraagt om vele gemotiveerde werkers. Zorgvuldig omgaan met medische consumptie en voorzieningen is geboden. Beroepsbeoefenaren en verzekeringsmaatschappijen hebben de plicht daaraan alles te doen, en van de burgers mogen meer eigen bijdragen en hogere eigen risico's gevraagd worden. Een Nederland dat zichzelf sterk en geloofwaardig toont, dat blijft onze gemeenschappelijke opgave; vorig jaar was dit het thema van de Troonrede. Alleen zo kunnen wij onze opdracht om samen te werken met andere landen en volkeren waarmaken. Er is geen alternatief. In Europa ligt onze toekomst, en ons Europa zal op zijn beurt moeten samenwerken met andere continenten. Dat is niet altijd eenvoudig. Onze boeren en tuinders ondervinden binnen en buiten Europa scherpe concurrentie. Toch is een open Europa en een internationaal handelsakkoord geboden. De regering wil met allen die werkzaam zijn in landbouw en visserij zorgvuldig naar oplossingen zoeken, of het nu de milieu- of de internationale problematiek betreft. Datzelfde geldt voor al die bedrijven en werkers die bij verkeer en vervoer op de weg en op het water betrokken zijn. Ook voor hen is het economisch klimaat moeilijk. Dat vraagt om een beleidsaanpak te zamen met de regering, maar dan wel zó dat de gekozen oplossingen ook in het Europa van morgen houdbaar zijn. Na het verdwijnen van de militaire dreiging van het communisme zijn de verhoudingen op het Europese continent gewijzigd. Onze krijgsmacht is dan ook definitief op weg naar een nieuwe bijdrage aan vrede en veiligheid. Aan U, leden van de Staten-Generaal, zal worden gevraagd in te stemmen met een herziening van de Grondwet, die het mogelijk maakt dat de Nederlandse strijdkrachten over een aantal jaren zullen bestaan uit mannen en vrouwen die op grond van een eigen keuze daar een functie vervullen. Een deel van het huidige defensiepersoneel zal in onze samenleving ander werk moeten gaan doen. Een aantal van hen zal elders bij de overheid aan de slag kunnen, bijvoorbeeld bij de bestrijding van de criminaliteit of in het gevangeniswezen. Het belang van de vredesoperaties van de Verenigde Naties is sterk toegenomen. Onze militairen, zowel dienstplichtigen als beroeps, doen - van Cambodja tot Bosnië - veel belangrijk werk, dikwijls onder zeer moeilijke omstandigheden. Een woord van waardering en dank aan allen die zich hiervoor inzetten, is op zijn plaats. Ondanks die inzet is het pijnlijk dat Europa zich zo machteloos toont waar het veiligheid en vrede in ons werelddeel betreft. Ook daarom is het goed dat de strijdkrachten in Europa steeds meer samenwerken. Dit kan de voorwaarden scheppen voor doeltreffend en geloofwaardig optreden in de toekomst. Het Verdrag van Maastricht opent het perspectief voor een gemeenschappelijk veiligheidsbeleid: een sterk en besluitvaardig Europa dat de vrede daadwerkelijk dient en daarmee wezenlijk bijdraagt aan het Atlantisch Bondgenootschap. Het Verdrag van Maastricht is nu door de parlementen van alle lidstaten aanvaard, maar het echte werk moet nog beginnen. Eén Europa, met behoud van eigen identiteit van de lidstaten bij alle verscheidenheid van cultuur en tradities. Eén Europa, dat economisch herstel stimuleert, met veel investeringen, maar tegelijk met een zorgvuldig uitgavenbeheer. Eén Europa, dat samenwerkt in de internationale organisaties en consequent zijn bijdrage levert aan de mondiale milieu- en ontwikkelingsinspanning. Ook Nederland ziet toekomst in Europa, maar dan wel een Europa dat zich niet tot een fort ontwikkelt. Integendeel, ons land wil handel en samenwerking met andere continenten, en wij willen dat in het bijzonder met Midden- en Oost-Europa. Voor succesvolle internationale samenwerking kan culturele uitwisseling niet gemist worden. Een bloeiend kunstleven in ons eigen land is daartoe de beste voorwaarde. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De beleidsnota die U ter zake van ontwikkelingssamenwerking enkele jaren geleden werd aangeboden, droeg de titel 'Een wereld van verschil'. De nota die U thans wordt aangeboden heet 'Een wereld in geschil'. Dat is veelzeggend. Internationale samenwerking is geboden. Dat vraagt niet alleen om een bredere norm voor internationale samenwerking, het vraagt ook om een hernieuwde en vergrote inspanning om conflicten op te lossen en te voorkomen, opdat deze eeuw niet eindigt zoals ze begon, namelijk in verdeeldheid. Bij alle zorgen past respect en dankbaarheid voor de doorbraak naar vrede in het Midden-Oosten, een teken van hoop en bemoediging. Verbondenheid tussen mensen en voor het kwetsbare opkomen, daar gaat het om. De regering is dankbaar voor de medewerking die zij deze kabinetsperiode van U, volksvertegenwoordigers, kreeg. Het was niet altijd gemakkelijk, maar het was wel altijd de moeite waard. De regering hoopt en vertrouwt ook dit jaar op Uw medewerking. Er is nog veel werk te doen en er is geen tijd te verliezen. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. Beelden van geweld, honger, racisme en verwaarlozing van het milieu bereiken ons iedere dag. Zij laten ons niet onberoerd. Ons antwoord moet tweeledig zijn: hulp en internationale actie, maar ook zorg dragen voor het behoud van onze eigen rechtsstaat en voor de kracht van onze economie. Een Nederland dat zich sterk en geloofwaardig toont; dat is de opdracht. In het voormalige Joegoslavië gaat de uitbarsting van etnische spanningen gepaard met onnoemelijk leed. Onze regering tracht samen met andere landen de oorlogstoestand te beëindigen en een oplossing van het conflict tot stand te brengen. Daarnaast ziet zij het als haar taak in onze samenleving onderdak te bieden aan vluchtelingen en verdrevenen. Waardering past voor de inspanningen van velen daarbij. Behalve de opvang hier te lande wordt nu ook hulp geboden bij de opvang in kampen ginds. Zo wordt getracht in deze nood de hand te reiken. In Somalië leven vele mensen op de rand van de hongerdood. Afrika bezuiden de Sahara wordt door droogte geteisterd. Duizenden zijn al omgekomen. De vluchtelingenstromen die het gevolg zijn van honger en geweld vormen een extra opgave. Wereldwijd zijn hulpacties op gang gekomen, waaraan ook Nederlandse burgers ruimhartig bijdragen. Bij veel ellende zijn er ook de positieve ontwikkelingen. In Afrika en elders ter wereld groeit het inzicht dat democratie, mensenrechten en duurzame ontwikkeling nauw met elkaar samenhangen. In een toenemend aantal landen worden daaruit ook politieke consequenties getrokken. In de voormalige Sovjetunie en in het uiteengevallen Joegoslavië zijn oude binnengrenzen in korte tijd veranderd in buitengrenzen. Als reactie op een in het verleden vaak afgedwongen eenheid zijn er nu veel meer onafhankelijke landen in Midden- en Oost-Europa. De regering spreekt de wens uit dat landen en volkeren in vrijheid leven, maar ook dat zij over grenzen heen samenwerken. Met het einde van de koude oorlog heeft ook de discussie over veiligheid een andere inhoud gekregen; de massale militaire dreiging heeft plaats gemaakt voor lokale conflicten. Door het wegvallen van de Oost-West-tegenstelling is de politieke rol van de Verenigde Naties in de beslechting van conflicten toegenomen en wordt op de lidstaten vaker een beroep gedaan om troepen uit te zenden voor vredesoperaties. Zo wordt op basis van het oordeel van de internationale volkerengemeenschap militaire macht ingezet om spanningen niet te laten ontaarden in gewelddadige conflicten, om agressie te beteugelen en om bescherming te bieden bij humanitaire acties. Ook Nederland levert zijn bijdrage aan de VN-vredesoperaties. Tegelijkertijd weegt de verantwoordelijkheid voor de veiligheid van de uitgezonden militairen zwaar. Onze gedachten gaan dan ook uit naar de mannen en vrouwen die onder moeilijke omstandigheden deelnemen aan vredes- en hulpoperaties in verschillende delen van de wereld. De Conferentie voor Veiligheid en Samenwerking in Europa heeft op voorstel van Nederland besloten dat zij voor vredesoperaties de hulp kan inroepen van de NAVO of de Westeuropese Unie. Ook is het Nederlandse voorstel aanvaard om een hoge commissaris voor nationale minderheden te benoemen. Deze zal als taak hebben in geval van dreigende conflicten bij te dragen aan vreedzame oplossingen, en partijen af te houden van het gebruik van geweld. Bij een andere wereld hoort een andere defensie. Met behoud van de onmisbare band met de Verenigde Staten en de NAVO zullen de defensieplannen moeten worden herzien. Eind van dit jaar zal de regering u hierover voorstellen doen. Ook de visie van de regering op de toekomst van de dienstplicht zal daarin verwerkt zijn. Reeds in 1987 werd onder het devies 'Europa 1992' afgesproken voor het eind van dit jaar tot één markt te komen. De lidstaten van de Europese Gemeenschap toonden zich sterk. Welvaart en werkgelegenheid namen toe. Het was eveneens van betekenis voor de omwentelingen in Midden- en Oost-Europa; terwijl landen als Oostenrijk, Zweden en Finland nu ook willen toetreden tot de Gemeenschap. Met het Verdrag van Maastricht, dat aan de Staten-Generaal ter goedkeuring is voorgelegd, wordt nu een volgende logische stap gezet. In een Europa zonder grenzen is het belangrijk geleidelijk naar één munt te groeien, tot één doeltreffend milieubeleid te komen en het optreden tegen de georganiseerde criminaliteit te bundelen. De omvang en welvaart van ons Europa zonder grenzen verplicht tot een gemeenschappelijk buitenlands en veiligheidsbeleid. Dat zelfde geldt voor het toelatingsbeleid, zowel met betrekking tot degenen die op grond van gezinshereniging naar ons Europa komen als voor asielzoekers en vluchtelingen. Bij alle noodzaak tot een gemeenschappelijke aanpak van bepaalde vraagstukken is in Maastricht nadrukkelijk afgesproken dat Europese besluitvorming slechts daar van toepassing is waar het echt nodig is. Maar één ding is zeker: in Europa ligt onze toekomst, en daarin zullen wij ons als Nederlanders sterk en geloofwaardig tonen met onze eigen identiteit. Het Verdrag van Maastricht geeft daar ook alle ruimte voor. Aanstaande zondag zal in Frankrijk een referendum worden gehouden. Laat vanuit hier de wens en het vertrouwen uitgesproken worden dat het "ja" zal klinken, opdat Frankrijk en Nederland, ieder met behoud van eigen tradities en waarden, zij aan zij, met de andere lidstaten, Europa verder gestalte zuIlen geven. Tijdens het bezoek van de president van Suriname is besloten de bestaande bijzondere banden te verbreden en te verdiepen. Dit is vastgelegd in het Raamverdrag inzake Vriendschap en Nauwere Samenwerking. Daarbij is de samenhang tussen enerzijds democratie en rechtsstaat en anderzijds gezonde economische ontwikkeling van wezenlijk belang. Een sterk Nederland vraagt investeren in werkgelegenheid; alleen dan zijn waardevolle collectieve voorzieningen houdbaar. Dat vergt voortzetting van het herstel van evenwicht in de overheidsfinanciën, en versterking van de structuur van de economie. De hardnekkigheid van de internationale inzinking geeft in ons land des te meer aanleiding om vast te houden aan de uitgezette koers. In overeenstemming met het regeerakkoord wordt het financieringstekort volgend jaar verder teruggebracht. Ondanks enkele belastingverzwaringen daalt de collectieve lastendruk als geheel. Deze positieve ontwikkelingen zijn mede mogelijk gemaakt door een even noodzakelijke als stringente uitgavenbeheersing, waarbij ombuigingen onontkoombaar waren en zijn. Het één kan niet zonder het ander. De werkgelegenheid in ons land groeit nog steeds. De doelstelling "400.000 mensen meer aan de slag in deze kabinetsperiode" komt binnen bereik. Toch zijn er nog te weinig mensen met een baan, en te veel met een uitkering. Om de werkgelegenheid verder te laten groeien moet de inflatie worden bestreden. Daarom is voorgesteld de BTW te verlagen, en vinden enkele eerder voorziene lastenverzwarende maatregelen geen doorgang. De koopkracht wordt beschermd voor hen die op het sociaal minimum aangewezen zijn, terwijl werken toch meer lonend wordt. Zo wordt ook voor de sociale partners de ruimte geschapen en de basis gelegd om in goed overleg de lonen te matigen. Gezien de scherpe internationale concurrentie en de in veel landen stijgende werkloosheid is dit te meer noodzakelijk. Behalve loonmatiging en een beter functioneren van de arbeidsmarkt zijn ook van belang de wetsvoorstellen die betrekking hebben op het verder terugdringen van ziekteverzuim en arbeidsongeschiktheid, en op een betere uitvoering van de sociale zekerheid. Zo kunnen de sociale premies dalen en ook dat is voor de werkgelegenheid belangrijk. Voor een sterk Nederland en het behoud van onze welvaart zijn industriële activiteiten van vitaal belang. Evenals een goed economisch klimaat en een goed opgeleide beroepsbevolking is een effectief beleid nodig voor de bescherming en versterking van het industriële draagvlak. De ontwikkeling en toepassing van nieuwe technologie zijn hierbij essentieel, voor het midden- en kleinbedrijf niet minder dan voor de grote bedrijven. Aan investeringen in economische infrastructuur zal hoge prioriteit worden gegeven. Ter ondersteuning hiervan wordt de instelling van een Aardgasbatenfonds voorzien. Dit is onder meer van betekenis voor de ontwikkeling van Nederland als toegangspoort tot Europa. De toekomst van de haven van Rotterdam en van de luchthaven Schiphol vraagt om belangrijke beslissingen. In samenhang hiermee zullen ook nadere voorstellen gedaan worden voor de aansluiting van ons land op het Europese Hogesnelheidsnet en met betrekking tot de Betuwelijn. Het beleid ter zake van de mobiliteit heeft effect. Het privé-autogebruik groeit minder, het gebruik van het openbaar vervoer neemt toe. Een goede voortgang van het infrastructuurplan Rail 21 is daarom van groot belang. Voorstellen om de Nederlandse Spoorwegen grotere zelfstandigheid te geven, zullen U dit najaar bereiken. Om de concurrentiepositie van de zeescheepvaart onder Nederlandse vlag te versterken, heeft de regering besloten tot een gericht pakket van maatregelen. Voor een sterk Nederland is goed onderwijs van wezenlijk belang. Aan de voorbereiding op leven en werken in onze moderne maatschappij worden hoge eisen gesteld. Het onderwijs moet daarvoor een brede basis leggen. De invoering van basisvorming stelt het onderwijs daartoe beter in staat. Hierbij is ervoor gekozen de uitwerking bij de scholen zelf te laten. Deze moeten ook samenwerken met het oog op de ontplooiing van het broodnodige en gelukkig weer groeiende beroepsonderwijs. Het woord is nu, na een lange politieke en maatschappelijke discussie, aan de scholen. Het beroep van leraar is voor de samenleving uiterst belangrijk. Het is zorgwekkend dat de bezetting van functies in het onderwijs in toenemende mate knelpunten te zien geeft. Voor jongeren is lesgeven te weinig aantrekkelijk. De regering stelde reeds eerder extra middelen voor de salarissen van leerkrachten beschikbaar. De komende jaren wordt opnieuw extra geld uitgetrokken om de arbeidsvoorwaarden in basis- en voortgezet onderwijs en in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs selectief te verbeteren. Met de betrokkenen zal overleg worden gevoerd over de precieze invulling. Wetgeving met het doel het hoger onderwijs meer ruimte te geven om zèlf dit onderwijs in te richten, is in een vergevorderd stadium. De Adviesraad Onderwijs is gevraagd zijn visie te geven op de samenwerking tussen hogescholen en universiteiten. Met de betrokken instellingen zal reeds dit najaar overleg gepleegd worden. Naar de regering hoopt zal in 1993 de "Algemene Wet Gelijke Behandeling" in werking treden. Deze wet verbiedt discriminatie en geeft aan mensen die zich gediscrimineerd voelen, de mogelijkheid zich tot een Commissie Gelijke Behandeling te wenden. De uitwerking van artikel 1 van onze Grondwet is van fundamentele betekenis voor allen die hier leven. Ook voor minderheden is deze wet van groot belang. Voor hen is naast gelijke behandeling onderwijs een essentiële voorwaarde om hun plaats te vinden in onze samenleving. De regering stelt extra geld beschikbaar, opdat meer mensen de cursus "Nederlands als tweede taal" kunnen volgen. Dit is slechts één van de initiatieven die uitnodigen tot eigen inspanning van de minderheden. Ondanks de forse werkgelegenheidsgroei in de afgelopen jaren is het percentage niet-werkenden onder de minderheden nog altijd driemaal zo hoog als het gemiddelde. De arbeidsvoorzieningsorganisatie schenkt daaraan terecht veel aandacht. Daarenboven vragen initiatieven van het bedrijfsleven teneinde arbeidsdeelname van allochtonen te bevorderen om wettelijke ondersteuning. Behalve van de sociale partners en van de overheid wordt ook van de minderheden zelf en van hun organisaties een actieve bijdrage verwacht. Succesvolle integratie en verbetering van de kansen van zwakke groepen op de arbeidsmarkt vragen ook om een strak beleid met betrekking tot de toestroom naar ons land. De voorgenomen wijziging van de Wet Arbeid Buitenlandse Werknemers en de daarbij behorende nota over illegale tewerkstelling moeten mede in dit licht worden bezien. De regels voor gezinshereniging vragen om zorgvuldige toepassing en, waar het asielzoekers betreft, is een humaan maar restrictief toelatingsbeleid, met snelle beslissingen ter zake, geboden. Sociale zekerheid en goede sociale voorzieningen zijn in onze rechtsstaat belangrijk. Het draagvlak hiervoor is bij de bevolking onverminderd aanwezig, maar kan slechts behouden blijven indien ervoor wordt gezorgd dat belastingen en premies correct worden betaald en dat subsidies en uitkeringen op de juiste plaats terechtkomen. Het bestrijden van fraude en oneigenlijk gebruik zal dan ook geïntensiveerd worden. Naast het voorkómen van fraude zullen wij in ons land waakzaam moeten zijn tegen de georganiseerde misdaad. Criminele organisaties vormen een reëel gevaar doordat zij met hun grote financiële en technische mogelijkheden in de samenleving infiltreren. Justitie, politie en openbaar bestuur zullen zich gezamenlijk moeten inspannen om dit kwaad te bestrijden. Bovendien is een goede samenwerking met diensten in het buitenland van groot belang. Met het Verdrag van Schengen wordt de uitwisseling van gegevens vergemakkelijkt. In Maastricht is tot de oprichting van Europol besloten. Dit instituut zal in de Europese Gemeenschap van grote betekenis zijn bij de bestrijding van de georganiseerde internationale criminaliteit. De reorganisatie van de politie moet in 1993 haar beslag krijgen. De grote inzet van korpsbeheerders en politiemensen heeft het mogelijk gemaakt dat in betrekkelijk korte tijd al veel is bereikt. Toename van de criminaliteit leidt tot steeds meer overlast voor de burger en gevoelens van onveiligheid. Vooral de stijging van het aantal geweldsdelicten baart zorg. Bij alle aandacht voor de preventie blijft beschikbaarheid van voldoende cellen noodzakelijk. Daarom zal de capaciteit van het gevangeniswezen nog eens extra worden verbeterd en uitgebreid. Met het proces van vernieuwing van de bestuurlijke organisatie wordt goede voortgang geboekt. Een essentieel onderdeel daarvan vormt een omvangrijk pakket voorstellen voor decentralisatie van taken, verantwoordelijkheden en financiële middelen. Met de gemeenten is daarover inmiddels overeenstemming bereikt. Op het terrein van de volkshuisvesting krijgen decentralisatie en bestuurlijke vernieuwing verder gestalte. Zo zal een groot aantal gemeenten zijn inspanningen in regionale verbanden gaan bundelen. Verder worden de woningbouwcorporaties onafhankelijker van het Rijk en de gemeenten. Decentralisatie is ook belangrijk om sociale vernieuwing bestuurlijk inhoud te geven. Bovendien is een aparte stimuleringswet in voorbereiding. De Rijksoverheid blijft impulsen geven aan vernieuwing en kwaliteitsverbetering van het welzijnswerk. De gemeenten geven samen met maatschappelijke organisaties en andere betrokkenen invulling aan de sociale vernieuwing. Veel vrijwilligers zorgen voor een grote betrokkenheid. Door een betere organisatie en afstemming zien ook jongeren vrijwilligerswerk steeds meer als een zinvolle uitdaging. In welzijnswerk en daarbuiten krijgt de sociale vernieuwing langzaam maar zeker vorm. Zo houdt de arbeidsbemiddeling steeds meer rekening met individuele omstandigheden en zet mensen ertoe aan zich zèlf in te spannen; in de gezondheidszorg krijgt eigen verantwoordelijkheid een plaats; onderwijs en volwasseneneducatie bieden niet alleen kansen, maar men wordt er ook op aangesproken deze te benutten. Sociale zekerheid en voorzieningen beschermen niet alleen mensen, maar stimuleren ook, waar mogelijk, tot werk of andere activiteit. 1993 is in Europa uitgeroepen tot het Jaar van de Ouderen. In een speciaal op te richten Nationaal Comité zullen jong en oud samen activiteiten ontplooien om de belangrijke rol van ouderen in onze maatschappij te onderstrepen. In ons land bestaat brede overeenstemming over de wenselijkheid van een goede gezondheidszorg die voor ieder toegankelijk en betaalbaar blijft. Individuele beroepsbeoefenaars, instellingen en verzekeraars, en ook de burgers dienen eigen verantwoordelijkheden te krijgen en te nemen. Nù investeren in bestuurlijke en financiële vernieuwing betekent op iets langer zicht voldoende ruimte voor zorgvernieuwing, voor uitbreiding waar nodig èn voor een stevig draagvlak. Dat is te meer geboden, gegeven de druk die voortvloeit uit de toenemende vergrijzing en uit ontwikkelingen in de medische technologie zelf. Adviezen van de Gezondheidsraad en van de Commissie-Dunning zullen nu in praktijk gebracht moeten worden. Daarop zal het komend jaar het overleg, ook met u, volksvenegenwoordigers, in het bijzonder gericht zijn. Zo wil de regering bevorderen dat er bewust keuzen worden gemaakt in de gezondheidszorg. De groei in de vraag noopt ertoe meer nadruk te leggen op preventie, doelmatigheid en op de eigen verantwoordelijkheid van alle betrokkenen. Het bewust kiezen vraagt ook om inhoudelijke verdieping van het publieke debat over ethische vraagstukken in de zorg. De bereidheid en de wil om te investeren in de toekomst zal ook tot uitdrukking worden gebracht op het gebied van de cultuur: in de zorg voor het cultureel erfgoed en in de ondersteuning van de actuele kunst- en cultuurbeoefening. Bij alle aandacht voor de materiële aspecten van het bestaan, is het voor onze samenleving van vitaal belang ook oog te hebben voor de culturele waarden. De verruiming van het voorstellings- en inlevingsvermogen van kinderen door het lezen van boeken is daarbij evenzeer van betekenis als de confrontatie met de hoogtepunten van de cultuurschepping, bijvoorbeeld in onze musea. Binnen het budget voor cultuur zal extra aandacht worden geschonken aan architectuur, vormgeving en film: uitingen waarvan grote delen van de bevolking bijna dagelijks kennis nemen. In het Structuurschema Groene Ruimte worden voorstellen gedaan voor een beter geïntegreerde aanpak van het natuur- en landbouwbeleid. Teneinde sneller over financiële middelen te beschikken om het landelijk gebied zo groen mogelijk te houden en waardevolle natuurgebieden te beschermen, wordt gewerkt aan het oprichten van een Groenfonds. Een effectief landbouwmilieubeleid vereist een breed draagvlak. Daarom is het verheugend dat agrariërs steeds meer bereid blijken hun verantwoordelijkheid te nemen. Budgetbeheersing en handelspolitieke redenen hebben een aanpassing van het Gemeenschappelijk Landbouwbeleid noodzakelijk gemaakt. Daarbij blijft een redelijke inkomensontwikkeling mogelijk voor hen die in de landbouw werken, terwijl tegelijk een belangrijke bijdrage aan een succesvolle afsluiting van de wereldhandelsbesprekingen is geleverd. Milieu en ontwikkeling was het thema dat honderdtachtig landen, arm en rijk, enkele maanden geleden bijeenbracht in Rio de Janeiro. Uitdrukkelijk is daar de samenhang tussen het milieuvraagstuk en ontwikkeling vastgelegd; duurzame groei. De rijke landen moeten daarom zoeken naar andere vormen van produktie en consumptie. Tevens moeten financiële middelen en technieken beschikbaar komen voor de armere landen, opdat daar bij de bestrijding van armoede en de groei naar welvaart met het milieu rekening gehouden gaat worden. Ook voor ons land is duurzame ontwikkeling geen vrijblijvende opdracht. Wij zullen ons aandeel in de wereldwijde belasting van het milieu moeten verminderen. Intussen wordt door bedrijven, burgers en overheid al hard gewerkt om de kwaliteit van het milieu te verbeteren. Producenten accepteren hun eigen verantwoordelijkheid door produkten in het afvalstadium terug te nemen en overbodige verpakkingen terug te dringen. Steeds meer vindt gescheiden inzameling van afval plaats. Op korte termijn zullen de eerste produkten voorzien van een milieukeur verschijnen, en zal een logo worden ingevoerd voor klein chemisch afval. Zo kan de consument rekening houden met milieuaspecten en zelf zijn bijdrage leveren. De bestuurlijke en financiëlë situatie in de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba baart zorg. De Koninkrijksregering is van oordeel dat bij de aanpak daarvan de rijksdelen moeten samenwerken. Veel wordt gevergd van de regeringen van de Nederlandse Antillen en van Aruba om wezenlijke en blijvende verbeteringen tot stand te brengen. Het beleid van Nederland is erop gericht deze inspanningen te steunen. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Internationaal zijn de politieke en economische ontwikkelingen zorgelijk. Dat verscherpt in ons land de noodzaak tot gezamenlijke beleidsinspanningen. Alleen dan kunnen wij de uitdagingen aan waarvoor Nederland zich gesteld ziet. Van harte wens ik u toe dat Gods zegen op uw werk rust. 1992 wordt geen gemakkelijk jaar, internationaal noch nationaal. Onze economie krijgt nu te maken met een terugslag zoals die zich eerder in andere landen heeft voorgedaan. Hierdoor dreigt na een aantal goede jaren de werkloosheid weer op te lopen. Daarom moeten behoud en groei van werkgelegenheid vooropstaan. Dit zowel om ons te weer te stellen tegen de terugslag nu, als om daarna het internationaal economisch herstel zo goed mogelijk te benutten. Deze koers is te meer geboden omdat in ons land het aantal mensen voor wie werk beschikbaar moet zijn, nog vele jaren duidelijk zal blijven groeien. Meer vrouwen willen tot de arbeidsmarkt toetreden. Meer mensen die nu nog op een uitkering aangewezen zijn moeten aan de slag. Bovendien neemt de migratie naar ons land toe door de voortgaande gezinshereniging en door degenen die hier asiel zoeken en krijgen. De bijzondere aandacht die de regering daarom vraagt voor de groei van de werkgelegenheid, kan niet los gezien worden van andere belangrijke doeleinden: het in stand houden van het draagvlak voor gemeenschapsvoorzieningen, het behoud en herstel van het milieu en het nakomen van onze internationale verplichtingen. Reeds bij zijn aantreden heeft het kabinet de samenhang in deze doeleinden onderstreept. Doeltreffend beleid vraagt om bestuurlijke en sociale vernieuwing, om een beleid dat zo dicht mogelijk bij de burger staat, om een samenleving die gekenmerkt wordt door persoonlijk beleefde en samen gedeelde verantwoordelijkheid en door een nieuw evenwicht van rechten en plichten. Werken aan de kwaliteit van het bestaan en investeren in de toekomst is niet eenvoudig. Heel begrijpelijk is immers het verlangen nu niet lastig gevallen te worden met de zorg voor morgen. Heel begrijpelijk is eveneens het verzet tegen verandering van wetten, regelingen en voorzieningen als groepen burgers daarvan ook nadelen zullen ondervinden. Toch wil en kan de regering niet anders dan kiezen voor de toekomst. Dat moet wel een gezamenlijke toekomst zijn, gebaseerd op verbondenheid. Ook in moeilijke tijden moet het kiezen voor duurzame en houdbare ontwikkeling of het nu het milieu of de samenleving betreft - voorop blijven staan, al vraagt dit nù om pijnlijke keuzen. Met het oog op de werkgelegenheid en het ook bij lage groei in stand houden van gemeenschapsvoorzieningen moet werk boven inkomen gaan. De regering kiest daarom in 1992 voor een duidelijke lijn voor de inkomens waarvoor zij de verantwoordelijkheid draagt. Concreet stelt zij voor de uitkeringen met drie procent te verhogen, geen inflatiecorrectie toe te passen voor de hogere inkomens, en de belastingvrije voet te verhogen. Op die wijze stijgt de netto-minimumuitkering - in guldens dus - met meer dan drie procent. Bovendien wordt het arbeidskostenforfait verhoogd. Door deze maatregelen wordt het doel van de inkomensmatiging gediend - er blijft immers netto meer over - en wordt een bijdrage geleverd aan het beter functioneren van de arbeidsmarkt: werken loont dan méér. De verantwoordelijkheid voor de inkomens in de marktsector ligt overigens bij de sociale partners. Echter, ook daar behoort de verantwoordelijkheid voor behoud en groei van werkgelegenheid, alsmede het belang van het milieu en de gemeenschapsvoorzieningen zwaar te wegen. Voor haar eigen werknemers en voor anderen die werken in de collectieve sector stelt de regering een loonstijging voor van eveneens drie procent. Als dit voorbeeld breed navolging krijgt, kunnen werkgelegenheid en solidariteit in 1992 voorrang krijgen en zal het mogelijk zijn de prijsstijging te beperken. Het beleid van arbeidskostenmatiging kan niet los gezien worden van het totale regeringsbeleid, zoals bij de Tussenbalans is uiteengezet. Bij die gelegenheid is de koers bepaald naar minder overheidssubsidies en soberheid in de overheidsuitgaven. Dit is hard nodig. De staatsschuld neemt nog steeds fors toe. Het voor deze kabinetsperiode gestelde doel dat de staatsschuld als percentage van het nationaal inkomen niet langer groeit, wordt gelukkig wél bereikt. De rentelasten die over de staatsschuld betaald moeten worden, stijgen echter nog. De internationale rente-ontwikkeling valt immers tegen en blijft onverminderd hoog, hetgeen betekent dat de ruimte voor andere overheidsuitgaven buitengewoon krap is. Dit te meer omdat ook de internationale ontwikkelingen - de Derde Wereld, Centraal- en Oost-Europa en vredesoperaties - van ons land meer inspanningen vergen. Nationaal moet de rijksoverheid zich bezinnen op haar taken en de daarvoor benodigde middelen. Zowel om principiële redenen - de politiek dichter bij de burger - als om praktische redenen - het moet doelmatiger - wil de regering tal van taken decentraliseren. Rijk, provincies en gemeenten hebben dit samen ter hand genomen. Wil dit proces van decentralisatie slagen, dan moet het gepaard gaan met minder regelgeving door het Rijk. In aansluiting hierop wordt hard gewerkt aan een andere vorm van bestuurlijke vernieuwing: Grote Efficiency. De rijksoverheid moet zich richten op kerntaken. Bovendien wordt bezien of bepaalde diensten niet te veel zijn gegroeid en of er dubbel werk wordt verricht. Door deze aanpak van gericht-minder-uitgeven kan bij de taakvervulling door de overheid kwaliteit centraal staan en toch de noodzakelijke soberheid bij het geheel van de rijksuitgaven in acht worden genomen. Alleen zo is het mogelijk de bij het regeerakkoord bewust gekozen prioriteiten te blijven realiseren. Bestuurlijke vernieuwing en structurele verbeteringen in het maatschappelijk bestel, dat is wat de regering bij U, volksvertegenwoordigers, wil bepleiten. Het bestuur in stedelijke gebieden moet versterkt worden om ruimtelijke problemen op te lossen en daardoor economische kansen beter te kunnen benutten. Daartoe zal U een voorstel bereiken. Op het terrein van de herziening van de belastingen acht de regering de voorstellen van de Commissie-Stevens van groot belang. Zij wil advies vragen over de mogelijkheid deze voorstellen op korte termijn integraal in te dienen. In de gezondheidszorg wordt gestreefd naar een basisvoorziening voor iedereen, met daarbij de keuzemogelijkheden waarvoor de burger zich wel of niet wil verzekeren. Het gaat om een voor ieder toegankelijke maar ook betaalbare gezondheidszorg. In de volkshuisvesting vindt in het kader van een nieuwe verdeling van verantwoordelijkheden een belangrijke decentralisatie plaats naar provincies en gemeenten. Daarnaast zal een besluit tot verzelfstandiging van de woningcorporaties worden afgerond. Naar verwachting kan volgend jaar de zes miljoenste woning in gebruik worden genomen. Het eigen woningbezit stijgt gestaag. De sociale huursector en de individuele huursubsidie worden steeds meer gereserveerd voor hen die er echt op aangewezen zijn. Het onderwijs heeft een klassieke taak bij het toerusten van de burgers voor het leven. Dit krijgt nu nieuw reliëf door de grote aantallen landgenoten die niet in Nederland geboren zijn, en hun kinderen. Basisvorming is belangrijk voor een ieder. Voor degenen die verdere opleiding kunnen volgen, geldt evenzeer het recht op toegang tot dat vervolgonderwijs alsook de plicht daar een goed gebruik van te maken. De kwaliteit moet verder worden verbeterd. In dat verband is het nodig dat ouders van kinderen boven de leerplichtige leeftijd naar de mate van hun inkomen meer meebetalen aan het onderwijs. De regering beseft hoe zwaar het onderwijsveld het in alle geledingen heeft en hecht daarom zowel aan de verbetering van de positie van de leerkrachten als aan het stimuleren van samenwerking en goede afstemming binnen het onderwijs. Kunst en cultuur gedijen in Nederland. Behoud van ons culturele erfgoed en het ondersteunen van kwalitatief hoogwaardig nieuw aanbod zijn te meer van betekenis om in het integrerend Europa onze eigen identiteit inhoud te geven. Met het oog daarop wordt een cultuurnota voorbereid. Voor het behoud van de positie van ons land is het ook nodig te investeren in infrastructuur. Een goede, aan internationale eisen aangepaste infrastructuur is immers van levensbelang voor onze economie. Rail 21 is definitief gestart; over de hogesnelheidslijn zullen in het komend jaar besluiten moeten vallen. Ook kunt U de eerste nota over de Betuwelijn verwachten. Om de te lange planperiode voor nieuwe infrastructuur te stroomlijnen en in te perken, komt er een wetsvoorstel voor een nieuwe Tracéwet, die de lengte van de procedures met de helft bekort, overigens zonder de rechten van de burgers wezenlijk aan te tasten. Dit is allereerst van belang voor grote nieuwe projecten, waarbij voor private financiering meer plaats zal worden ingeruimd, maar evenzeer om knelpunten uit ons wegennet te halen, achterlandverbindingen te verbeteren en gevaarlijke routes aan te passen. Voor het gewijzigde verkeers- en vervoersbeleid is inmiddels een breder draagvlak ontstaan; de eerste resultaten tekenen zich af. De groei van het openbaar vervoer is onmiskenbaar en de automobiliteit groeit minder hard dan in vorige jaren. Ook is in de eerste helft van dit jaar het aantal verkeersslachtoffers afgenomen, al is elk slachtoffer er één te veel. Het streven is erop gericht in Europees verband te komen tot een regeling voor snelheidsbegrenzers op vrachtwagens en bussen. Op het terrein van de bestrijding van de criminaliteit blijven extra inspanningen nodig; in het bijzonder de agressieve criminaliteit baart zorg. Maar ook de handhaving van de milieuwetgeving en van de sociale-zekerheidswetgeving vraagt meer inspanningen van Justitie. Het algemeen wetgevingsbeleid richt zich op een selectieve inzet van wetgeving en op ruimte voor burgers en instellingen om in eigen aangelegenheden zelf aan hun verantwoordelijkheid vorm en inhoud te geven. Over de mogelijkheden van convenanten als alternatief voor wetgeving zal de regering in het komend jaar haar standpunt bepalen. Om meer politie op straat te kunnen hebben en beter bereikbaar te doen zijn, wil de regering het mogelijk maken dat bij de politie wachtpersoneel met beperkte opleiding kan worden aangesteld. Op het gebied van de jeugdbescherming zijn diverse maatregelen ter verbetering van de doelmatigheid in voorbereiding. Zo wordt gewerkt aan een reorganisatie waarbij de reclasseringsstichtingen, de instellingen voor voogdij en de raden voor de kinderbescherming betrokken zullen zijn. De toenemende migratie vraagt om een integrale benadering van de vreemdelingenproblematiek door een internationale aanpak van de migratiestromen, een vereenvouding en versnelling van de procedures en een meer consistent handhavingsbeleid. Daartoe zijn voorstellen gedaan. Tegelijkertijd zal de rechtspositie van de legaal in Nederland verblijvende vreemdelingen worden versterkt. Al de noodzakelijke voorzieningen en investeringen vragen om een groeiend economisch draagvlak om dit alles te kunnen betalen. De verhouding tussen het aantal werkenden en hen die een uitkering ontvangen is echter uit het lood. Dit is ook een fundamentele overweging die ten grondslag ligt aan de voorstellen om het ziekteverzuim en het beroep op de arbeidsongeschiktheidsregelingen terug te dringen. De kern van deze voorstellen is bedrijven en instellingen ertoe te brengen aan arbeidsongeschikten veel meer kansen te geven dan tot nu toe, zonodig in ander werk. Het gaat er dus om meer mensen aan de slag te houden, en nieuwe mogelijkheden te bieden aan die arbeidsongeschikten die nog wel enig werk kunnen verrichten. Dat geldt in het bijzonder voor diegenen die tot hun pensioen nog tientallen jaren te gaan hebben; dit is belangrijk voor de samenleving, maar ook voor vele betrokkenen die zo een betere positie en een beter inkomen zullen verwerven dan wanneer zij blijvend op alleen een uitkering aangewezen zijn. Om dit beleid doeltreffend te maken, is gekozen voor een benadering waarin de uitkering niet alleen aan het laatst verdiende loon maar ook aan de leeftijd gebonden zal zijn. In de toekomst bouwt men boven de voor ieder altijd geldende Algemene Arbeidsongeschiktheidswet meer rechten op naarmate men ouder is. Dit betekent dat het verschil tussen vroeg-gehandicapten en hen die al arbeidsongeschikt worden nadat zij pas relatief korte tijd gewerkt hebben, beperkt zal zijn. Anderzijds krijgen ouderen een uitkering waarbij meer rekening gehouden wordt met het verdiende salaris. Bij de uitwerking van deze voorstellen gaat de regering uit van lange overgangstermijnen, waarbij zij die thans vijftig jaar of ouder zijn geen enkel nadeel ondervinden, en zij die nu jonger dan vijftig jaar zijn hun uitkering, althans in guldens, niet achteruit zien gaan. De soberheid bij de overheidsuitgaven, de inkomensmatiging en het herijken van de sociale zekerheid staan alle drie in het teken van werkgelegenheid voor een groeiende beroepsbevolking en van welvaart, die het draagvlak biedt voor behoud van gemeenschapsvoorzieningen. Deze welvaart moet echter, met het oog op duurzame ontwikkeling, nadrukkelijk getoetst worden aan behoud en herstel van het milieu. In ons land zijn wij volop bezig het Nationaal Milieubeleidsplan zo snel en concreet mogelijk uit te voeren. Daarbij hoort ook het verbeteren van de handhaafbaarheid van de milieuregelgeving. Mede in het licht van de ontwikkelingen in de Europese Gemeenschap wordt de mogelijkheid van regulerende heffingen zorgvuldig overwogen. De opbrengst zal worden aangewend voor de verlaging van de arbeidskosten. Hopelijk kan hiermee op 1 januari 1993 een aanvang worden gemaakt. Intussen wordt ook hard gewerkt aan het milieubeleid van de Europese Gemeenschap. De mondiale milieu-uitdaging zal volgend jaar een belangrijke impuls krijgen door de Conferentie van de Verenigde Naties over milieu en ontwikkeling, die in Brazilië zal plaatsvinden. De Nederlandse regering hoopt dat dan een Wereldklimaatverdrag gereed zal zijn, evenals een verdrag over tropische bossen en biologische diversiteit. Op deze conferentie zullen de geïndustrialiseerde landen moeten tonen dat het hun ernst is met hun streven naar duurzame ontwikkeling. Bij deze duurzame ontwikkeling gaat het ook om natuur en natuurbehoud in ons eigen land, waarbij gelukkig steeds meer burgers, verenigingen en organisaties zich betrokken blijken te voelen. De spectaculaire ontwikkeling van de landbouw in de laatste decennia heeft ons voor grote milieuproblemen gesteld, die nu tot een oplossing gebracht moeten worden. Met het bedrijfsleven, dat in dezen voor een zware opgave staat, zal overleg worden gevoerd over de noodzakelijke maatregelen. Gegeven de ernst van de problemen zal wèl strikt de hand gehouden moeten worden aan het afgesproken tijdpad. In meer algemene zin staat onze landbouw nog voor forse aanpassingproblemen. Europese en mondiale ontwikkelingen dwingen hiertoe. De problemen zijn niet gering. De geschiedenis leert echter dat de beste weg is een tijdige gemeenschappelijke aanpak gericht op verandering. Aan de verdere ontwikkeling van de Europese Gemeenschappen kan Nederland als voorzitter de komende maanden richting helpen geven. Het gaat daarbij om drie aspecten: ten eerste de voltooiing van de interne markt in ruime zin, dus ook met een sociale dimensie; ten tweede het leggen van de fundamenten voor een verdere integratie door middel van de Economische en Monetaire Unie en de Europese Politieke Unie; ten slotte zorgen dat Europa openstaat naar de wereld buiten de huidige grenzen van de Gemeenschappen. Dit laatste heeft concreet betrekking op de samenwerking met de leden van de Europese Vrijhandelsassociatie en met de nieuwe democratieën op ons continent. Daarnaast is een succesvolle afronding van de internationale handelsbesprekingen, de zogeheten Uruguay-Ronde, van grote betekenis. De verdere economische expansie van ontwikkelingslanden is hiermee gediend, alsmede het proces van economische hervormingen in de landen van Oost-Europa. Bovendien is het van wezenlijk belang voor het mondiaal herstel van de economie. Ontwikkelingssamenwerking is een proces van lange adem. Ondanks teleurstellingen zijn er de afgelopen dertig jaar resultaten geboekt: de kindersterfte is gehalveerd, de gemiddelde levensverwachting is met ruim tien jaar toegenomen en de economische groei resulteerde in inkomensverdubbeling. Maar dat neemt niet weg dat de kloof tussen Noord en Zuid en de tweedeling in welvaart binnen de landen zijn vergroot. Meer dan een miljard mensen leven nog in absolute armoede. De wereldgemeenschap zal daarom met onverminderde energie door moeten gaan met armoedebestrijding en ontwikkeling. Het niet langer beschikbaar stellen van kapitaalmarktmiddelen maakt op korte termijn de mogelijkheden krapper, doch heeft structureel belangrijke voordelen. Twee begrotingsposten bij Ontwikkelingssamenwerking worden volgend jaar aanzienlijk verhoogd; het budget voor noodhulp en de uitgaven voor milieubeleid in ontwikkelingslanden. Intussen vraagt naast de Derde Wereld ook de vroegere Tweede Wereld, bij de instorting van het communisme, op geheel nieuwe wijze onze aandacht. In de komende tijd komt het er voor de Sovjetunie op aan nieuwe staatkundige structuren inhoud te geven en tevens het hoofd te bieden aan grote economische problemen. Samen met zijn Europese en Atlantische partners wil Nederland aan deze inspanningen zijn bijdrage leveren. Het verlangen van de nieuwe democratieën in Midden- en Oost-Europa om bij de vrije wereld te horen, vraagt om een antwoord. Onze tegemoetkomendheid mag niet beperkt blijven tot financiële inspanningen maar moet ook grotere toegankelijkheid van onze markten inhouden. Op de NAVO-top in november aanstaande zal het bondgenootschap de besluitvorming over zijn nieuwe politiek-militaire strategie afronden. Ook in de huidige omstandigheden behoudt de NAVO haar essentiële rol voor de veiligheid van haar lidstaten en voor de stabiliteit van Europa in wijdere zin. Joegoslavië laat zien hoe een moeizaam proces van hervormingen door etnische spanningen en machtsconflicten kan ontsporen. Het is van het grootste belang, dat deze problemen tot een bevredigende oplossing worden gebracht. Daarom ook wordt hier in Den Haag de Joegoslavië-conferentie gehouden. Met betrekking tot het Israëlisch-Arabische conflict en de Palestijnse kwestie biedt de aangekondigde vredesconferentie uitzicht op de zo noodzakelijke onderhandelingen tussen de betrokken partijen. Als huidig voorzitter van de Europese Gemeenschap zal Nederland deelnemen aan de conferentie en zich krachtig inzetten voor deze historische kans op een rechtvaardigde vrede. De Golfcrisis heeft pijnlijk duidelijk gemaakt welke gevaren schuilen in overbewapening en ongebreidelde wapenexport. Nederland heeft, samen met de Europese partners, het initiatief genomen om bij de Verenigde Naties een register op te zetten voor de internationale wapenhandel, waardoor bestrijding ervan beter mogelijk wordt. De uitvoering van de Defensienota is voortvarend ter hand genomen. De gewijzigde internationale politieke verhoudingen hebben niet alleen een lager budget, maar ook een herstructurering en verkleining van de defensie-organisatie mogelijk gemaakt. De gevolgen die deze veranderingen hebben voor het personeel worden opgevangen in een zorgvuldig personeelsbeleid. In het kader van de herstructurering zal een binnenkort in te stellen Adviescommissie onderzoeken of de dienstplicht in zijn huidige vorm kan blijven bestaan. Tussen de landen en volkeren van Nederland en Suriname bestaat een bijzondere verbondenheid. Surinaamse inspanningen voor herstel van democratie, rechtsstaat en welvaart kunnen dan ook rekenen op Nederlandse steun. Om juist die inspanningen te ondersteunen is de regering bereid besprekingen te voeren over een nauwer samenwerkingsverband indien de Surinaamse regering de wens daartoe uit. Er bestaat tussen de regeringen van de landen van het Koninkrijk overeenstemming over de voortzetting van de koninkrijksbanden en de vernieuwing van het Statuut. Daarbij zal nadrukkelijk aandacht worden besteed aan de mogelijkheden tot versterking van de waarborgen voor democratie en rechtsstaat, en zal de samenwerking op het gebied van de rechtshandhaving worden geïntensiveerd. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, 1992 wordt een moeilijk jaar. Indien men kennis neemt van de zeer ernstige problemen in tal van landen, plaatst dat onze eigen situatie zonder twijfel in een ander licht. Te meer maakt het de noodzaak helder zelf in ons land de verantwoordelijkheid voor behoud en versterking van democratie en welvaart gestalte te geven door een op de toekomst gericht beleid, ook als dit offers vraagt. Het staat vast dat een aantal beslissingen burgers in hun dagelijkse bestaan zal raken. Dit vraagt in onze democratische rechtsstaat niet alleen om een helder besef van wat moet gebeuren, maar bij de uitvoering ook om zorgvuldig overleg. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. De inval van Irak in Kuwayt is een flagrante schending van de internationale rechtsorde. De regering geeft uitvoering aan de mandatoire maatregelen van de Veiligheidsraad die moeten leiden tot een doeltreffend economisch embargo tegen Irak en heeft ter ondersteuning daarvan twee fregatten van de Koninklijke Marine naar de Golf-regio gezonden. De regering is zich bewust van de gevaren die aan deze missie verbonden zijn. De handhaving van de internationale rechtsorde weegt echter zwaar. Nederland kan niet afzijdig blijven. De regering voelt zich zeer betrokken bij de veiligheid van de Nederlanders die nog in Irak en Kuwayt zijn. Onze gedachten gaan in het bijzonder uit naar hen en hun verwanten. De crisis in de Golf-regio maakt duidelijk dat er nu - mede dank zij de verbeterde verhoudingen tussen Oost en West - voor de Verenigde Naties mogelijkheden zijn om verantwoordelijkheid te nemen. De inspanning is nu gericht op vrede en het respecteren van de internationale rechtsorde. De rol van de Verenigde Naties is echter evenzeer nodig om gerechtigheid en solidariteit in de wereld te bevorderen. De verantwoordelijkheid voor ontwikkeling en welvaart moet gestalte krijgen binnen de grenzen van een beheersbare groei en het behoud van het milieu. Kort na de Tweede Wereldoorlog werd de Universele Verklaring van de Rechten van de Mens opgesteld. Deze rechten hebben ook vandaag grote betekenis. Onderdrukking, onrecht en gebrek aan tolerantie moeten worden bestreden. Het gaat juist om ontplooiing in vrijheid, met recht op eigen cultuur en overtuiging, ingebed in respect en zorg voor elkaar. Deze idealen moeten ook richtsnoer zijn voor ons eigen land. Sociale en bestuurlijke vernieuwing, alsmede eenwording van Europa zijn daarbij in onze democratie sleutelwoorden. Om deze idealen te verwezenlijken, zoekt de regering samenspraak en samenwerking. In Europa beleven wij historische tijden. Vanaf 3 oktober zal er weer één Duitsland zijn. De deling van Europa loopt ten einde. Het beleid is erop gericht de democratische en economische ontwikkelingen in Oost-Europa te steunen en aan te moedigen. Met het oog hierop is de Europese Bank voor Wederopbouw en Ontwikkeling opgericht. Nederland heeft het initiatief genomen tot een Europese samenwerking op energiegebied. Deze kan haar doorwerking hebben op tal van terreinen en in het bijzonder ook een krachtige impuls geven aan het milieubeleid in Europa. Hopelijk wordt nog dit jaar een overeenkomst ondertekend over de vermindering van conventionele strijdkrachten in Europa; daarnaast onderstreept ook de terugtrekking van Sovjettroepen uit Oosteuropese landen de verheugende verandering. Europa vraagt om een Europees veiligheidsbeleid. Dit zal echter moeten gebeuren met behoud van de samenwerking in Atlantisch verband, opdat een voortgezette betrokkenheid van Noord-Amerika bij de veiligheid van Europa verzekerd blijft. In de Navo treedt de militaire functie minder op de voorgrond; haar politieke taak wint in het veranderde Europa daarentegen aan belang. Het gaat daarbij om samenwerking in plaats van confrontatie. In ons land wordt een herstructurering van de krijgsmacht en een daarmee gepaard gaande vermindering van de personeelssterkte voorbereid. De diensttijd zal met twee maanden worden verkort. Dit geldt voor alle dienstplichtigen die na 29 oktober in werkelijke dienst komen. Verdere integratie van de Europese Gemeenschap is geboden, nu ook met het oog op de situatie in Oost-Europa en de inbedding van het Verenigde Duitsland in nieuwe Europese structuren. Nationale bevoegdheden kunnen worden overgedragen aan organen van de Europese Gemeenschap indien daarmee de doelmatigheid van het bestuur gediend is. Daarbij moet worden gezorgd voor de versterking van de positie van het Europees Parlement, ook in relatie tot de Europese Commissie. Dit zal aan de orde komen in een intergouvernementele conferentie over de Europese Politieke Unie. De contouren van de interne markt beginnen steeds duidelijker zichtbaar te worden, maar op bepaalde terreinen, zoals transport, milieu en financiële dienstverlening, zal nog een aanzienlijke inspanning worden gevergd. Bovendien moet het sociaal beleid uitgewerkt worden aan de hand van de vraag of een onderwerp op Europees, dan wel op nationaal niveau moet worden geregeld, en welke rol de sociale partners moeten spelen. Dat de landbouwuitgaven van de Europese Gemeenschap weer sterk gaan groeien is zorgelijk. De ontwikkelingen op de agrarische markten maken voortgaande aanpassing dan ook onontkoombaar; mede om de internationale verhoudingen op het gebied van de handel in landbouwprodukten te verbeteren. Aanpassing is ook nodig om te komen tot een land- en tuinbouw die uitgeoefend wordt met respect voor het milieu. Op 1 juli van dit jaar is de eerste fase ingegaan van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. Voor een succesvolle Intergouvernementele Conferentie die verder inhoud zal geven aan deze Monetaire Unie zal de regering zich inzetten. De Europees-politieke samenwerking krijgt steeds meer gestalte. Van daaruit probeert Nederland samen met de andere lidstaten ontwikkelingen buiten de Europese Gemeenschap zo goed mogelijk te ondersteunen. Dat geldt nu heel nadrukkelijk voor Zuid-Afrika, waar de ontwikkelingen bemoedigend en hoopgevend zijn. Voor het eerst is er een echte dialoog ontstaan. Nederland zal zich blijven inzetten voor de ontwikkelingslanden. Daarbij neemt de bestrijding van armoede een belangrijke plaats in. In de Nota 'Ontwikkelingssamenwerking in de jaren negentig' zal tevens aandacht worden gegeven aan initiatieven om te komen tot schuldvermindering. Daarbij blijft de bereidheid van schuldenlanden om hun beleid aan te passen een voorwaarde voor verbetering van hun economische ontwikkeling. In deze nota zal ook de gezamenlijke verantwoordelijkheid voor het milieu een plaats krijgen. Duurzame ontwikkeling vraagt om een nieuwe wereldomvattende strategie gericht op milieubehoud. Liberalisering van de wereldhandel en een goed multilateraal handelssysteem kunnen een positieve rol vervullen bij bestendige groei van de welvaart in de wereld. Het welslagen van de nieuwe 'Algemene overeenkomst voor handel en tarieven' - de zogenaamde Uruguay-ronde - is van mondiale betekenis. Onze economie toont groeikracht en mogelijkheden, zoals onder meer blijkt uit de toename van de werkgelegenheid en het sterk gestegen aantal vacatures, maar tegelijk zijn er bedreigingen en ernstige problemen. Zowel op het punt van de ontwikkeling van de loonkosten als dat van de resultaten van de ondernemingen is er weer reden tot zorg. Daarbij komt dan nu de crisis in het Midden-Oosten. Waakzaamheid is geboden. De concurrentie uit het buitenland wordt steeds sterker. Dit eist voortdurende aandacht en discipline, van overheid én bedrijfsleven. Dit is ook de kern van de nota 'Economie met open grenzen'. Het is belangrijk door investeren onze samenleving en' economie sterker te maken. Beheersing van de loonkosten blijft essentieel met het oog op de werkgelegenheid. Dit jaar is met de ontwikkeling van de loonkosten de kritische grens bereikt. Een nieuwe loon-prijsspiraal moet vermeden worden. Beheersing van de loonkosten zal dan ook een van de centrale onderwerpen van overleg met de sociale partners vormen. De verbetering van de contractlonen van werknemers in de marktsector zal, mits verantwoord, ook in 1991 op overeenkomstige wijze kunnen doorwerken in de inkomens van werkenden in de collectieve sector en van uitkeringsgerechtigden. Er zijn maatregelen getroffen voor een redelijk evenwichtig gespreide koopkrachtontwikkeling. Wel zal deze slechts bescheiden kunnen zijn, aangezien ook een aantal essentiële publieke taken meer aandacht vergt. Gemeenschapsvoorzieningen ontlenen hun betekenis aan sociale en economische motieven. Door de Europese integratie zal een adequaat aanbod van publieke voorzieningen en infrastructuur steeds meer bepalend zijn voor de internationale concurrentiekracht van de economie. Maar dit moet wel worden afgewogen tegen de lasten die daaruit voor de burgers voortvloeien. Bij deze afweging mag het probleem niet afgewenteld worden op het financieringstekort en de staatsschuld. Jaar in, jaar uit is de staatsschuld in verhouding tot het nationale inkomen toegenomen en daarmee eveneens de renteverplichting van de rijksoverheid. Dat kan niet door blijven gaan. Daarom zal het financieringstekort verder omlaag gebracht worden. Milieubeleid en economische groei zijn beide van belang en kunnen elkaar ondersteunen. De specifieke ligging van Nederland en de structuur van onze economie noodzaken tot een vèrgaand milieubeleid. Met het uitbrengen van het Nationaal Milieubeleidsplan en de aanvulling daarop heeft de regering de lijnen uitgezet. Nu de behandeling hiervan in gemeen overleg met U achter de rug is, kan het komende jaar alle aandacht uitgaan naar de uitvoering. De regering hecht ook aan het versterken van het milieubeleid in Europees verband. Een voorbeeld daarvan is het Rijn-actieplan, dat zijn vruchten begint af te werpen. Door uitvoering van het Natuurbeleidsplan zal de versterking van het natuurbeleid gestalte krijgen. In veel ontwikkelingslanden is er een voortschrijdende degradatie van het milieu. Daarom heeft Nederland, te zamen met andere landen, het initiatief genomen om een milieufaciliteit binnen de Wereldbank op te richten. Veel milieuproblemen vragen een aanpak gericht op de lange termijn. Zo kan het afvalprobleem uiteindelijk alleen maar met hergebruik en preventie worden opgelost. Een goed beheer van ons land vraagt ook dat we grenzen stellen aan de negatieve effecten van verkeer en vervoer. Het uitgebrachte Structuurschema heeft daartoe de aanzetten gegeven. Nederland heeft zijn welvaart voor een groot deel te danken aan de ligging aan belangrijke verkeersaders. Goede bereikbaarheid is essentieel. Wij staan dus voor de taak intelligente en creatieve oplossingen te vinden. Om economische groei mogelijk te maken en tegelijk het milieu te ontzien, moeten onze vervoermiddelen zo schoon, zuinig, veilig en stil mogelijk zijn. Verbeteringen in de sfeer van het openbaar vervoer, het meer samenrijden in de auto en meer gebruik van de fiets zullen een bijdrage leveren aan het terugdringen van onnodige automobiliteit. Een van de ernstigste effecten van de ongeremde verkeersgroei en het gebrek aan discipline in het verkeer is het aantal doden en gewonden; elk jaar 1500 doden en 50.000 gewonden. Het beleid ter verbetering van de verkeersveiligheid zal daarom worden aangescherpt. De stormen van de afgelopen winter hebben ons herinnerd aan de noodzakelijke aandacht voor onze kust. De regering heeft daarom de nodige middelen vrijgemaakt om de huidige kustlijn in stand te kunnen houden. Economische groei blijft onmisbaar voor het verwezenlijken van werkgelegenheid voor een jaarlijks toenemende beroepsbevolking. Dit is echter niet voldoende: een maatschappelijk evenwichtige groei is evenzeer noodzakelijk. Te veel burgers zijn financieel afhankelijk van een uitkering. Activerend arbeidsmarktbeleid en sociale vernieuwing moeten deze ontwikkeling keren. In de tripartiete arbeidsvoorziening krijgt de medeverantwoordelijkheid van werknemers en werkgevers gestalte. Aan die medeverantwoordelijkheid zal ook concrete inhoud worden gegeven waar het de arbeidsongeschiktheid betreft. Het spookbeeld van een miljoen arbeidsongeschikten mag immers geen werkelijkheid worden. Het toenemend besef in onze samenleving dat de uitstoot van mensen uit het arbeidsproces niet langer op z'n beloop gelaten kan worden, is verheugend. Voor de moeilijk plaatsbare werklozen biedt het groter aantal vacatures extra kansen. Deze te benutten is sociaal en economisch van grote betekenis. De aard en omvang van de werkloosheid onder allochtonen zijn nog steeds dermate zorgwekkend dat maatregelen geboden zijn om de toegankelijkheid van bedrijven en instellingen voor minderheden te vergroten. Concrete gedachten daaromtrent zijn voorgelegd aan de Stichting van de Arbeid. Kennis van de Nederlandse taal is onmisbaar voor het verkrijgen van een zelfstandiger positie in de maatschappij; daarom is het verwerven van die kennis noodzakelijk. Scholing is belangrijk als antwoord op datgene wat de arbeidsmarkt vraagt. In reactie op het rapport van de tijdelijke adviescommissie Onderwijs-Arbeidsmarkt zal de regering spoedig nadere voorstellen doen om vorm te geven aan een gezamenlijke verantwoordelijkheid, ook financieel, van overheid, sociale partners en onderwijsinstellingen. Het emancipatiebeleid heeft op diverse terreinen vooruitgang laten zien. Steeds meer herintredende vrouwen nemen in het arbeidsproces een gewaardeerde plaats in. Door uitbreiding van kinderopvang en verlofregelingen zal het aantal vrouwen met jonge kinderen dat ouderschapstaken met betaalde arbeid kan combineren verder toenemen. Over de vraag hoe de deelname van vrouwen aan de politiek en het openbaar bestuur verder gestimuleerd kan worden, zal aan de Emancipatieraad advies worden gevraagd. De regering heeft haar voornemen tot algehele herziening van de huidige Algemene Weduwen- en Wezenwet neergelegd in een voorstel voor een nieuwe Algemene Nabestaandenwet. In het voorstel wordt vorm gegeven aan een betere positie van weduwnaren. Tegelijk wordt rekening gehouden met veranderende omstandigheden waar het betreft de deelname van vrouwen aan het arbeidsproces. Sociale en bestuurlijke vernieuwing vullen elkaar aan. De verantwoordelijkheden van overheden, maatschappelijke organisaties en burgers moeten z6 met elkaar verbonden worden dat de sociale politiek betere resultaten oplevert. Te veel burgers staan aan de kant en er is te veel verspilling van menselijk talent. De regering wil gemeenten de gelegenheid geven om in goed overleg met maatschappelijke organisaties en de burgers zelf keuzen te doen en aan beleid vorm te geven. Voorstellen voor een decentralisatie van de Bijzondere Bijstand zijn onlangs bij U ingediend. Hiermee krijgen gemeenten meer mogelijkheden om financiële noodsituaties te bestrijden die het gevolg zijn van individuele omstandigheden. Dat over het kader van sociale vernieuwing met de organisaties van het bijzonder onderwijs overeenstemming is bereikt, is verheugend. Op basis daarvan kunnen deze onderwijsinstellingen op het lokale niveau deelnemen aan dit proces. Goed onderwijs vormt de burger. Opdat ieder zo goed mogelijke kansen krijgt, worden het speciaal onderwijs en het basisonderwijs dichter bij elkaar gebracht en wordt de basisvorming in het voortgezet onderwijs voorgesteld. De motivatie en bekwaamheid van de vrouw en de man voor de klas zijn van doorslaggevend belang voor de kwaliteit van het onderwijs. Daarom zullen maatregelen worden voorgesteld om de positie van het beroep van leraar te verbeteren. Op het terrein van wetenschapsbeoefening acht de regering de vorming van onderzoeksscholen - waar onderzoekers worden opgeleid - van wezenlijk belang. Dat de bestuurlijke grenzen in ons land niet meer overal toereikend zijn, wordt zichtbaar in de grote stedelijke gebieden. Problemen moeten daar op bovenlokaal niveau aangepakt kunnen worden. Voorstellen om hiertoe bestuurlijke voorzieningen te treffen, zullen U binnenkort bereiken. De organisatie van de rijksoverheid zal worden doorgelicht. Om kwaliteit en doelmatigheid te verhogen, zal de overheid alleen moeten doen wat echt nodig is, en dubbel werk moeten vermijden. Met de nieuw af te sluiten bestuursakkoorden wordt de goede relatie tussen het Rijk en de gemeenten voortgezet. De regering hoopt dat ook met de provincies een bestuursakkoord tot stand kan worden gebracht. Met de vakorganisaties van overheidspersoneel werd voor de periode van 1 januari 1990 tot april 1991 een overeenkomst gesloten over het pakket van arbeidsvoorwaarden. De kern van het nieuwe overlegstelsel is het vereiste dat zonder overeenstemming met de vakorganisaties geen wijziging van arbeidsvoorwaarden mogelijk is. De regering is vastbesloten verder te gaan op de weg naar decentralisatie en marktconforme arbeidsverhoudingen. Wetgeving, bestuur en rechtspraak zijn nodig voor een evenwichtige behartiging van algemene belangen en voor een eerlijke beslechting van geschillen. De ontwikkeling van onze samenleving heeft op het terrein van de rechtshandhaving echter tot een paradoxale situatie geleid. Terwijl aan de ene kant voor steeds meer aspecten van het maatschappelijk leven om regels wordt gevraagd, blijkt aan de andere kant dat de samenleving zich steeds minder aan regels wenst te houden. Mede daardoor raken de instellingen van rechtshandhaving en rechtspraak overbelast. De regering zal zich inspannen om het functioneren van ons rechtsstelsel te verbeteren en criminaliteit tegen te gaan. Een goed functionerende politie is voor de handhaving van de rechtsorde onontbeerlijk. De reorganisatie van het politiebestel is daarop gericht. Versterking van het Openbaar Ministerie en een ingrijpende reorganisatie van de rechterlijke macht zullen een betere taakvervulling van deze organen mogelijk moeten maken. Nog deze maand zult U een nota over het gehele justitiebeleid ontvangen, waarin een plan van aanpak wordt geschetst. In de wetgeving zal meer accent worden gelegd op de gezamenlijke inspanning van overheid en samenleving. In het algemene wetgevingsbeleid zal bijzondere aandacht worden besteed aan de handhaafbaarheid, alsmede aan de tijdige en juiste uitvoering van verdragen en van het recht van de Europese Gemeenschap. Het opkomen voor mensen met een kwetsbare positie is een belangrijk onderdeel van het wetgevingsbeleid. Een voorbeeld daarvan is het wetsvoorstel om ongelijke behandeling tegen te gaan. Een ander voorbeeld is het wetsvoorstel ter versterking van de rechten van patiënten en proefpersonen. Door ontwikkelingen in verschillende delen van de wereld neemt de stroom van asielzoekers toe. Met zorg voor het behoud van de waarborgen waaraan wij hechten, zullen voorstellen worden ontwikkeld voor versnelling van de procedures in asielzaken. Wanneer mensen in onze samenleving zijn ingeburgerd, vormt het verkrijgen van het Nederlanderschap een passende bevestiging daarvan. De regering zal een goed gebruik van de mogelijkheden daartoe bevorderen. De toename van onze bevolking, ook door gezinshereniging, asielverlening en andere vormen van migratie, leidt ertoe dat ons land rond de jaarwisseling 15 miljoen inwoners zal hebben. Dat is eerder dan verwacht. Deze ontwikkeling stelt nieuwe eisen op het gebied van onderwijs, arbeidsmarktbeleid en tal van voorzieningen. Het is belangrijk dat een ieder zich niet alleen inwoner maar ook mede-burger weet en voelt. Dat vraagt enerzijds om tolerantie, anderzijds ook om het aanspreken op plichten. In de gezondheidszorg is steeds meer mogelijk. Daardoor dringt zich de vraag op of alles wat kan, ook moet en mag. Dat is een discussie die niet alleen aan medici of ethici moet worden overgelaten, maar die maatschappelijk zal moeten worden gevoerd. Daarom is de Adviescommissie Keuzen in de Zorg geïnstalleerd. Bevorderd wordt dat het financieringsstelsel voor de zorgsector per 1 januari 1991 zijn volgende fase ingaat. Dit betreft een operatie die het beeld van de gezondheidszorg de komende jaren zal veranderen. Voor ons allen is het een uitdaging de ouderen blijvend te betrekken bij de maatschappelijke ontwikkeling. Wij kunnen hun bijdrage daaraan niet missen. Daarmee moet rekening gehouden worden bij het beleid ten aanzien van het wonen, het inkomen, de gezondheidszorg en hun actieve deelname aan de samenleving. Naast aandacht voor nieuwe culturele ontwikkelingen is eerbied voor ons cultureel erfgoed een ereplicht. Daarom wordt een 'Deltaplan voor het Cultuurbehoud' ontwikkeld. In de 'Nota volkshuisvesting in de jaren negentig' wordt aandacht besteed aan vergroting van verantwoordelijkheden van gemeenten en woningcorporaties om de voorraad betaalbare woningen en de financiële middelen zo goed mogelijk in te zetten voor de huishoudens met lagere inkomens. Het beleid inzake de stadsvernieuwing blijft gericht op het wegwerken van achterstanden. In 1991 zullen - mede op basis van een evaluatie van hetgeen tot op heden is bereikt - voorstellen worden gedaan voor het beleid in de toekomst. Nederland is bereid de constitutionele band met de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba voort te zetten en deze relatie nieuwe impulsen te geven. Dat betreft allereerst het bestendigen van een constitutionele orde die gebaseerd is op de beginselen van vrijheid, recht en democratie; daarnaast een heroriëntatie van het hulpbeleid gericht op meer eigen verantwoordelijkheid voor budget en economie. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Bestuurlijke en sociale vernieuwing zullen in het komende jaar veel van Uw aandacht vergen, ter versterking van de kwaliteit van en de saamhorigheid in onze samenleving. Ook de internationale ontwikkelingen die aanleiding geven tot hoop en vrees zullen belangrijke beslissingen van U blijven vragen. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Na de vervroegde verkiezingen is op 14 september de nieuw gekozen Tweede Kamer bijeengekomen. Met de vorming van een nieuw kabinet is een aanvang gemaakt. Deze uiteenzetting van het regeringsbeleid zal dus sober zijn. In verscheidene delen van de wereld is er sprake van een streven naar meer vrijheid en een democratische rechtsorde. Steeds wijder wordt erkend dat deze ontwikkeling ook de beste basis biedt voor een rechtvaardige en welvarende samenleving. Zo doen zich in een aantal Oosteuropese landen bemoedigende veranderingen voor. Deze verdienen onze steun en sympathie, in woord en daad, opdat de kille scheiding door het IJzeren Gordijn steeds meer plaats maakt voor samenwerking en goed nabuurschap. De NAVO heeft afgelopen voorjaar haar veertigjarig bestaan herdacht. Ook de komende jaren zal het bondgenootschap onmisbaar blijven om vrede en veiligheid in ons werelddeel te waarborgen. Op het gunstige klimaat van de wapenbeheersing wil Nederland met zijn Atlantische partners actief blijven inspelen om tot verdere akkoorden te komen. Van bijzonder belang in dit verband zijn de onderhandelingen over conventionele strijdkrachten. Deze besprekingen bieden de gelegenheid grote onevenwichtigheden, die al zo lang een schaduw werpen over ons continent, om te zetten in een duurzaam evenwicht en te komen tot een geringere bewapening. Met betrekking tot het veiligheidsvraagstuk zal de voortschrijdende eenwording West-Europa beter in staat stellen meer verantwoordelijkheden te dragen voor politieke en economische stabiliteit, zowel in de eigen regio als elders in de wereld. Voor zover het integratieproces de economie betreft, is de eerste opdracht de voltooiing van de Interne Markt. Hiermee worden goede vorderingen gemaakt. De regering ziet de verwezenlijking van een Economische en Monetaire Unie, waarvan de eerste fase thans in voorbereiding is, als een vervolg op de totstandkoming van de Interne Markt. Bij het gestalte geven aan de sociale en culturele identiteit van Europa gaat het om éénheid in verscheidenheid. Met het voortgaan van de integratie is het echter wel belangrijk alleen datgene op Gemeenschapsniveau te regelen wat niet aan de individuele lidstaten kan worden overgelaten. De interne versterking van de Gemeenschap zal niet ten koste mogen gaan van de openheid naar buiten. Integendeel, de toegankelijkheid moet vergroot worden, in het bijzonder tegenover de ontwikkelingslanden. De eigen verantwoordelijkheid van deze landen voor het op gang brengen van groei en ontwikkeling vormt het uitgangspunt van de strijd tegen armoede en achterstand. Niettemin hebben de rijke landen de plicht de inspanningen van de ontwikkelingslanden te steunen, zowel direct als met behulp van multilaterale organisaties. De problemen die veel ontwikkelingslanden hebben met hun buitenlandse schuld, vormen een bron van aanhoudende zorg. Nederland streeft ernaar deze problemen tot een oplossing te brengen door samenwerking in het kader van het Internationale Monetaire Fonds en de Wereldbank. Voorts kunnen industrielanden belangrijk bijdragen aan de oplossing van het schuldenvraagstuk, door hun grenzen verder open te stellen voor buitenlandse handel en door voorwaarden te scheppen voor een voorspoedige economische groei en voor een duurzame verlaging van de rente. Het is verheugend dat de betrekkingen met Suriname in belangrijke mate zijn genormaliseerd, zodat de ontwikkelingsrelatie kan worden hersteld. Onze wereld wordt zich steeds duidelijker bewust van gemeenschappelijke zorgen; het grensoverschrijdende en vaak wereldomspannende karakter van het milieuvraagstuk is daarvan een voorbeeld. Nederland, dat zelf duidelijk te kampen heeft met milieuvervuiling en voor oplossingen veelal sterk afhankelijk is van het buitenland, zal de internationals aanpak van de problemen blijven stimuleren, zowel in Europees als in mondiaal verband. De conferentie van Den Haag dit voorjaar en de ministersconferentie dit najaar in Noordwijk, die gewijd zal zijn aan de problemen van atmosferische vervuiling en klimaatsverandering, geven hieraan concrete uiting. Het in mei uitgebrachte Nationaal Milieubeleidsplan bevat behalve een langeretermijnstrategie voor herstel van het ecologisch evenwicht en voor een duurzame ontwikkeling, ook een uitgewerkt activiteitenprogramma voor een gefntensiveerd milieubeheer voor de periode tot en met 1994. De urgentie van de milieuproblematiek bracht mee dat met de voorbereiding van de uitvoering reeds een begin moest worden gemaakt. De regering heeft de afgelopen maanden een aantal wetsvoorstellen en beleidsnota's ingediend die de slagvaardigheid en effectiviteit van het milieubeheer op een hoger niveau moeten brengen. Versterking van de samenwerking tussen overheid en sectoren die verantwoordelijk zijn voor bepaalde vormen van vervuiling, is een belangrijke voorwaarde voor een doeltreffende aanpak. Aanpassingen van produktie-processen en consumptie-patronen zullen nodig zijn; ze doen een groot beroep op technologische creativiteit en bereidheid tot verandering in gedrag. In het verkeer neemt de spanning tussen mobiliteit en milieu toe. De afgelopen maanden bleek dat weer herhaaldelijk. Aan de groei van het verkeer moeten grenzen gesteld worden. Tegelijk beseffen we hoe belangrijk het voor de welvaart is dat ons land hoofdingang van Europa blijft en zijn distributiefunctie kan blijven vervullen. De regering heeft ingrijpende voorstellen gedaan om dit dilemma het hoofd te bieden. Het nieuwe kabinet moet kiezen met welke middelen het de belasting van het milieu door de auto kan verminderen en hoe er voldoende ruimte gegeven kan worden aan het zakelijke en het goederenverkeer. Pijnloze oplossingen zijn overigens niet voorhanden. Twintig iaar geleden is de zorg voor de waterkwaliteit wettelijk geregeld. Met een actief milieubeleid werd toen een begin gemaakt. We kunnen nu zeggen dat de vervuiler niet voor niets heeft moeten betalen; de waterzuivering heeft heilzame gevolgen gehad. In andere opzichten zijn de problemen echter sterk onderschat: ze zijn nog steeds zo groot dat ze met nieuw elan moeten worden aangepakt. De onlangs verschenen Nota Waterhuishouding geeft de weg daarvoor aan. Het komende jaar zullen de voornemens die zijn neergelegd in de Structuurnota Landbouw en het Natuurbeleidsplan, kunnen worden uitgewerkt. Hoofddoelstelling van de Structuurnota Landbouw is het bevorderen van een concurrerende, veilige en duurzame landbouw. Uitgangspunt is dat de landbouw een economische activiteit is die moet plaatsvinden met respect voor de instandhouding van het milieu als natuurlijke hulpbron. Het Natuurbeleidsplan heeft ten doel natuurlijke en landschappelijke waarden duurzaam te behouden, te herstellen en te ontwikkelen. De geïndustrialiseerde wereld beleeft momenteel het zevende jaar van toenemende economische activiteit. In de naoorlogse periode is de duur van deze bloei alleen vergelijkbaar met de periode van economische voorspoed in de jaren zestig. Er zonder meer van uitgaan dat deze groei zich zal voortzetten, houdt echter grote risico's in. In de afgelopen periode heeft Nederland op het punt van de ontwikkeling van de economie en de bedrijfsinvesteringen weer de aansluiting gevonden bij de andere Europese landen. Op een aantal terreinen doet ons land het zelfs beter. Vooral de groei van de werkgelegenheid in ons land is hoog; 500 000 mensen méér vonden daardoor werk. Dat is 2 procent per jaar in de periode 1984- 1989. Voortzetting van deze groei is van groot belang. De komende jaren zullen de kansen op werk voor langdurig werklozen - in het bijzonder uit etnische minderheden - én herintredende vrouwen verbeterd moeten worden. Een actief arbeidsmarktbeleid, bestaande uit scholing en het opdoen van werkervaring, verdient onverminderd voortzetting. De inspanningen zullen dichter bij de praktijk gebracht worden, indien het voorstel Arbeidsvoorzienings-wet wordt aangenomen. Ook in 1990 is een gematigde loonkostenontwikkeling van cruciaal belang voor voortzetting van de economische groei en herstel van de werkgelegenheid. Alleen een gematigde loonontwikkeling maakt een gelijkwaardiger inkomensontwikkeling voor onderscheiden groepen burgers verantwoord; dit zowel uit een oogpunt van werkgelegenheid als van de ontwikkeling van de collectieve uitgaven. Om die reden is spoedig overleg vereist tussen overheid en sociale partners over de ontwikkeling van de arbeidsvoorwaarden en de bestrijding van de werkloosheid in de komende jaren. In afwachting van nieuwe regelgeving - onder verantwoordelijkheid van een volgend kabinet - gaat de regering thans uit van een verhoging van minimumloon en sociale uitkeringen met 1 procent per 1 januari aanstaande, volgens de nu geldende Wet Aanpassingsmechanismen. De regering is ernstig bezorgd over de toename van het aantal personen dat wegens arbeidsongeschiktheid niet meer aan het arbeidsproces kan deelnemen. Zonder verdere maatregelen moet verwacht worden dat het aantal arbeidsongeschikten blijft stijgen. Sociaal en economisch gezien is dit niet aanvaardbaar. De collectieve-lastendruk is de afgelopen kabinetsperiode licht gedaald ten opzichte van het feitelijk niveau in 1986. Er werd een begin gemaakt met het verlagen van belasting- en premietarieven. De wetswijzigingen naar aanleiding van de voorstellen van de Commissie-Oort worden inmiddels verwerkt in de loon- en inkomstenbelasting. In de periode van 1983 tot 1990 kon in het bijzonder het marginale tarief van belastingen en premies voor het overgrote deel van de burgers duidelijk dalen. Dit is mede van belang voor het goed functioneren van de arbeidsmarkt en het matigen van de loonkosten. Naar verwachting komt het financieringstekort in 1990 uit op 5 procent van het nationaal inkomen. Ten opzichte van het tekort in 1983 is er sprake van een halvering. Hierbij mag niet vergeten worden dat in deze periode de aardgasbaten sterk zijn afgenomen. De terugdringing van het financieringstekort is mede mogelijk geworden doordat het aandeel van de uitgaven in het nationaal inkomen zowel van het Rijk als van de gehele collectieve sector - is gedaald. Niettemin zijn, vergeleken bij de andere landen van de Europese Gemeenschap, onze collectieve uitgaven, ons financieringstekort en onze staatsschuld nog steeds erg hoog. Het blijft daarom noodzakelijk waakzaam te zijn bij de verdere beheersing van de overheidsuitgaven, mede in het kader van Europa 1992. Economische vernieuwing en bestrijding van de werkloosheid, vooral onder jongeren, vragen om hoge deelname aan onderwijs en scholing. Hierdoor komen ook de maatschappelijke en culturele taken van het onderwijs beter tot hun recht. De volwassenen-educatie is een middel om bij te blijven in de snel veranderende samenleving. In toenemende mate versterkt deze scholing bovendien haar bijdrage aan het verhogen van kansen op de arbeidsmarkt. Wil ons land zijn welvaart op peil kunnen houden, dan zullen wij moeten investeren in een hoog opleidingsniveau met daaraan gekoppeld een sterk onderzoekbestel. Daarnaast roepen de snelle ontwikkelingen in wetenschap en techniek ethische vragen op, die zorgvuldige behandeling vereisen. De nota over het wetenschapsbeleid in de iaren negentig zet daarvoor de noodzakelijke lijnen uit. Om op de langere termijn een goed en voor iedereen betaalbaar stelsel van gezondheidszorg te garanderen, wordt een tweede stap voorbereid in het vernieuwingsproces van de structuur en financiering ervan. Besluitvorming hierover is voorzien in het voorjaar van 1990. Belangrijk daarbij is vooral de overheveling van huisartsenhulp naar de Algemene Wet Bijzondere Ziektekosten, waardoor iedereen voor de kosten van deze hulp verzekerd zal zijn. Vanaf 1990 wordt niet alleen van mannen maar ook van vrouwen die dan achttien worden, verwacht dat zij een zelfstandig bestaan opbouwen. Het is de taak van de samenieving dit ook inderdaad mogelijk te maken. Dit vergt activiteiten op het terrein van scholing en bemiddeling gericht op kansrijke sectoren, verdere stimulering van positieve actie en verruiming van de mogelijkheid om betaald werk en verzorgende taken te combineren. Ten behoeve van de zorg voor en de dienstverlening aan mensen met een handicap en ouderen wordt in 1990 een extra bedrag ter beschikking gesteld. Voor een deel zal dit besteed kunnen worden aan verlaging van de werkdruk in de instellingen. Daarnaast wordt voortgegaan met het verminderen van de achterstand, opdat de wachtlijsten korter worden. Recent heeft de regering een advies over het minderhedenbeleid ontvangen van de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid. De regering bereidt een voorlopig standpunt voor, waarin het accent zal liggen op effectiever onderwijs aan en gerichte scholing van allochtone leerlingen, alsmede op een krachtige bestrijding van de langdurige werkloosheid onder deze groepen. Het mediabeleid staat sterk in de belangstelling. Wijziging van de omstandigheden, bijvoorbeeld door de Europese integratie op economisch en cultureel gebied, roept de vraag op of aanpassing van de wet niet noodzakelijk is. Een eerste antwoord in de vorm van twee wijzigingsvoorstellen van de Mediawet heeft de regering reeds gegeven. De kwaliteit van de wetgeving behoeft toenemende aandacht van alle betrokkenen. Dit geldt niet alleen voor de eisen die uit het internationals en het communautaire recht voortvloeien, maar in het bijzonder ook voor de effectiviteit en handhaafbaarheid, eenvoud en onderlinge afstemming. Vanuit het nieuwe Directoraat-Generaal Wetgeving bij het Ministerie van Justitie zal de afzonderlijke ministeries daartoe ondersteuning worden geboden. Bij de criminaliteits-bestrijding beginnen zich resultaten af te tekenen. Toch zullen bijzondere inspanningen nodig blijven om de omvang van de criminaliteit verder terug te dringen. De sterkte en de uitrusting van de diensten en organen die met opsporing, vervolging en berechting van strafbare feiten belast zijn, zullen daarom ook in de komende jaren veel aandacht belioeven. De afgelopen jaren hebben verschillende vormen van criminaliteits-preventie hun waarde voor de praktijk bewezen. Het is voor de bestrijding van de criminaliteit van groot belang dat de overheden, het bedrijfsleven, maatschappelijke instellingen en individuele burgers, elk binnen de eigen omgeving, zo weinig mogelijk gelegenheid bieden voor het plegen van misdrijven. De relatie tussen het Rijk en de andere overheden is - mede door de bestuursakkoorden - sterk verbeterd. Ook in de komende jaren verdient de relatie tussen de verschillende overheden aandacht. De positie van de grootstedelijke gebieden in de randstad is van groot belang, niet alleen door de zich daar concentrerende problemen, maar ook vanwege de aanwezige economische potenties. Een voorlopige reactie van de regering op de eerder dit jaar uitgebrachte adviezen van de Commissie-Montijn en de Raad voor het Binnenlands Bestuur is inmiddels verschenen. Alvorens een definitief standpunt te bepalen, wordt overleg gepleegd met de betrokken overheden. De naderende voltooiing van de zogenaamde 'afslankings-operatie' kan als een belangrijke fase in het proces van sanering van de overheidsorganisatie worden beschouwd. De stelselmatige verbetering van de kwaliteit en de doelmatigheid van het overheidsapparaat zal de komende jaren echter - mede gezien de positie van de overheid op de arbeidsmarkt - verder gestalte moeten krijgen. Op de Nederlandse Antillen wordt gewerkt aan versterking van de economie en gezocht naar een nieuwe evenwichtige vormgeving van de staatkundige structuur. Op Aruba worden nadere gedachten gevormd over de toekomstige relatie met Nederland. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Op weg naar het laatste decennium van deze eeuw rust op U een bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid. Er is veel tot stand gebracht, maar er zullen nog belangrijke keuzen moeten worden gedaan ter verankering van het recht van een ieder op een goed milieu, en ter bevordering van de democratische en sociale rechtsorde, nationaal, Europees en mondiaal. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. Meer dan ooit is dit jaar gebleken dat de Europese Gemeenschap vastbesloten is om binnen afzienbare tijd de onderlinge grenzen af te schaffen. Onze economie zal daarmee nieuwe kansen krijgen. Of we die zullen benutten, hangt grotendeels af van onszelf. Een goed opgeleide en gemotiveerde beroepsbevolking en een moderne uitrusting van onze bedrijven zullen onmisbaar blijken. Daarvoor is in de afgelopen jaren al een stevige grondslag gelegd. Door de kostenmatiging, die de sociale partners samen met de overheid hebben betracht, is er veel tot stand gebracht. Al is de werkloosheid nog te hoog, de economie is weer gaan groeien, en daarmee is ook het fundament voor onze collectieve voorzieningen versterkt. De werkgelegenheid is weer gaan stijgen. Vergeleken met het dieptepunt van vier jaar geleden hebben vandaag de dag tenminste driehonderdvijftig duizend meer mannen en vrouwen een baan. De investeringen, die de groeikracht van de bedrijven bevorderen, liggen liefst een derde hoger dan enkele jaren geleden. Er zijn de afgelopen jaren offers gebracht, maar er is ook veel bereikt. Daarom wil de regering het beleid van kostenmatiging volgend jaar voortzetten en dit de sociale partners ook mogelijk maken. Daartoe wordt een belangrijk deel van de weer stijgende belastingopbrengsten aangewend om het algemene BTW-tarief te veriagen met anderhalf procent, en voedings– en geneesmiddelen over te brengen naar het lage tarief. Zo kan de lichte prijsstijging, die nu vanuit het buitenland op ons afkomt, verminderd worden. Daarnaast kunnen de sociale premies omlaag; immers, door de stijgende werkgelegenheid brengen nu meer mensen te zamen het benodigde bedrag op voor uitkeringen. De regering verwacht dat de dalende belastingtarieven en sociale premies ervoor kunnen zorgen dat het matigingsbeleid met behoud van koopkracht, voortgezet kan worden. Tegelijk wordt stap voor stap het financieringstekort — de nieuwe schulden die de overheid jaar op jaar maakt — teruggedrongen. Intussen drukt de rentelast van de in het verleden gemaakte schulden zwaar op de begroting. Al met al kan negentien negenentachtig een voorspoedig jaar worden met stijgende werkgelegenheid, ondersteund door het matigingsbeleid, waarvoor niet meer die ingrijpende saneringen en offers nodig zijn die in de eerste helft van de jaren tachtig onvermijdelijk waren. Gelet op deze ontwikkeling mogen wij het volgend jaar met een zeker vertrouwen tegemoet zien. Toch is er geen aanleiding voor tevredenheid. De werkloosheid dreigt immers, zonder extra inspanningen, op een te hoog niveau te blijven steken. Het vraagstuk van de werkloosheid is zeker niet alleen een probleem van aantallen, dat afdoende met cijfermatige taakstellingen bestreden zou kunnen worden. Van elke drie werklozen die bij de arbeidsbureaus zijn ingeschreven, is er één niet volledig of niet direct beschikbaar voor arbeid. Bovendien is gebleken dat velen die wél beschikbaar zijn, niet geschikt zijn voor banen die worden aangeboden, omdat zij geen toereikende opleiding, of een gebrek aan ervaring hebben. Zo dreigt de verwarrende situatie dat bij het herstel van de economic zich meer mensen melden op de arbeidsmarkt, omdat er groeiende kansen op een baan zijn, terwijl tegelijkertijd de werkloosheid op een onaanvaardbaar hoog niveau blijft. Dit vraagt een vernieuwing van het arbeidsmarktbeleid. Er is meer gerichte aandacht nodig voor scholing en het kunnen opdoen van werkervaring. Arbeidsbemiddeling van langdurig werklozen vraagt veel tijd en aandacht; de eerste ervaringen met de zogenaamde her-oriënteringsgesprekken duiden hierop. De regering wil zich met sociale partners en gemeenten verstaan om de intensivering van het beleid nader inhoud te geven. In de ontwerp-begroting voor het volgend jaar is hiervoor een extra ruimte geschapen van tweehonderdvijfentwintig miljoen gulden oplopend tot zeshonderdvijftig miljoen, in negentien negentig. Met het beschikbaar stellen van deze bedragen gaat de regering bewust veel verder dan in het regeerakkoord in negentien zesentachtig was voorzien. Een tweede terrein waar de regering voorstelt een stap verder te gaan dan het financiële kader van het regeerakkoord, betreft investeringen in de infrastructuur van ons land. Door de succesvolle economische groei worden deze mogelijk gemaakt, maar tevens zijn zij voor behoud van die groei een onmisbare voorwaarde. Met de dag tekent zich de noodzaak scherper af om in ons dichtbevolkte land meer te doen aan verbetering van auto-, spoor– en vaarwegen. Niet alleen de eenwording van de Europese markt maar ook de sterkere groei van onze bevolking vraagt daarom. Meer overheidsinvesteringen vergen een goede voorbereiding. Dat geldt zowel voor de uitvoering van het uitgebreide bereikbaarheidsplan voor de randstad als voor de investeringen in verkeer en vervoer in het gehele land. Voorgesteld wordt hiervoor vanaf negentien negentig per jaar vierhonderd miljoen gulden meer te bestemmen. Te zamen met de bestuurlijke en financitle inspanning van provincies en gemeenten en van de particuliere sector zal dit tot een aanzienlijk hoger niveau van investeringen kunnen leiden. Bij de uitvoering hiervan zullen ook de noodzakelijke regulering van de mobiliteit en het ontzien van het milieu aandacht krijgen. Langs deze wegen zal dus het antwoord gegeven worden op de noodzaak om te komen tot een goed gemotiveerde en gekwalificeerde beroepsbevolking enerzijds en een goed niveau van investeringen en infrastructuur anderzijds. Nu er door het herstel weer enige mogelijkheid is financieel verder te gaan dan bij het regeerakkoord was voorzien, wil de regering bewust meer investeren in mens en land. Waarom nu juist extra middelen besteed aan arbeidsvoorziening en infrastructuur? Om ons goed voor te bereiden op de eenwording van Europa, en omdat zo meer mensen aan de slag komen en de middelen worden verdiend om andere overheidstaken en welzijnsvoorzieningen voor de toekomst veilig te stellen. Om dezelfde reden is er een structurele, vernieuwende aanpak op verschillende terreinen nodig. Bij de indiening van de begroting voor negentienachtentachtig werd reeds gewag gemaakt van het voornemen per 1 januari negentiennegentig te komen tot vereenvoudiging en verlichting van de loon– en inkomstenbelasting. De voorbereiding van deze plannen vordert goed. Op 1 januari negentien negenentachtig zal een eerste belangrijke stap gezet kunnen worden in de richting van een noodzakelijke vernieuwing van structuur en financiering van de gezondheidszorg. De maatregelen beogen de kwaliteit hiervan te waarborgen, de kosten te beheersen en een betere solidariteit tot stand te brengen tussen zieken en gezonden, jongeren en ouderen, werknemers en zelfstandigen. Om te beginnen zullen enkele belangrijke voorzieningen, méér dan nu via de Algemene Wet Bijzondere Ziektekosten worden gefinancierd. Parallel daaraan zal de inkomensafhankelijke premie voor de ziekenfondsverzekering voor een deel worden omgezet in een vast bedrag per persoon. De gevolgen hiervan voor de koopkracht van gezinnen met kinderen zullen worden opgevangen met een verhoging van de kinderbijslag. In de ontwerp-nota ‘Volkshuisvesting in de jaren negentig’ is, met het oog op een goede en betaalbare volkshuisvesting, een nieuwe visie gegeven op de verdeling van taken en verantwoordelijkheden op dit belangrijke beleidsterrein. In de Vierde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening zijn onlangs de hoofdlijnen uitgezet van een verdere ruimtelijke ontwikkeling, nodig om ons land leefbaar te houden. Het land is de afgelopen jaren schoner geworden. Dat geldt met name lucht en water. Maar er is nog veel te doen. De komende jaren worden de financiele inspanningen van de rijksoverheid verhoogd. Daarnaast stelt de verbeterde concurrentiepositie het bedrijfsleven in staat de aanscherping van de milieunormen te dragen. Aldus wordt een deel van de economische ruimte besteed aan de realisering van het milieubeleid. Het Nationaal Milieu Beleidsplan zal het beleidskader vormen voor de langere termijn. Ook op internationaal terrein is actie dringend nodig; in het bijzonder gegeven de problematiek van de ozonlaag, de opwarming van de atmosfeer en de verzuring. Vrijere internationale handel blijft van vitaal belang. De regering zet zich daarvoor in in het kader van de GATT-besprekingen. De beoogde Europese markt moet een open karakter hebben, ook voor de landen van de Derde Wereld. Het meer marktgerichte landbouwbeleid van de Europese Gemeenschap begint vruchten af te werpen; de regering blijft de inspanningen steunen om te komen tot betere internationale verhoudingen bij de produktie van en handel in landbouwprodukten. Deze ontwikkelingen geven mede aanleiding tot het uitbrengen van een structuurnota voor de Nederlandse landbouw. Europa is van en voor de burgers. De regering wil de komende jaren extra middelen uittrekken om — naarmate de besluitvorming in de Gemeenschap vordert — voorlichting te geven over de interne markt. De draagwijdte van de Europese eenwording onderstreept de betekenis van de Europese verkiezingen van juni volgend jaar. Veel landen in de Derde Wereld zijn geplaatst voor grote problemen door de sterke bevolkingsgroei, de zware schuldenlast en de groeiende milieuproblemen. Economische aanpassingen, versterking van bestuurlijke capaciteit en een actief bevolkingsbeleid zijn dringend noodzakelijk. Naast de eigen verantwoordelijkheid van die landen zelf, kan een ruimhartige, effectieve, gecoördineerde ondersteuning van buiten niet worden gemist. Nederland blijft daarin zijn aandeel leveren. De regering zal zich op een zo breed mogelijk front blijven inzetten voor oplossingen van de schuldenproblematiek. In samenhang hiermee zullen de belemmeringen voor ontwikkelings-landen op handelsgebied moeten worden verminderd. De regering hoopt dat voor de problemen in het binnenland van Suriname een vreedzame oplossing zal worden gevonden. Daarmee zou de weg vrij zijn voor bestendiging van de relaties en een goed voorbereide versterking van de samenwerking met dit land, waar de democratische ontwikkelingen weer hoop geven. De ontwikkelingssamenwerking ten gunste van de Nederlandse Antillen zal in toenemende mate worden gericht op het stimuleren van de economische bedrijvigheid op deze eilanden. De resultaten van het herstelbeleid van Aruba stemmen tot voldoening. Het is bemoedigend dat de verbeterde Oost-West-betrekkingen meer ruimte doen ontstaan voor vrede-bevorderende taken van de Verenigde Naties, waaraan de regering wil blijven bijdragen. Zo krijgt vrede nieuwe kansen en worden regionale conflicten tot een oplossing gebracht. De wapens maken plaats voor onderhandelingen. De ratificatie eerder dit jaar van het verdrag tussen de Verenigde Staten en de Sovjetunie over nucleaire wapens voor de middellange afstand is allerwegen verwelkomd. Hopelijk zal daarvan een impuls blijven uitgaan naar andere terreinen van wapenbeheersing. Voor de veiligheid van Europa is vooral van belang dat het overwicht in conventionele wapens van het Warschaupact ongedaan wordt gemaakt. Inspanningen op het terrein van de wapenbeheersing en een toereikende defensie blijven de pijlers waarop, in bondgenootschappelijk verband, onze veiligheidspolitiek berust. Om een goede bijdrage aan de bondgenootschappelijke verdediging te kunnen handhaven, zijn in het nieuwe Defensieplan prioriteiten gesteld ten gunste van onze inspanning voor de verdediging in de Centrale Sector van West-Europa. Op deze wijze kunnen ook in de toekomst steeds verantwoorde keuzen worden gemaakt. Aan de onmisbare Europese-veiligheidsdimensie zal de regering in het verband van de West-Europese Unie verder vorm trachten te geven. De eenwording van Europa vergt ook op het terrein van rechtshandhaving en bestuur steeds meer aandacht. Voorkomen en bestraffen van criminaliteit noodzaakt tot onderlinge afstemming van activiteiten en rechtsregels door de justitiële en bestuurlijke autoriteiten in de verschillende landen. Onvoldoende afstemming gaat ten koste van een verantwoord sanctiebeleid. Het is verheugend dat het beleid tot bestrijding van de criminaliteit resultaten begint af te werpen. Hoewel het nog te vroeg is om vast te stellen dat reeds van een kentering sprake is, geeft deze ontwikkeling hoop. De omvang van de zware georganiseerde misdaad is evenwel zorgwekkend. Om deze beter te bestrijden is een gecoördineerde bovenlokale aanpak door politie en justitie nodig. Het beroep op de medeverantwoordelijkheid van vele geledingen in de samenleving bij de terugdringing van criminaliteit is niet zonder gehoor gebleven. In de voortgangsrapportage over de uitvoering van het beleidsplan ‘Samenleving en criminaliteit’ wordt daarop ingegaan. Ook de opvattingen van de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid over de rechtshandhaving zullen daarin aan de orde komen. De regering ziet in deze visie een duidelijke ondersteuning van het door haar gevoerde beleid; een beleid dat is gericht op versterking van het vertrouwen in het recht en van het gevoel van veiligheid bij de burger; een beleid dat ook is gericht op versterking van het normbesef en de normhandhaving. De regering streeft ernaar dat wetgeving die een effectiever sanctiesysteem bevat en de snelle inning van boetes mogelijk maakt, het komend jaar in werking treedt. Begin negentien negenentachtig zal het ontwerp voor een herziening van de Wegenverkeerswet worden ingediend. Het ontwerp biedt onder meer de basis voor de mogelijkheid alcoholgebruik in het verkeer beter te bestrijden en het ontduiken van de verzekerings– en belastingplicht bij het autorijden tegen te gaan. Dit alles stelt hoge eisen aan de politie. Er zal daarom grote aandacht worden besteed aan een zodanige herverdeling van de sterkte dat de politiecapaciteit beter aansluit bij de werkdruk. Dezer dagen zal U een wetsvoorstel tot herziening van de Vreemdelingenwet bereiken. Dit heeft tot doel het toelatingsbeleid in het belang van de rechtszekerheid hechter in de wet te verankeren en een doelmatiger uitvoering te verzekeren. Decentralisatie, deregulering en privatisering — hoe moeilijk ook — beginnen resultaten af te werpen. Lokale overheden krijgen meer eigen verantwoordelijkheid, en de bemoeienis van de rijksoverheid wordt teruggedrongen. Daarin passen de voorstellen tot deregulering en decentralisatie die gemeenten en provincies zelf hebben ingediend. Meer in het algemeen werken de bestuursakkoorden steeds beter door in de praktijk van verhouding tussen enerzijds het Rijk en anderzijds de provincies en gemeenten. In de reeks van te privatiseren overheidsactiviteiten zal naar verwachting per 1 januari het grootste project, de verzelfstandiging van de PTT met haar honderd duizend werknemers, worden gerealiseerd. De overheid moet, om haar taken gericht op dienstverlening aan de burger goed te kunnen uitvoeren, over de nodige gegevens kunnen beschikken. Het toenemend aantal geautomatiseerde persoonsregistraties bij overheid en bedrijven vervult menigeen met onzekerheid en onrust. Daarom is het zo belangrijk dat de Wet Persoonsregistraties tot stand komt. Om een doelmatig en zorgvuldig gebruik van persoonsgegevens veilig te stellen zal de regering in het komende jaar de hoofdlijnen vaststellen van een persoonsinformatiebeleid voor de openbare sector. Van de overheid mag worden geëist dat zij de persoonlijke levenssfeer van de burger zoveel mogelijk ontziet, maar ook moet van haar worden veriangd dat zij van de moderne informatie-technologie een passend gebruik maakt bij de bescherming van de samenleving en bij de bestrijding van misdaad, misbruik of ontduiking. Op het terrein van de bejaardenzorg hebben de provincies en grote gemeenten te maken met de gevolgen van de vergrijzing. Ten behoeve van de oplossing van knelpunten die zij bij dit beleid tegenkomen, wordt het budget voor de bejaardenoorden met vijftig miljoen gulden verhoogd. Voor de versterking van de zorg voor mensen met een handicap komen volgend jaar extra bedragen ter beschikking, waarvan een belangrijk deel ten goede zal komen aan mensen met een geestelijke handicap. De samenleving stelt hoge eisen aan het onderwijs. Scholen moeten daarom goed toegerust en flexibel kunnen opereren. Scholen moeten zelfstandiger kunnen functioneren, minder belast door gedetailleerde regels en voorschriften. De eerste stappen in deze richting zijn gezet. Op deze weg zal weloverwogen en in goed overleg worden voortgegaan. De Adviescommissie voor de toetsing van wetgevingsprojecten zal hierbij haar rol spelen. Zo krijgt een praktische aanpak van de deregulering van de onderwijsregelgeving voor de langere termijn gestalte. Daarbij mag niet uit het oog worden verloren dat de rijksoverheid wezenlijke taken behoudt op het gebied van onderwijs en onderzoek, zoals haar opgedragen in de Grondwet. Zelfs bij de belangrijke aanpassingen in de studiefinanciering, die versobering inhouden, is het, gegeven de op zichzelf verheugende groei van deelname aan het onderwijs, nodig gebleken de begroting vanaf negentien negentig met een kleine driehonderd miljoen gulden te verhogen. De regering zet zich ervoor in om in het bijzonder de positie van minderheden op de arbeidsmarkt en in het onderwijs te verbeteren. Voorstellen daartoe zullen het komende jaar worden besproken. Het aandeel van leden van etnische-minderheidsgroepen in overheidsdienst zal worden vergroot. De bevordering van de deelname aan het arbeidsproces van gehandicapte werknemers en het tegengaan van de uitstroom wegens arbeidsongeschiktheid houden prioriteit. Dit is een plicht voor overheid en bedrijfsleven. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Er is reden voor enig optimisme gelet op de bereikte resultaten. Toch zullen van U grote inspanningen worden gevergd, juist nu voor de toekomst gestalte moet worden gegeven aan een aantal structurele en kwalitatieve maatregelen. Belangrijke beleidskeuzen zullen in gemeen overleg met U worden gedaan; gemeen overleg dat behoort te staan in het teken van de bevordering van rechtszekerheid en bestuurlijke zorgvuldigheid, om zo het vertrouwen van de burger in het functioneren van wetgeving en bestuur te versterken. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. Dat ik vandaag in uw midden kan zijn, stemt mij dankbaar. Tijdens mijn ziekte heb ik vele blijken van medeleven en vele goede wensen ontvangen uit alle delen van het Koninkrijk. Graag maak ik van deze gelegenheid gebruik om hiervoor mijn bijzonder hartelijke dank uit te spreken. In deze jaren is de vraag aan de orde hoe de samenleving zich verder moet ontwikkelen. Bij alle voorspoed zijn er ook gevoelens van bedreiging, vervreemding en onzekerheid. Het is niet gemakkelijk op vragen naar de richting van maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen één simpel en duidelijk antwoord te geven; zeker niet als men recht wil doen aan de pluriformiteit die allerwegen in ons land als waardevol wordt ervaren. Niettemin, de regering moet keuzen maken. De kern van het regeringsbeleid wordt gevormd door: - rechtshandhaving, opdat de burger zich beschermd weet door wetten en opdat wetsovertredingen op tal van terreinen worden teruggedrongen; - meer vertrouwen op de ontplooiing van de burger en van de maatschappelijke verbanden; - voortgaan met een driesporenbeleid, gericht op werkgelegenheid, economische groei en soberheid in 's Rijks financiën; - bevorderen van gerechtigheid, vrede en veiligheid, ook over de grenzen heen. Bij dit alles wil de regering haar beleid enten op solidariteit, tolerantie en verantwoordelijkheid. De basis voor een doeltreffend overheidsoptreden moet in een rechtsstaat als de onze gelegen zijn in de wet. Regelgeving dient aan te sluiten bij het rechtsbewustzijn van brede lagen van de bevolking; zij behoort goed uitvoerbaar te zijn. De wet mag geen onevenredige last leggen op bestuur en rechtspraak en moet gehandhaafd kunnen worden door middel van het strafrecht en andere sancties. Verbetering van de kwaliteit van de wetgeving is noodzakelijk. Door de instelling van een toetsingscommissie onder leiding van een regeringscommissaris wordt daaraan een nieuwe impuls gegeven. Voor het waarborgen van de rechten van de burger zijn bescherming van de samenleving tegen criminaliteit, en hulp aan slachtoffers essentieel. De in het beleidsplan 'Samenleving en criminaliteit' ontwikkelde visies op de beteugeling van veel voorkomende criminaliteit en de bestrijding van de zware misdaad moeten in het komende jaar merkbaar resultaten gaan opleveren. Vandaag wordt u de tweede voortgangsrapportage voorgelegd. Bij de voorgenomen bezuinigingen op de overheidsuitgaven worden de organen belast met rechtshandhaving en de politie geheel ontzien. Teneinde haar taak beter te kunnen vervullen, staat de politie wel voor de noodzaak van een aanzienlijkeherschikking van middelen.Rechtsbescherming is belangrijk. De werklast van de Raad van State op dit punt is echter te veel toegenomen. Daarom zullen u voorstellen bereiken tot gedecentraliseerde berechting van administratieve geschillen. In verband met vragen rond het levenseinde en sterven en de steeds verder gaande ontwikkeling van de medische wetenschap en de geneeskunde, zal u met betrekking tot euthanasie een voorstel bereiken. De bescherming tegen discriminatie zal worden verbeterd door een aanpassing van het Wetboek van Strafrecht en door een voorstel voor een Algemene Wet Gelijke Behandeling, die nadere uitwerking geeft aan artikel 1 van de Grondwet. Onlangs is een advies uitgebracht ter zake van wetten voor oorlogsgetroffenen. De regering zal - overigens zonder bezuinigingsoogmerk - bezien welke onderdelen van dit advies ter wille van de rechtszekerheid en in het belang van een goede bestuurlijke praktijk overgenomen kunnen worden. Kwam in de vorige kabinetsperiode een vernieuwd stelsel van sociale zekerheid tot stand, in deze periode moet het fundament gelegd worden voor een vernieuwde aanpak van de volksgezondheid. Daarbij zal zo véél mogelijk gebruik worden gemaakt van de voorstellen van de commissie-Dekker. Op het terrein van de arbeidsvoorziening zijn bij de Raad van State voorstellen voor een nieuwe opzet aanhangig gemaakt. Overheid en organisaties van werknemers en werkgevers delen daarin de verantwoordelijkheid. Zo wordt ook op dit terrein de rol van de overheid scherper afgebakend. Dat is ook nodig op andere terreinen. Niet alleen om budgettaire redenen, maar ook omdat veel regelingen in hun werking negatieve bijeffecten hebben. Vaak gehoorde bezwaren zijn oneigenlijk gebruik, verstarring, bureaucratisering en problemen bij de controle. Dit alles leidt tot de noodzaak van soberheid en doelmatigheid bij subsidiëring en in wet- en regelgeving. De onderlinge afstemming van taken en heldere financiële afspraken tussen Rijk, provincies en gemeenten zijn ook belangrijk voor de kwaliteit van het bestuur. Daarom zijn bestuursakkoorden gesloten. Deze dwingen de verschillende overheden bij de onvermijdelijke herbezinning op tal van regelingen, zorgvuldig met elkaar om te gaan. Het opkomen voor het zwakke en waardevolle zal door overheid én samenleving moeten gebeuren. De regering wil meer ruimte scheppen voor initiatieven van burgers en maatschappelijke organisaties. Onderlinge hulpverlening komt aldus tot ontwikkeling en zal naast het professionele werk nog verder aan betekenis moeten winnen. De fiscale tegemoetkoming voor het vrijwilligerswerk is een positief signaal voor nieuwe initiatieven van vrijwillig hulpbetoon op allerlei plaatsen in onze samenleving. Onze economie heeft de afgelopen drie jaar een hechter fundament gekregen. Het driesporenbeleid werpt vruchten af. Investeringen en werkgelegenheid zijn sterk toegenomen, ook al is de werkloosheid nog steeds duidelijk te hoog. Met aller inzet moet het mogelijk zijn aan de opgaande lijnen vast te houden. Vorig jaar zijn met werknemers en werkgevers afspraken gemaakt om samen de werkloosheid verder terug te dringen. Met de beleidsvoornemens voor 1988 wordt getracht een verantwoorde basis te leggen voor de gezamenlijke inspanning van overheid en sociale partners, gericht op versterking van economie en werkgelegenheid op langere termijn. Daarom blijft de nadruk liggen op het zo laag mogelijk houden van de arbeidskosten, op het stimuleren van technologische vernieuwingen, op het zo veel mogelijk scholen en op het versterken van de infrastructuur. Dit alles onder de onmisbare randvoorwaarde dat het financieringstekort moet blijven dalen. Blijvend herstel van de economie is alleen mogeiijk als de overheid minder schulden maakt en als de collectieve-lastendruk daalt. Aan beide voorwaarden wordt volgend jaar voldaan. Toch dreigen de rijksuitgaven in hun totaliteit nog steeds te stijgen. Om dat te compenseren stelt de regering bezuinigingen voor, vooral daar waar de uitgaven het snelst toenemen. De overheid behoort immers de omvang van haar uitgaven scherp in het oog te houden. Omdat onvoorziene uitgavenoverschrijdingen een bedreiging vormen voor bestendig beleid, acht de regering het noodzakelijk zich dit najaar verder te beraden over concrete versterking van de begrotingsdiscipline. De hoogte van de arbeidskosten, zo sterk bepaald door belastingen en premies over het loon, heeft nog steeds een belemmerende invloed op de groei van de werkgelegenheid. De regering tracht die negatieve invloeden zo beperkt mogelijk te houden door het scherp vaststellen van sociale premies en belastingtarieven. Waar mogelijk worden deze verminderd. De hogere belastinginkomsten weer voor hogere uitgaven gebruiken zou niet de goede weg zijn. De verlaging van de loon- en inkomstenbelasting, waarvoor de regering heeft gekozen, is broodnodig om de arbeidskosten zo laag mogelijk te houden. De financiële ruimte voor het overheidspersoneel is ten opzichte van de aanvankelijke voornemens enigszins vergroot, ook om extra werk bij de overheid te kunnen scheppen en enige inkomensverbetering mogelijk te maken, daar waar de afstand tot het bedrijfsleven te groot dreigt te worden. Voor mensen met het minimumloon en uitkeringsgerechtigden is een verhoging van de vakantieuitkering van 7,5% naar 8% voorzien. Voorgesteld wordt de kinderbijslag te verhogen. Dit alles moet ertoe leiden dat behoud van koopkracht ook zonder loonsverhoging tot de reele mogelijkheden behoort. Dat dient de werkgelegenheid en hierdoor krijgen zo veel mogelijk mensen kans op inkomen uit werk. Met dit zelfde doel voor ogen heeft de regering zich gebogen over de hoogte van het minimumloon. Na rijp beraad is besloten geen gevolg te geven aan een advies van de meerderheid van de Sociaal-Economische Raad om het wettelijk minimumloon over de hele linie te verlagen. Wel wordt voorgesteld het wettelijk minimumloon tot 18 jaar af te schaffen en dat voor een 23-jarige te verlagen tot dat voor een 22-jarige. Met deze maatregel hoopt de regering een bijdrage te leveren aan het terugdringen van de hoge werkloosheid onder met name jongere werklozen met een laag opleidingsniveau. Bevordering van werkgelegenheid is zeker niet alleen een zaak van matiging van arbeidskosten. Ook de technologische vernieuwing is van groot belang. De toepassing van technologische kennis in het midden- en kleinbedrijf zal worden bevorderd door de oprichting van regionale innovatiecentra. De technologische veranderingen stellen hoge eisen aan kennis en vaardigheden van de beroepsbevolking. Scholing, vorming, het opdoen van werkervaring en later ook bijscholing, zijn van beslissende betekenis voor werkgelegenheid en economische groei. De daarop gerichte inspanningen worden nu in samenwerking met werknemers en werkgevers sterk opgevoerd. Hoewel deze inspanningen vooral vanuit bedrijven en bedrijfstakken zelf moeten plaatsvinden, zal ook de regering daaraan een grotere bijdrage leveren. Het accent op scholing én op een individuele benadering van werklozen is nodig, omdat nog steeds te veel mensen de drempel naar bedrijf en instelling niet overkomen. Met gerichte programma's moeten meer mensen aan het werk komen. In die zin gaat het niet om banenplannen, maar om het scholen en het aan werkervaring helpen van diegenen die nu buiten blijven staan. Een voorbeeld van gerichte benadering is ook het Jeugdwerkgarantieplan. Dit plan, dat samen met de gemeenten wordt uitgevoerd, moet waarborgen dat jongeren hoe dan ook aan de slag gaan en niet aan langdurige werkloosheid gewend raken. Herverdeling van werk blijft belangrijk. Meer deeltijdbanen, ploegendiensten en flexibele arbeidsroosters kunnen ertoe leiden dat meer mensen werk vinden; ook vervroegde uittreding en flexibele pensionering geven aan meer jongeren eerder een kans. Met het oog op de emancipatie moet de werkgelegenheid voor vrouwen en de groei van de deelname van meisjes aan het beroepsonderwijs extra aandacht krijgen. Bij de overheid wordt voorgesteld de VUT-gerechtigde leeftijd tijdelijk met én jaar te verlagen, het aantal deeltijdbanen te laten toenemen en de scholingsinspanningen te vergroten. Eerder goedgekeurde, maar niet opgeroepen dienstplichtigen, van wie een aantal nu werkloos is, krijgen de kans alsnog te gaan dienen. Dat geeft de mogelijkheid aan anderen vaker uitstel voor scholing en studie te geven. De werkloosheid onder etnische minderheden is onrustbarend hoog. Daarom is een beleidsplan 'Etnische minderheden bij de overheid' ontwikkeld; maar ook de sociale partners zullen een bijdrage aan het verlichten van de werkloosheid van deze kansarme groep moeten leveren. Ook in de onderwijswereld wordt steeds meer aandacht gegeven aan de bestrijding van de werkloosheid. Het overleg in de Stichting van de Arbeid met betrekking tot de inspanningen voor de scholing van jongeren en volwassenen heeft al veel tot stand gebracht. Het benutten van de aanwezige onderwijsvoorzieningen en -ervaring zal worden bevorderd. Het vormen van nieuwe sectorscholen in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs draagt daartoe bij. In het onderwijs zelf wil de regering enkele duizenden nieuwe banen voor jonge leerkrachten mogelijk maken. Mede gelet op het probleem van de vergrijzing van het onderwijspersoneel is taakverlichting voor oudere leerkrachten voor dat doel een goed middel. In de vorming en opleiding van de jeugd is een evenwichtig fundament van kennis en kunde onmisbaar. De invoering van de basisvorming in het voortgezet onderwijs zorgt voor zo'n fundament voor elke leerling. Nog dit jaar zal de regering het wetsvoorstel indienen. De eigen bijdrage voor de verschillende vormen van hoger onderwijs wordt gelijkgetrokken. Daarnaast wordt een hoger collegegeld voorgesteld voor de student die de verblijfsduur van 6 jaar in het hoger onderwijs overschrijdt. Door deze twee maatregelen te zamen kan het collegegeld in het Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs iets omlaag. De wetenschap ontplooit zich dynamisch. Dit houdt kansen en risico's in. In het geding zijn niet alleen de technische en economische mogelijkheden, maar ook hun betekenis voor de normen en waarden in onze samenleving. In de nieuwe schets van het wetenschapsbeleid voor de toekomst zal daaraan nader aandacht worden besteed. Het milieu in ons land wordt ondanks alle inspanning nog steeds van vele kanten bedreigd, en verslechtert zelfs in sommige opzichten. Om de kwaliteit van het milieu te beschermen en te verbeteren wil de regering de samenwerking met de maatschappelijke sectoren intensiveren. In een Nationaal Milieu Beleidsplan zal de lange-termijn-visie worden opgenomen. Om de verzuring tegen te gaan is het noodzakelijk nog dit najaar verder gaande maatregelen te overwegen. Met de sanering van vervuilde waterbodems wordt een aanvang gemaakt. Natuur, landschap en openluchtrecreatie kunnen het niet stellen zonder schoon water, schone lucht, een schone bodem. Maar zuivere hulpbronnen zijn ook onontbeerlijk voor de continuïteit van de agrarische bedrijvigheid in ons land. De mestproblematiek heeft nog eens duidelijk gemaakt dat zorgvuldig natuur- en milieubeheer een basisvoorwaarde is voor een goede ontwikkeling van het landelijke gebied. Met het oog hierop zal het Natuurbeleidsplan worden uitgebracht. In een Nota 'Volkshuisvesting in de jaren '90 zullen beleidsvoornemens worden gepresenteerd met betrekking tot de inhoud en de organisatie van de volkshuisvesting. Vooral de verdeling van verantwoordelijkheden tussen het Rijk en andere overheden, tussen maatschappelijke organisaties en de marktsector, zal daarin aandacht krijgen. Rond de jaarwisseling zal de Vierde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening verschijnen. Deze zal zich richten op verbetering van de ruimtelijke kwaliteit van ons land en zal in het bijzonder aandacht geven aan de ontwikkeling van de marktsector. Op tal van plaatsen, met name in de randstad, ontstaan meermalen per dag files. Dat is een bron van ergernis en ook nadelig voor de positie van ons land in het internationals vervoer. Het is zaak de verkeers- en vervoersproblemen met een reeks samenhangende maatregelen aan te pakken. Met provincies en gemeenten is voor de randstad een mobiliteits-scenario ontwikkeld. Over deze problematiek worden in het najaar besluiten genomen. Wel heeft het kabinet reeds besloten in te stemmen met de aanleg van vier verkeerstunnels, die particulier gefinancierd zullen worden. Ook de knelpunten in het telecommunicatieverkeer als gevolg van de snel toegenomen vraag worden aangepakt. De PTT zal daartoe haar investeringsprogramma versnellen. De Europese Gemeenschap staat in de komende periode voor enkele belangrijke, maar ook moeilijke, beslissingen, met name op het gebied van de landbouw en de financiering. Gezien het vitale belang van ons land bij het herstel van het evenwicht op de landbouwmarkten en bij een zich verder gezond ontwikkelende Gemeenschap, zal de regering zich tot het uiterste inspannen om in het overleg met de andere lidstaten tot verantwoorde oplossingen te komen. Dat is ook nodig in het belang van de mensen die werken in landbouw en visserij en die geconfronteerd worden met onzekerheden als gevolg van de noodzakelijke beheersing van de produktie. Een positieve ontwikkeling is dat in de Sowjet-Unie, alsmede in enkele Oosteuropese landen, hervormingen worden ondernomen. Hiervan kan een gunstige invloed uitgaan op de Oost-West-betrekkingen. Er is nu uitzicht ontstaan op een historische ommekeer in de wapenwedloop, die enkele jaren geleden nog voor onmogelijk werd gehouden. Complete categorieën wapensystemen komen in aanmerking om te worden afgeschaft, waaronder ook de voor plaatsing in ons land bestemde, middellange-afstandsraketten. De grote overmacht van het Warschaupact op het gebied van de conventionele bewapening stelt overigens grenzen aan de mogelijkheden voor nucleaire ontwapening en onderstreept het belang van beheersing van conventionele wapens. Een zekere reële groei van de defensieuitgaven blijft nodig. Daarmee moet, in samenhang met een verbetering van de organisatie, onze defensie, aan kwaliteit kunnen winnen. Aan de West-Europese Unie komt een belangrijke rol toe bij het definiëren van wat binnen het Atlantisch bondgenootschap specifiek van belang is voor de Europese veiligheid en bij het harmoniseren van standpunten daarover. Nederland zet zich als voorzitter daarvoor in. Zeer ernstig is de situatie rond de Golf. De oorlog tussen Iran en Irak gaat nog altijd voort, ondanks de dringende oproep tot bedindiging van de gewapende strijd, die uitging van de Veiligheidsraad. De regering acht verzekering van het recht van vrije scheepvaart in de Golf van vitaal belang en wil daaraan met andere West-Europese landen een concrete bijdrage leveren. Uiteraard zal de veiligheid van de bemanning van de daarbij betrokken mijnenjagers zo goed mogelijk worden gewaarborgd. Met voldoening stelt de regering vast dat het belang van de eerbiediging van mensenrechten en de waarde van de democratie in steeds meer landen wordt onderkend. Door extra hulpinspanningen in het kader van de ontwikkelingssamenwerking wil de regering jonge democratieën ondersteunen. De Noord-Zuid-dialoog komt geleidelijk weer tot leven. Tijdens de onlangs gehouden conferentie over handel en ontwikkeling is confrontatie achterwege gebleven en is met succes gezocht naar een beleid op basis van gemeenschappelijkheid. Het gaat erom deze trend te versterken, onder meer bij het overleg over de vrijmaking van de wereldhandel. De regering volgt met grote aandacht de ontwikkelingen in Suriname en hoopt dat het komende referendum over de ontwerp-grondwet en de algemene verkiezingen het Surinaamse volk in staat zullen stellen in vrijheid aan een democratisch Suriname opnieuw gestalte te geven. Daarna kan een begin worden gemaakt met de normalisering van de betrekkingen. De Nederlandse Antillen worden geconfronteerd met aanzienlijke financieel- economische problemen. Op Aruba gaat het geleidelijk beter. Binnen het kader van de beschikbaar gestelde middelen zal worden getracht het eigen herstelbeleid van beide landen zoveel mogelijk aan te vullen en te ondersteunen. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, In een pluriforme samenleving vraagt herkenbaar beleid om intensief overleg en besluitvaardigheid. Op u, volksvertegenwoordigers, rust een zware verantwoordelijkheid bij de vele taken die u zijn toevertrouwd. Van harte wens ik u toe dat Gods zegen op uw werk rust. Dit jaar wordt in tal van landen de 450ste sterfdag van Erasmus herdacht. Als christen en humanist pleitte Erasmus voor verdraagzaamheid. Hij deed dat nadrukkelijk als Europeaan in een tijdsgewricht waarin heel veel in beweging was en waarin onze natie ontstond. Dit is niet alleen geschiedenis, er is ook een historisch perspectief in het werk van vandaag. De regering hecht grote waarde aan de voortgang van de Europese integratie. De Europese Akte zal een stimulans zijn voor snellere besluitvorming, vooral gericht op de totstandkoming van de Interne Markt. Elk der afzonderlijke lidstaten is te klein van schaal om de technologische en industridle uitdaging aan te kunnen. Bij de aanpak van ernstige vraagstukken, zoals werkloosheid en leefmilieu, dient de Europese samenwerking evenzeer een grote rol te spelen. Terwille van een harmonische ontwikkeling van de Europese Gemeenschap wordt een verhoging van de eigen middelen per 1 januari 1988 overwogen; dan zullen evenwel de uitgaven, in het bijzonder in de sector landbouw, beter moeten worden beheerst. De gehele westerse wereld kampt wat betreft een aantal belangrijke agrarische produkten met structurele overschotten. Dat noopt internationaal tot afremmen van deze produktie, opdat een open markt gehandhaafd blijft en in de Derde Wereld de ontwikkeling van eigen landbouw niet geschaad wordt. In onze landen breekt het besef door dat de beteugeling van de produktie mede ten goede kan komen aan natuur en landschap. Het herstel van de wereldeconomie heeft voor vele ontwikkelingslanden niet tot verlichting van problemen geleid. Afrika ten zuiden van de Sahara gaat gebukt onder hongersnoden. Tal van ontwikkelingslanden kampen nog steeds met de gevolgen van hun hoge schuldenlast, met lage prijzen voor hun grondstoffen en met te weinig afzetmogelijkheden voor hun exportprodukten. Momenteel vindt in Uruguay een ministeriële bijeenkomst plaats om de regels voor het internationaal handelsverkeer te verbeteren en tegenwicht te bieden aan de druk om grenzen te sluiten voor de concurrentie van anderen. Dat is belangrijk, ook voor de ontwikkelingslanden waar nu nog zoveel mogelijkheden om welvaart te scheppen onbenut blijven. Evenzeer wil de regering haar bijdrage leveren aan de internationals monetaire politiek. Daarbij gaat het om een betere beleidscoördinatie tussen de leden van het Internationale Monetaire Fonds, mede met het oog op de nog steeds bedreigende schuldenproblematiek. Wat de eigen financiële inspanning voor de ontwikkelingslanden betreft, stelt de regering voor de hulpverlening te handhaven op 1,5% van het netto nationaal inkomen en te blijven streven naar het vergroten van de effectiviteit van de hulpverlening. Zo zal ons land zich op een breed front inzetten voor de ontwikkelingslanden. Onze Koninkrijkspartners, de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba, zien zich geplaatst voor ernstige problemen van financieel-economische aard die ingrijpende gevolgen hebben. Beide landen dragen allereerst zelf de verantwoordelijkheid voor het oplossen van deze problemen. Daarbij moeten alle drie de landen wel inhoud blijven geven aan één van degrondgedachten van het Statuut voor het Koninkrijk, namelijk dat de landen elkaar helpen en bijstaan. Bij alle verdeeldheid over het vraagstuk van de kruisvluchtwapens heeft de doelstelling van het vredes– en veiligheidsbeleid, namelijk het voorkomen van oorlog, nooit ter discussie gestaan. De bondgenootschappelijke verbondenheid heeft er mede toe geleid dat de Sovjetunie is teruggekeerd naar de weg van wapenbeheersing en vermindering van de spanning tussen Oost en West. Het gaat er nu om dààr aan westerse kant op een verantwoorde wijze op in te gaan. De nieuwe topbijeenkomst, die nu in voorbereiding is, zal dienstbaar moeten worden gemaakt aan de overbrugging van de aanzienlijke tegenstellingen over de wijze waarop veiliger en meer stabiele verhoudingen tot stand kunnen worden gebracht. De regering zal zich in bondgenootschappelijk en in ander overleg blijven uitspreken en inzetten voor spoedige en tastbare resultaten in de vorm van bindende en verifieerbare akkoorden. Tegen die achtergrond en in dat perspectief wil de regering voor de defensie-uitgaven een bescheiden groei handhaven. Behoud van vrijheid moet ons dat waard zijn. Zo moeten wapenbeheersing en een toereikende defensie-inspanning onze veiligheid en die van andere volken blijven waarborgen. Vrijheid en vrede; laten wij in dit Jaar van de Vrede, binnen de Verenigde Naties bijzonder verbonden zijn in bezinning daarop. De ernstige situatie in Zuid-Afrika vraagt om bijzondere aandacht. Teneinde de afschaffing van de apartheid door een proces van onderhandelingen naderbij te brengen, acht de regering voortgaande druk onontbeerlijk. Zeer actueel is thans de noodzaak om op korte termijn in Europees verband tot verdere effectieve maatregelen tegen Zuid-Afrika te komen. Te zelfder tijd zal worden voortgegaan met steunverkening aan particuliereorganisaties in dat land die langs vreedzame weg pogen te komen tot afschaffing van de apartheid. Problemen elders, hoe ernstig ook, kunnen ons de ogen niet doen sluiten voor grote vraagstukken in eigen land.Het pas aangetreden kabinet heeft zich ten doel gesteld de werkloosheid verder terug te dringen. De taakstelling die Stichting van de Arbeid en kabinet hebben aanvaard is werk bieden aan de 250.000 mannen en vrouwen waarmee in de komende vier jaar het aanbod op de arbeidsmarkt groeit. Daarenboven zal de bestaande werkloosheid met 200.000 in vier jaar — dus met 50.000 per jaar — verminderd moeten worden. Hoewel er zich als resultant van de inspanningen uit het verleden reeds een daling van de werkloosheid aftekent, za] de pas versneld moeten worden om al in 1987 deze vermindering te bereiken. Kernpunt daarbij is om, nu de economie aantrekt, meer kansen te geven aan hen die reeds langere tijd werkloos zijn. Daarbij hoort ook de bereidheid om werklozen met nu nog onvoldoende bekwaamheid in bedrijf of instelling verder op te leiden en te oefenen. Het komt nu aan op kansen bieden en kansen benutten. Volgens het Stichtingsakkoord zullen de deelname van werkenden en werklozen aan scholingsprogramma’s, jeugdwerkplannen en andere mogelijkheden onderwerp van arbeidsvoorwaardenoverleg zijn. Op het terrein van de arbeidsvoorziening willen overheid, werkgevers en werknemers voortaan meer gezamenlijk verantwoordelijkheid dragen. Tot dit doel zal een nieuwe arbeidsvoorzieningenwet worden voorgesteld. Het initiatief van enigen van Uw leden tot vrijstelling van werkgeverspremies bij indienstnemen van langdurig werklozen wordt door de regering gesteund. Verder zal aan het jeugdwerkgarantieplan en aan de versterking van de scholingsinspanningen voor werkenden en werklozen nader inhoud worden gegeven. Waar het op aan komt is de vaste wil resultaten te boeken en in het licht daarvan een bereidheid bij alle betrokkenen, — overheid, organisaties en de bedrijven zelf — om meer te doen en nieuwe wegen in te slaan. Deze gerichte inspanningen zullen,in samenhang met economische groei en herverdeling van arbeid, gaan zorgen voor meer werk en minder werkloosheid. Met het oog op dit gezamenlijke doel mag opnieuw een beheerste arbeidsvoorwaardenontwikkeling worden verwacht. Deze is noodzakelijk en ook mogelijk omdat, door de daling van de prijzen, bij voortgaande loonmatiging toch al koopkrachtverbetering optreedt. Om dezelfde reden wordt in het komende jaar voor het overgrote deel van de inkomens in de collectieve sector, ondanks de voorgestelde bevriezing, koopkrachtverbetering verwacht. De bij lage prijzen toch aantrekkende binnenlandse bestedingen hebben ook op het midden– en kleinbedrijf een gunstig effect. Het spiegelbeeld van de gunstiger ontwikkeling voor burgers zoals zich die nu aftekent zien we bij de overheid. Daar vindt in 1987 een daling van de aardgasbaten plaats van meer dan 12 miljard gulden. Dat is 8% van de inkomsten van het Rijk. Zulk een terugloop in één jaar heeft zich nog niet eerder voorgedaan. Het opvangen van deze klap — het gaat hier bovendien in belangrijke mate om een blijvende vermindering — heeft de regering voor buitengewoon moeilijke afwegingen geplaatst. Zeker, een beperkt deel van het probleem lost zichzelf op, omdat de wat hogere economische groei vanzelf leidt tot meer belastinginkomsten. Maar toch zou het tekort van het Rijk, als er geen maatregelen worden getroffen, volgend jaar toenemen tot meer dan 11% van het nationaal inkomen. Dat zou onverantwoord zijn. Daarom wordt slechts een stijging van het tekort tot hoogstens 8% aanvaard en dat alleen voor één jaar. Om dit te bereiken is het nodig de uitgaven te beperken. Daarnaast wordt een verhoging van indirecte belastingen voorgesteld: meer accijns in de sector energie, met doorwerking in de aardgasprijzen en een verhoging van de BTW. Deze onvermijdelijke lastenverzwaringen maken overigens het voordeel dat de burger toevalt, als gevolg van de prijsdaling van vooral energie en grondstoffen, alleen maar iets kleiner. De prijzen dalen slechts minder. Vanwege de gunstige ontwikkeling van de koopkracht behoeft het volgende jaar slechts in beperkte mate een uitkering ineens krachtens de echte minima-regeling te worden verleend. Beperking van overheidsuitgaven is nog steeds nodig. Beseft moet worden dat de aardgasbaten nu ineens teruglopen tot een niveau van meer dan 10 jaar geleden, maar dat het tegendeel het geval is voor tal van uitgaven van de overheid. Het Rijk moet nu zeer veel rente betalen over schulden die in het verleden zijn aangegaan; liefst circa 50 miljoen gulden per dag! Daar komt bij dat de uitgaven in verband met de werkloosheid nog steeds erg hoog zijn. Tenslotte zijn er uitgaven die nu zelfs nog toenemen. Zo blijft, ondanks de verbeterde economische situatie, het aantal personen dat een beroep op de bijstand doet groeien. Bij dit alles heeft het geen zin de lasten naar de toekomst te verschuiven. Intussen blijft het een zware opgave de overheidsfinanciën op verantwoorde wijze in evenwicht te brengen; temeer omdat de regering zich bij de vermindering van de uitgaven en verhoging van de inkomsten bewust grenzen oplegt, zodat in 1987 de burger in het algemeen, ten minste op koopkrachtbehoud en in de meeste gevallen op koopkrachtverbetering kan rekenen. Dit uitgangspunt versmalt echter wel het terrein waarop vermindering van uitgaven plaats kan vinden; en dit in een situatie waarin zoveel begrotingsposten een vast gegeven zijn of zelfs hogere bedragen vergen. Hierdoor wordt de overheid tot forse bezuinigingen gedwongen, daar waar het wèl kan. Het blijft dus passen en meten en er is veel inzet en vindingrijkheid nodig om èn de werkloosheid omlaag te brengen èn de koopkracht te behouden èn de tekorten van de overheid geleldelijk onder controle te krijgen. De moeilijke afwegingen tussen overheidsuitgaven en bezuinigingen maken de inspanningen op het gebied van het tegengaan van misbruik en fraude des te belangrijker. De afgelopen jaren is al veel in gang gezet en de resultaten daarvan worden zichtbaar. In de komende maanden zal grondig nagegaan worden door welke maatregelen ter bestrijding van misbruik en fraude de overeengekomen taakstelling van 2 miljard gulden in 1990 zal worden bereikt. Tegelijkertijd zal worden gewerkt aan de vereenvoudiging van de loonen inkomstenbelasting. Hoe dit langs de hoofdlijnen van het rapport van de commissie Oort gerealiseerd kan worden zal de regering dit najaar aan U voorleggen. Naast het algemeen sociaal-economisch beleid blijven bijzondere inspanningen nodig om achterstandposities van groepen burgers weg te werken. Op het terrein van de emancipatie zal door de instelling van een ministeriële commissie het wegnemen van ongerechtvaardigde verschillen in behandeling tussen vrouwen en mannen meer systematisch aan de orde komen. De bevordering van economische zelfstandigheid vooral voor de jongere generatie zal daarbij een centrale plaats blijven innemen. Waar wij zoveel spreken over solidariteit met andere volkeren, dienen wij ook in eigen land achterstanden van minderheden weg te werken. Ook hier zal een accent moeten liggen op de jongere generatie. Deze zal zich in onze samenleving moeten kunnen ontplooien. Dat betekent scholing, maar ook de bereidheid hen in dienst te willen nemen. De cijfers — en wij kunnen nu eenmaal niet zonder — mogen ons niet doen vergeten, dat het gaat om de mens en zijn welzijn. Daarop is het geheel van inspanningen gericht. Wat daar bereikt wordt is uiteindelijk de toetssteen van het beleid. Het duurzaam waarborgen en verbeteren van de kwaliteit van de samenleving vereist inzet en zorgvuldigheid. Dat geldt ook voor de inrichting en het behoud van de kwaliteit van ons land. Een globaal toekomstbeeld van de ruimtelijke inrichting zal in de vierde nota ruimtelijke ordening worden neergelegd. De ernst van een aantal milieuproblemen noopt tot ingrijpende maatregelen. Voor natuur– en landschapsbehoud is belangrijk dat voortzetting van het huidige beleid is veilig gesteld. Voor bodemsanering is meer geld uitgetrokken. Voorts zal — indien de Europese Commissie dit toestaat — een milieutoeslag in het kader van de wet investeringsrekening in aangepaste vorm worden voortgezet. De stads– en dorpsvernieuwing gaan door. In de volkshuisvesting zal er bij een dalend nieuwbouwprogramma vergrote aandacht zijn voor de instandhouding en verbetering van de woningvoorraad. Voldoende huisvesting, ook voor de lagere inkomensgroepen, blijft daarbij de inzet. De trendmatige huurverhoging is teruggebracht tot 2%. Op 4 oktober zal een hoogtepunt worden bereikt in de afronding van de Deltawerken. De Oosterschelde-stormvloedkering zal dan officieel in gebruik worden gesteld. De veiligheid van Zeeland is menselijkerwijs gewaarborgd. Voor de Noordzee zal één kustwachtorganisatie worden ingesteld, waarin de meest betrokken departementen zullen samenwerken. Om de knelpunten op de rijkswegen versneld aan te kunnen pakken wordt aan het Rijkswegenfonds 100 miljoen gulden per jaar toegevoegd. Deze bedragen worden gefinancierd uit de verhoging van de accijns op benzine. De verbetering van de verkeersveiligheid wordt planmatig voortgezet om zo te komen tot een vermindering van het aantal verkeersslachtoffers met 25% in het jaar 2000. De snelle ontwikkeling op technologisch gebied vergroot de noodzaak voor bedrijven en onderzoekinstellingen om hun krachten te bundelen. Daarom vindt ook vanuit de overheid een intensivering plaats van het technologiebeleid. Dit gebeurt zowel door herschikking van middelen als door reorganisatie van de uitvoering van het beleid, waarbij het op te richten technologie-instituut een belangrijke impuls zal geven. De regering wil de tijd nemen om zich te bezinnen op de situatie die door het ongeluk in Tsjernobyl op het terrein van de kernenergie is ontstaan. Het is van belang spoedig te komen tot een betere organisatie van de elektriciteitsproduktie; hiertoe is een voorstel van wet ingediend. De regering is zich bewust van de grote verandering die zich de komende jaren zal voltrekken in de leeftijdsopbouw van de bevolking. Er komen meer bejaarden en vooral meer hoogbejaarden. Die veranderingen zullen extra inspanningen vergen, zowel op financieel terrein als ten aanzien van de solidariteit tussen burgers onderling. Mensen, die niet of niet gemakkelijk voor zichzelf kunnen zorgen hebben er recht op dat zij kunnen blijven terugvallen op redelijke voorzieningen. Dit feit, te zamen met het thans opnieuw ontzien van de uitkeringen aan oorlogs– en verzetsslachtoffers en het op peil houden van de uitgaven ten behoeve van de kunst, dwong — gegeven de noodzakelijke bezuinigingen op het gebied van welzijn en cultuur — intussen wel tot het voorstel een relatief zware ingreep te doen in het sociaal-cultureel werk. Om tot zorgvuldige beheersing van de kosten in de gezondheidszorg te komen is een onafhankelijke commissie ingesteld. Een onderwijs– en onderzoeksbestel van hoge kwaliteit kan in een moderne samenleving niet worden gemist. De noodzakelijke ombuigingen zijn daarom zo gekozen dat zij erop gericht zijn de doelmatigheid te vergroten teneinde de kwaliteit en de wezenlijke taken van het onderwijs onverlet te laten. Tegelijk gaat grote aandacht uit naar versterking van het beroepsgerichte onderwijs en naar het fundamenteel onderzoek. De vorming van sectorscholen in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs en extra investeringen in moderne apparatuur voor het onderwijs en onderzoek maken deel uit van die versterking. De kwaliteit in het hoger onderwijs kan bevorderd worden door versterking van de vooropleiding in het voortgezet onderwijs. Daarom zal het examenpakket in het HAVO en het VWO worden verbreed en zal de vakkenkeuze worden verbeterd. De studie– en beroepskeuze van meisjes krijgt daarbij een extra stimulans. In het hoger onderwijs zullen in enkele sectoren de opleidingen geconcentreerd worden om het evenwicht met de maatschappelijke behoeften te bewaren. Zo kan bovendien het hoogwaardig onderzoek op peil blijven. Het is een voorrecht te leven in een land dat zich een rechtsstaat mag noemen. Het vertrouwen van de burger daarin moet behouden blijven. Daarom zal aan het voorkomen en bestrijden van misdaad veel aandacht worden gegeven. De uitvoering van het plan “Samenleving en Criminaliteit” wordt dan ook voortgezet. Hulpverlening aan slachtoffers van misdrijven dient daarnaast te worden bevorderd. Een goede en snelle rechtsgang is in een rechtsstaat onmisbaar. Onverminderd zal er daarom naar worden gestreefd de rechterlijke macht in staat te stellen haar taak naar behoren te vervullen. Uitbreiding van de capaciteit in het gevangeniswezen moet het mogelijk maken dat rechterlijke bevelen snel ten uitvoer worden gelegd. Doeltreffende criminaliteitsbestrijding vergt nauwere samenwerking tussen de verschillende politiekorpsen. Daarnaast zal de integratie van de politie-opleidingen voortgaan. Om het tij van de toenemende criminaliteit te keren wordt van een ieder een grote inspanning verwacht, ook van de samenleving zelf. Bij de gemeenten gaat het met name om de uitvoering van de programma’s ter bestrijding van de criminaliteit. In het binnenlands bestuur blijft de regering zich richten op vergroting van de beleidsvrijheid van lagere overheden. De regering hoopt op korte termijn bestuursakkoorden te kunnen afsluiten. Nadere voorstellen tot gemeentelijke herindeling zullen zo snel mogelijk gedaan worden, opdat onzekere situaties voor betrokken lagere overheden niet langer dan strikt noodzakelijk duren. Het voorstel tot algehele herziening van de Kieswet zal u in de tweede helft van 1987 worden aangeboden. Teneinde stap voor stap vorm te geven aan een kleinere maar beter functionerende Rijksdienst wordt in 1987 voortgegaan met vermindering van het personeel met 2% in een aantal dienstonderdelen. Dit zal nu echter ook gaan gelden voor het burgerpersoneel van Defensie en het Algemeen Burgerlijk Pensioenfonds. Daarenboven zal een algemene efficiency-korting van 1% gelden. Daar waar de vermindering niet geheel door natuurlijk verloop kan worden opgevangen, wordt herplaatsing bevorderd. Bij de beoordeling van de ontwikkeling op langere termijn van de omvang van de Rijksdienst moet er op gewezen worden dat bij de verminderingen over een breed front soms ook uitbreidingen onvermijdelijk zijn. Bovendien betekent de voortgezette inspanning met betrekking tot de verdeling van het werk, waarover met de bonden voor de komende jaren nog afspraken gemaakt moeten worden, dat herbezetting en uitbreiding het effect van de afslanking ten dele zullen compenseren. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De begroting die vandaag wordt ingediend en het overzicht van beleidsvoornemens dat u wordt aangeboden, maken duidelijk voor welke zware opgave regering en volksvertegenwoordiging samen staan. Vele eigentijdse problemen vragen om een in gemeen overleg te bepalen krachtdadige aanpak. Daarbij kan de politiek het zeker niet alleen. De politiek kan wel de verdraagzaamheid, die Erasmus al zo vurig bepleitte, levend houden. Op u, volksvertegenwoordigers, rust een zware verantwoordelijkheid bij de vele taken die u zijn toevertrouwd. Van harte wens ik u toe, dat Gods zegen op uw werk rust. De gunstige wending, die onze economie vorig jaar heeft genomen, is markant. Eindelijk, na vele jaren van teruggang, groeit de werkgelegenheid in de bedrijven weer; ook bieden deeltijdbanen, algemene arbeidstijdverkorting en de verschillende jeugdplannen steeds meer kansen op werk. Zo zullen er dit jaar, naar verwachting, 65000 mensen meer aan het werk zijn. Deze keer ten goede sterkt de regering in haar overtuiging dat het gevoerde beleid voortgezet moet worden; een beleid, gericht op groei en verdelen van arbeid zodanig, dat werk voor meer mensen hand in hand gaat met een veerkrachtiger economie. Voor dat beleid zijn zware offers gebracht. Vele arbeidsongeschikten en anderen die, eenmaal werkloos, niet meer aan de slag kwamen, hebben wel de lasten moeten dragen maar niet de vruchten kunnen plukken. De regering beseft dat dit wrang is. Tegelijkertijd moet vastgesteld worden dat er zonder dit beleid nu veel meer werklozen zouden zijn, terwijl het niveau van de uitkeringen bij gebrek aan economisch draagvlak bedreigd zou worden door verdere uitholling. De regering wil allerminst pretenderen, dat uitsluitend haar beleid tot verbetering heeft geleid. In feite worden nu ook de resultaten zichtbaar van wat in 1982 in de Stichting van de Arbeid tussen werknemers en werkgevers is afgesproken inzake rendementsherstel en herverdeling van arbeid. De sindsdien aan sociale partners gelaten vrijheid, heeft sterk bijgedragen tot het herstel en de mogelijkheid profijt te trekken van de verbetering in de wereldeconomie. Voor de overheid was één van de klemmende problemen het voortdurend groeiend tekort en de verleiding schulden op de toekomst af te wentelen. De toenemende rentelasten, voortvloeiend uit gemaakte schulden, dreigden steeds minder ruimte te laten voor nuttige uitgaven. Dit kon zo niet doorgaan. Daarom is de overheid veel soberder in het doen van uitgaven geworden. Ondanks de alsmaar toegenomen rentelasten is het tekort sinds 1983 jaar op jaar verminderd. Volgend jaar zal dat opnieuw gebeuren. Dit beleid, gericht op vermindering van het tekort, moet nog een aantal jaren worden volgehouden. De matiging van arbeidskosten heeft bijgedragen tot het onder de knie krijgen van de geldontwaarding. In verband daarmee wordt voorgesteld de algemene huurverhoging te beperken tot twee procent, terwijl de verwachte ontwikkeling van de energieprijzen toestaat dat ook de prijs voor aardgas minder sterk stijgt. De versterking van de positie van het bedrijfsleven heeft het vertrouwen in onze economie helpen herstellen. Gelukkig is ook hier, vooral dankzij de arbeidskostenmatiging, veel bereikt. Daar komt nu geleidelijk de rentedaling bij. Nu ook de binnenlandse afzet duidelijk gaat groeien, kunnen meer sectoren van ons bedrijfsleven delen in het herstel van rendement. Vooral het midden– en kleinbedrijf zal hier baat bij hebben. Geleidelijk aan moeten de overheidsactiviteiten weer mede gedragen worden door een sterk bedrijfsleven in plaats van dat het bedrijfsleven steeds meer rust op een subsidiërende overheid, die daarvoor schulden maakt. Gegeven de verbeterde positie van het bedrijfsleven en gelet op de noodzaak van een voortgaande vermindering van het financieringstekort, wordt in 1986 slechts in geringe mate geld uitgetrokken voor verdere lastenverlichting. Meer doen dan thans wordt voorgesteld zou niet verantwoord zijn. Wel zullen veranderingen plaats vinden. De premie voor de kinderbijslag die door bedrijven en zelfstandigen betaald wordt, zal omlaag kunnen bij aanvaarding van het nieuwe stelsel van studiefinanciering. Anderzijds zal worden voorgesteld premies krachtens de wet op de investeringsrekening alleen nog maar te geven aan burgers of bedrijven die belasting betalen. Voor enkele specifieke problemen in het midden — en kleinbedrijf en de zeescheepvaart wordt een oplossing gezocht. Administratieve verplichtingen vormen een last voor het bedrijfsleven. Daarom zal de regering op korte termijn beslissingen nemen over concrete voorstellen die haar gedaan zijn. Er is ook een vraagstuk van de juiste maat bij regelgeving in de agrarische sector, gelet op de verzadiging van de internationale markt en de grenzen in verband met bodemvruchtbaarheid en natuur. Op velerlei terrein komen vernieuwingen op gang. Zo kunnen informatica, automatisering en telecommunicatie ten bate van de samenleving ontwikkeld worden. Daartoe is nodig een gemeenschappelijke krachtsinspanning van de overheid en de betrokken maatschappelijke sectoren. Bij enkele belangrijke activiteiten, zoals in het kader van het informatica-stimuleringsplan, wordt reeds succes geboekt; maar er is aan onderzoek en ontwikkeling nog veel te doen. Ofschoon weer enige economische groei wordt bereikt, moet met het besteden van die groei ter wille van de werkgelegenheid buitengewoon voorzichtig worden omgegaan. Dat betekent voor de koopkracht nog steeds pas op de plaats, om het concurrentievermogen van de bedrijven verder te versterken, om de overheid tot een goede, maar ook betaalbare, dienstverlening in staat te stellen en om herverdeling van het werk te bekostigen. Naast volledige inflatiecorrectie is er nog geen ruimte voor belastingverlaging. Daarvoor is het tekort van de overheid nog te groot. Bovendien zullen de komende jaren de inkomsten uit aardgas fors dalen. Wel kunnen bij het herstel van de economie, waardoor meer mensen de premielast voor de sociale zekerheid opbrengen, alsmede door ombuigingen in de sociale zekerheid, de premies lager worden vastgesteld. Dit betekent een ondersteuning van de koopkracht. Bij alle discussies over koopkrachtverbetering van verschillende groepen van burgers, waarbij het soms gaat om halve procenten, is het goed erop te wijzen, dat met name bij verlies van werk het grootste koopkrachtverlies optreedt. Het kan daarbij gaan om tientallen procenten. Daarom is het zo belangrijk, ook voor hen die geen werk hebben, dat werkenden door matiging bijdragen aan behoud van koopkracht en kans op werk. In aansluiting op wat in en met de Stichting van de Arbeid is afgesproken, zullen in het overleg met de sociale partners twee onderwerpen bijzondere aandacht moeten krijgen. Allereerst zijn er knelpunten in de arbeidsmarkt, daar waar het tekort aan mensen met bepaalde opleidingen en vakkennis verdere groei en verdeling van werk in de weg staat.Daarnaast is bijzondere aandacht nodig voor de langdurig werklozen. Juist nu zovelen die een baan zoeken weer perspectief krijgen, kunnen wij er nog minder in berusten dat honderdduizenden langdurig werkloos zijn en dat zoveel jongeren zich zouden instellen op blijvende werkloosheid en daaraan gewend raken. De regering zal ook meer aandacht geven aan het vraagstuk dat de burger door het totaal aan belastingen, premies en subsidies soms vrijwel niets overhoudt van een extra verdiende gulden.Bij alle inspanningen ten gunste van werkgelegenheid, welvaart en lagere overheids tekorten moet ook antwoord gegeven worden op structurele veranderingen in de samenleving. Voorzieningen moeten aangepast worden aan gewijzigde omstandigheden en inzichten. Naast de vergrijzing zijn in dit verband van belang de behoefte aan individualisering, emancipatie en grotere eigen verantwoordelijkheid, alsmede de noodzaak van meer solidariteit tussen burgers en minder afwenteling op de overheid. Hopelijk wordt het “Beleidsplan Emancipatie” spoedig behandeld.De stelselherzieningen met betrekking tot sociale zekerheid, ziektekostenverzekering en studiefinanciering, zijn grondige aanpassingen van enige decennia oude regelingen en voorzieningen aan gewijzigde maatschappelijke verhoudingen en inzichten van nu. De rede-geving van deze voorstellen is dus niet allereerst bezuinigen; wel beogen ze de kosten te beheersen en te voorkomen dat deze in toenemende mate op de overheid worden afgewenteld. Hoofdzaak is evenwel een grondige vernieuwing. Dit is hard nodig, want zonder aanpassingen zou stilstand tot onrecht leiden.De regering hecht aan een snelle behandeling van deze voorstellen met het oog op duidelijkheid en werkelijk uitzicht op sociale zekerheid. Aanpassing aan nieuwe tijden is evenzeer aan de orde in de volksgezondheid. Al is er nog veel aan kostenbeheersing te doen, de wijze waarop men bijvoorbeeld bij de budgettering de eigen verantwoordelijkheid beleeft, verdient waardering. De moderne geneeskunde stelt ons voor indringende problemen rond het nieuwe leven en de dood. Beide zijn voor een samenleving die menselijke waarden respecteert en gekenmerkt wil worden door eerbied voor het leven, van uitzonderlijk groot belang. Met behoud van ieders eigen verantwoordelijkheid kan onze rechtsstaat niet heen om vragen die zich hier opdringen. De regering is dankbaar voor het rapport van de staatscommissie — euthanasie en zal op korte termijn haar standpunt bepalen. Aanpassingen aan nieuwe tijden gelden ook voor het onderwijs– en onderzoekbestel, dat met de afronding van een omvangrijk wetgevingsprogram,een op de toekomst berekend fundament krijgt. Onderzoek, scholing en vorming versterken de kans op werk en de kwaliteit van de economie. Naast beroepsonderwijs en leerlingwezen zullen ook bijscholing en omscholing van volwassenen via overleg met de sociale partners een extra stimulans krijgen. Bijzondere aandacht blijft uitgaan naar leerlingen, die meer begeleiding nodig hebben om zich te ontplooien. Het speciaal onderwijs en het onderwijsvoorrangsbeleid vervullen daarin een centrale rol. Zo zullen kansarmen toch kansen krijgen. Aanpassingen zijn ook onvermijdelijk in het mediabeleid, met name met betrekking tot het omroepbestel. De regering rekent op een vruchtbare dialoog over de voorgestelde nieuwe mediawet. Toenemende criminaliteit en het gevoel van onveiligheid stellen ons voor grote problemen. De uitvoering van het beleidsplan “Samenleving en criminaliteit” zal in de komende jaren veel inspanningen vragen, maar als de overheid, ook de lokale overheid, en de samenleving in al haar geledingen goed samenwerken, moet het mogelijk zijn de misdaad weer terug te dringen. Voor aanpak van de criminaliteit — zeker als het gaat om de massaal voorkomende kleine criminaliteit — is strafrechtpleging alléén niet voldoende. Wel moeten zij die de strafrechtpleging toepassen over voldoende mankracht en middelen beschikken, met als sluitstuk voor de zwaardere vormen van misdaad een toereikende gevangeniscapaciteit. Als het gaat om de kwaliteit van onze samenleving, moeten wij allen de verdraagzaamheid jegens elkaar bevorderen en discriminatie in al haar vormen steeds bestrijden. De overheid mag er geen twijfel over laten bestaan dat alle burgers gelijke mogelijkheden moeten hebben. Dit uitgangspunt vindt zijn uitwerking op tal van terreinen. Onafhankelijk van de overheid, is het Landelijk Bureau Racismebestrijding aan het werk gegaan. Een ander voorbeeld is de poging van de regering zich uit te spreken over rechten en plichten van hen die in en buiten huwelijk samenleven. Vermelding verdient ook het feit, dat komend jaar voor het eerst niet-Nederlandse ingezetenen aan de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen deel zullen nemen. Een goede inrichting van ons land vraagt om voortdurende inspanning. Dat het mogelijk is gebleken het woningtekort verder te verminderen en dat zoveel gedaan kan worden aan stadsvernieuwing stemt tot dankbaarheid. Van belang is ook het eerste meerjarenprogramma openluchtrecreatie en toerisme. Bij de zorg voor het milieu zullen problemen als zure regen, het mestoverschot en het kanaliseren van afvalstromen veel aandacht blijven vragen. Naast het beheer van ons land gebiedt het belang van onze cultuur, bij ombuigingen kunsten, musea en monumentenzorg bewust te ontzien. In 1986 zal de stormvloedkering in de Oosterschelde gereed komen, hetgeen een historisch moment zal zijn in de strijd tegen overstromingsrampen. Het streven is in 1990 de Deltawerken geheel gereed te hebben. In de rij der provincies schaart zich een twaalfde: Flevoland, met een eigen bestuur. In het kader van de reorganisatie van de rijksdienst wordt het aantal adviescommissies drastisch verminderd. Dat enkele structurele veranderingen tijd vergen, spreekt voor zichzelf. Immers, deregulering, decentralisering en privatisering, behoren niet direct tot de traditionele departementale cultuur. Toch is reeds voortgang gemaakt; deze wordt dit jaar bij de begroting per ministerie aangegeven. Voor het eerst sedert tientallen jaren vermindert gedurende een kabinetsperiode het arbeidsvolume bij de overheid. Desondanks kunnen ook bij de rijksoverheid meer mensen aan het werk, dankzij de doorm gevoerde arbeidsduurverkorting, deeltijdarbeid en het jeugdwerkplan. De structuur van het Koninkrijk zal met in gang van 1 januari 1986 een belangrijke wijziging ondergaan. Aruba wordt dan, op weg naar voorgenomen onafhankelijkheid, een afzonderlijk land, naast Nederland en de Nederlandse Antillen. Vanaf 1 januari 1986 zal Nederland voor zes maanden het voorzitterschap van de Europese Gemeenschap bekleden. De problemen van interne markt en vrijhandel, het Europa der technologie, het gemeenschappelijk landbouwbeleid en de milieuproblematiek, zullen dan eens te meer inspanningen vragen. Dat geldt ook heel bijzonder voor betere besluitvorming in Europa. De situatie in de ontwikkelingslanden is niet uitzichtloos maar vraagt wel om verdere inspanningen op een breed terrein. Nederland wil daarbij, ook met betrekking tot hulp, in de voorhoede blijven. Daarom is een aantal vèrstrekkende besluiten genomen om veilig te stellen, dat anderhalf procent van het netto nationaal inkomen jaarlijks daadwerkelijk en structureel beschikbaar zal zijn en om de reeds jaren slepende stuwmeerproblematiek tot een oplossing te brengen. Als gevolg daarvan wordt in 1986 de begroting voor ontwikkelingssamenwerking duidelijk verhoogd. De situatie in Zuid-Afrika vervult de regering met diepe zorg. De Nederlandse regering veroordeelt de apartheidspolitiek van de regering van Zuid-Afrika als een ontkenning van de fundamentele gelijkwaardigheid van mensen. In het besef, dat allen in Zuid-Afrika zelf tot constructieve besprekingen moeten komen over hun gezamenlijke toekomst, tracht de regering te zamen met de Europese partners waar mogelijk een bijdrage te leveren aan het zo noodzakelijke veranderingsproces. Het vraagstuk van vrede en veiligheid zal ook het komende parlementaire jaar aller aandacht vragen. De omvang van de reeds aanwezige bewapening blijft een beroep op beperkingen inhouden, zeker nu de technologische ontwikkeling ons voor nieuwe vraagstukken stelt. Met betrekking tot de eventuele plaatsing van kruisvluchtwapens in Nederland heeft ons land vorig jaar het 1 juni-besluit genomen. Dat besluit was en is erop gericht een ommekeer in de wapenwedloop te bereiken. Het bevatte de uitnodiging aan de Soviet-Unie zich met betrekking tot het aantal geplaatste SS 20-systemen te beperken tot ten hoogste 378 — zoveel stonden er toen — dan wel het aantal voor 1 november 1985 weer teruggebracht te hebben. Met dit besluit, dat Uw steun heeft gekregen, is het voor de Sovjet-Unie duidelijk geworden waar, en waar alleen, de mogelijkheid ligt Nederland alsnog van plaatsing te doen afzien en veertig jaar na de tweede wereldoorlog een mede voor de Sovjet-Unie gunstige wending in de wapenwedloop te bewerkstelligen. In aansluiting hierop zal op 1 november aanstaande bepaald worden of met de Verenigde Staten een overeenkomst moet worden gesloten over de plaatsing van kruisvluchtwapens op Nederlands grondgebied. In samenhang daarmee zullen tevens de nucleaire taken, zoals die door onze krijgsmacht worden vervuld, nader in beschouwing worden genomen. De regering beseft dat over de mogelijke plaatsing van kruisvluchtwapens in onze samenleving sterk verschillend wordt gedacht. Bij alle verschil in standpunten zijn diepe betrokkenheid bij en ernstige zorg over vrede en veiligheid in de wereld evenals de taak van ons land in dat verband, een gemeenschappelijk element. Het onderwerp verdient in een democratie grondige discussie met respect voor ieders diepgevoelde overtuiging; respect ook voor de verschillende verantwoordelijkheden, waarvoor ieder is gesteld; respect tenslotte voor democratische besluitvorming. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, De regering wil U dank zeggen voor het gemeen overleg. Aan U volksvertegenwoordigers, zijn veel taken en zorgen toevertrouwd. Van harte wens ik U toe, dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. In de regeringsverklaring heeft het kabinet twee jaar geleden een beleid uiteengezet om te komen tot behoud van welvaart en tot herstel van werkgelegenheid. Dat beleid is aangeduid als het driesporenbeleid: een overheid die minder schulden maakt: een krachtig bedrijfsleven dat voor meer werk kan gaan zorgen: een samenleving waarin werk zo georganiseerd wordt, dat ieder weer de kans krijgt zich daarin te ontplooien. Uit de begroting die U vandaag wordt voorgelegd, blijkt dat de offers die worden gebracht, niet voor niets zijn. De werkgelegenheid neemt eindelijk weer toe; het tekort van de overheid daalt. De collectieve uitgaven waren in het verleden veel te sterk gestegen. Dat heeft geleid tot te hoge tekorten en tot te hoge belastingen en sociale premies. Nu loopt, ondanks de nog steeds stijgende rentelasten, het aandeel van de collectieve uitgaven in het nationaal inkomen langzaam maar zeker terug. Het wordt daardoor mogelijk om — voor het eerst sinds vele jaren af te zien van belastingverhoging. Tevens wordt gewerkt aan een rechtvaardiger verdeling van de belastingdruk. Dat gebeurt door middel van de zogenaamde tweeverdienersmaatregel, die rekening houdt met de feitelijke draagkracht. Deze maatregel wordt gecombineerd met een verlaging in de loon– en inkomstenbelasting. De sociale premies zullen volgend jaar dalen voor burgers en voor bedrijven. Op die wijze wordt ook een forse lastenverlichting voor het bedrijfsleven bereikt, hetgeen kan leiden tot lagere arbeidskosten en tot meer werk. De ontwikkeling van de arbeidskosten in het bedrijfsleven blijft uiteraard in de eerste plaats de verantwoordeiijkheid van werknemers en werkgevers. Die sluiten immers met elkaar collectieve arbeidsovereenkomsten. Wel maakt de begroting het mogelijk verantwoorde cao’s aan te gaan. Dankzij de zeer geringe prijsstijging kan worden bereikt dat nict de prijscompensatie, maar lagere belastingen en premies, bij gelijkblijvende bruto-salarissen, voor behoud van koopkracht zorgen. Zo worden voorwaarden geschapen om verder te gaan met versterking van de positie van het bedrijfsleven en inschakeling van meer mensen in het arbeidsproces. Ook de voorwaarden waaronder de zelfstandigen zich een inkomen verwerven, worden stap voor stap verbeterd. De agrarische sector maakt, na jaren van expansie, een moeilijke periode door. Pijnlijke aanpassingen om overproduktie te vermijden zijn nodig. De aparte plaats die de landbouw in het pakket van de lastenverlichtingen heeft gekregen, is ook bedoeld om de gevolgen van dit aanpassingsproces te verzachten. De elkaar snel opvolgende technologische vernieuwingen en de veranderingen in de internationale produktiestructuur, vragen –om grote inspanning op het gebied van de ontwikkeling van wetenschap en technologie. Zij stellen ook hoge eisen aan het aanpassingsvermogen van de bedrijven en aan hen die daarin werken. Zo komt nieuw en ander werk in de plaats van hetgeen verdwijnt, Meer en meer dienen het onderwijs en het wetenschappelijk onderzoek dit te ondersteunen; vandaar ook de versterkte inspanning op het gebied van de informatie-technologie. Alleen een op vernieuwing gericht bedrijfsleven met concurrerende arbeidskosten kan het ons mogelijk maken onze welvaart in stand te houden. Daarenboven zijn herverdeling van werk en arbeidsduurverkorting onmisbaar. Dit is een moeilijk proces van passen en meten, dat in de organisatie per bedrijfstak, of zelfs per onderneming, moet gebeuren. Het is moeilijk omdat arbeidsduurverkorting en herverdeling van werk niet tot minder maar tot meer produktie moeten leiden. Dat kan alleen als het band in hand gaat met andere werkroosters, flexibele werktijden, langere bedrijfstijden. Hier ligt een zware opdracht voor werkgevers en werknemers, en dus evenzeer voor de overheid als grootste werkgever. Deze inspanning moet samengaan met een forse aanpak van de jeugdwerkloosheid. Het is daarom verheugend dat de centrale organisaties van werknemers en werkgevers, verenigd in de Stichting van de Arbeid, overeenstemming hebben bereikt over aanbevelingen om de jeugdwerkloosheid nu massaal aan te pakken. Evenzo heeft het akkoord tussen kabinet, sociale partners en onderwijsorganisaties over de gezamenlijke verantwoordeiijkheid voor het beroepsgerichte onderwijs, tot een doorbraak geleid. Het leerlingstelsel ten behoeve van het bedrijfsleven zal met 40.000 plaatsen worden uitgebreid. Zo zullen jongeren, goed opgeleid en vakbekwaam, het bedrijfsleven komen versterken. Ook bij de overheid zullen zij voortaan in zogenaamde groeibanen aangenomen worden. Dat betekent dat volgend jaar 15.000 jongeren meer bij de overheid aan het werk kunnen gaan. Bedrijfsleven en overheid zullen op deze wijze samen zorg dragen voor een aanzieniijke verbetering van de positie van de schoolverlaters. Daartnaast heeft de overheid een bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid voor langdurig werklozen. Met name jongeren die reeds meer dan twee jaar werkloos zijn zuiien door middel van het zogenaamde “START”-plan een nieuwe kans krijgen. 1985 is door de Verenigde Naties uitgeroepen tot het jaar voor de jeugd. Waar het vooral om gaat is wat er door de jeugd kan gebeuren. De schoolverlaters van de jaren tachtig; tweeëneenhalf miljoen jongens en meisjes, zullen straks het hart moeten uitmaken van de werkende generatie. Voor die immense opgave staan wij samen. Ondanks de noodzaak het uitgavenniveau in de sociale zekerheid te beheersen kan de koopkracht van de sociale minima gelukkig gehandhaafd blijven, door de geringe prijsstijging en de verlaging van belastingen en sociale premies. Wel zulen de boven-minimale uitkeringen teruggebracht worden tot 70% van het bruto-loon. Waar van hen die voor lange tijd op een uitkering aangewezen, zijn dit offer gevraagd wordt, is het redelijk ook te komen tot bezuinigingen bij de kort lopende uitkeringen. Daarom worden aanpassingen voorgesteld in de ziektewet. Deze verlagingen zullen niet gelden voor mensen die slechts het minimumloon verdienen en daarvan ook anderen moeten onderhouden. Door deze maatregelen te nemen voor de bovenminimale uitkeringen worden algemene kortingen, die onvermijdelijk ook weer de minimuminkomens zouden treffen, voorkomen. De verantwoordelijkheid voor het eventueel aanvullen van het ziekengeld boven het verlaagd wettelijk niveau, ligt bij de sociale partners, werknemers en werkgevers, zelf. Toch zal een tijdelijke voorziening voorgesteld worden, die moet voorkomen dat hogere bovenwettelijke lasten automatisch op de werkgevers afgewenteld worden. Deze zal echter slechts gelden wanneer en zolang er na de lopende collectieve arbeidsovereenkomsten nog geen nieuwe overeenkomst is. De gelijke behandeling van mannen en vrouwen noodzaakt evenzeer tot een ingrijpende aanpassing van onze sociale zekerheid. Dat betekent onder meer dat straks mannen en vrouwen elk een AOW-uitkering ontvangen. Een gezinstoeslagenwet zal worden ingediend om te voorkomen dat gehuwden, of samenwonenden, die van één uitkering moeten leven, onder het voor hen geldende, sociale minimum komen. Op deze wijze word zowel tegemoet gekomen aan de noodzaak van gelijke behandeling van mannen en vrouwen, als aan eisen van rechtvaardigheid en draagkracht. Dit jaar zullen ook voorstellen ingediend worden om ons stelsel van ziektekostenverzekering te vereenvoudigen en daarbinnen de solidariteit tussen groepen met een verschillend ziekterisico beter te regelen. Zo worden de contouren zichtbaar van een sociaal verzekeringsstelsel dat weer houdbaar zal zijn. Terwille van de beteugeling van de overheidsuitgaven en het op peil houden van de werkgelegenheid, zal ook volgend jaar van hen die werkzaam zijn in de collectieve sector, een bijdrage moeten worden gevraagd. Daarbij wordt er naar gestreefd nieuwe bruto-kortingen op de salarissen te voorkomen. Met de centrales van overheidspersoneel kon overeenstemming worden bereikt over een geschillenregeling. Ook worden voorstellen tot herziening van het overlegstelsel voorbereid. De regering hoopt U binnenkort een wetsvoorstel tot regeling van het stakingsrecht van ambtenaren voor te leggen. De overheid heeft de plicht zorgvuldig om te gaan met de haar toevertrouwde middelen. Ook is kritische toetsing van omvang en werking van het overheidsapparaat nodig. Het komt er daarbij op aan, dat regering en volksvertegenwoordiging taken en verantwoordelijkheden aan lagere overheden overdragen, dan wel deze aan de samenleving overlaten en eigen nieuwe taken slechts in zelfbeperking aanvaarden. Omvangrijke programma’s van nieuwbouw, woningverbetering en stadsvernieuwing worden, ondanks de zware budgettaire lasten, tot stand gebracht. Deze programma’s profiteren weliswaar van een gunstiger ontwikkeling van de bouwkosten, maar helaas raakt de hoge rentestand het nog niet mogelijk over te schakelen naar minder huurverhoging. Zelfs bij stijgende huren nemen de overheidsuitgaven voor de volkshuisvesting nog steeds aanzienlijk toe. Ook bij de bescherming en de verbetering van ons milieu gaat de overheid tot de grens van haar financiële kunnen. Dat is noodzakelijk opdat meer mensen ook in de toekomst in een schoner milieu kunnen leven. De verantwoordelijkheid van de overheid voor welzijn en volksgezondheid wordt deze jaren herijkt. Het kabinet is bezig met een herwaarderen van onze verzorgingsstaat. Bij de gezondheidszorg en de maatschappelijke dienstverlening gaat het er allereerst om deze zo in te richten dat er minder druk ontstaat op ziekenhuizen, verpleeghuizen en bejaardenoorden. De zorg op maat, dicht bij huis, moet daarom voorrang krijgen: dan zal er ook minder behoefte zijn aan steeds meer en kostbaarder medische voorzieningen. Burger en samenleving zullen meer ruimte krijgen om — ook via hun gemeente en provincie — invloed uit te oefenen op de aangeboden welzijnsvoorzieningen en weer zelf een grotere eigen verantwoordelijkheid te dragen. Daarop zijn de te behandelen wetsontwerpen gericht. De laatste jaren zijn met betrekking tot andere overheidstaken grote zorgen naar voren gekomen. Het gaat daarbij met name om de veiligheid van de burger en het functioneren van de rechtsstaat. De criminaliteit moet worden teruggedrongen. Daarvoor zijn nodig een goed toegeruste politie en rechterlijke macht, en voldoende mogelijkheden om straffen ten uitvoer te leggen. De capaciteit van het gevangeniswezen zal worden uitgebreid. Bij alles wat de overheid doet om de veiligheid van de burger te vergroten en diens vertrouwen in de rechtsorde te behouden, ontkomt zij niet aan het stellen van prioriteiten. Het behoud en de verbetering van de rechtsstaat vergen, naast duidelijker en scherper optreden tegen criminaliteit en vandalisme, goede wetgeving. De ware vrijheid luistert naar wetten. Maar dan moeten die wetten wel van wezeniijk belang zijn, niet onnodig ingewikkeld en in de praktijk te handhaven. In feite komt het er dus op neer, dat wij tegeiijk ons stelsel van wetten moeten toetsen op wat overbodig is — de zogenaamde deregulering — en, daar waar nodig, nieuwe wetten maken. Tevens dienen wij de naleving van de wet weer cen groter gewicht toe te kennen. Tot de zorgen om de rechtsstaat hoort vandaag helaas ook de zorg om uitingen van discriminatie naar herkomst, huidskleur of ras. Daar moeten wij ons duidelijk tegenover opstellen. Politie en Openbaar Ministerie zullen actief blijven optreden. Het terugdringen van achterstanden van minderheden krijgt het komend jaar een bijzonder accent door de indiening van het wetsontwerp tot het verlenen van kiesrecht aan niet-Nederlandse ingezetenen. Bij de inspanningen om in ons land inhoud te geven aan cen rechtvaardiger en veiliger wereld, wisselen licht en schaduw elkaar af; maar er is meer om dankbaar voor te zijn. Dat is een stimulans te meer onze internationale verplichtingen — ons samenleven en samenwerken met andere volkeren — goed in het oog te houden. Allereerst geldt dit binnen het Koninkrijk zelf, waar de regering haar volle medewerking zal blijven verlenen aan de uitwerking van de resultaten van de Rondetafelconferentie met de Nederlandse Antillen. Tezamen met de andere lid-staten van de Europese Gemeenschap werken wij aan een Europa dat geloofwaardig is voor zijn burgers. Aan dit streven zal ook de 40-jarige Benelux-samenwerking bijdragen. Het gaat om een Europa zonder grensbelemmeringen, met een echt vrij verkeer van personen, goederen en diensten; een Europa waarin ook de wil heerst nieuwe technologieën gezamenlijk te ontwikkelen en toe te passen. Slechts zo zal het kunnen komen tot een krachtige Gemeenschap, straks uitgebreid met Spanje en Portugal. Onder dreiging van toenemend protectionisme biijft de ontwikkeling van de wereldeconomie grote inspanning vragen. Met name de internationale schuldenproblematiek, verscherpt door de voortdurend hoge rente, is ontwrichtend voor een aantal landen. Hoewel er lichtpunten in de derde wereld te zien zijn, blijven armoede, honger en een groot gebrek aan werkgelegenheid, toch kenmerkend voor de situatie in tal van ontwikkelingslanden, vooral in die met de laagste inkomens. Wij zullen onze beste krachten en mogelijkheden blijven inzetten voor een duurzame oplossing. Daarom blijft de hulpinspanning anderhalf procent van het netto nationaal inkomen. Dit komt in de allereerste plaats ten goede aan de ontwikkelingslanden, maar levert op langere termijn ook een bijdrage aan onze eigen welvaart. Om de vrijheid te behouden en de vrede te bewaren blijft een geloofwaardige en samenhangende westelijke defensie onmisbaar. In de Defensienota is uiteengezet hoe onze krijgsmacht hieraan de komende tien jaar zal bijdragen. Tegeiijk dienen de pogingen van ons bondgenootschap om te komen tot wezenlijke ontspanning en beteugeling van de wapenwedloop, te worden voortgezet, zeker nu de verhoudingen tussen Oost en West zo kil zijn en vervuld van wantrouwen. Naast de wapenbeheersing zullen menselijke, culturele en economische contacten de ontspanning moeten bevorderen. Met het besluit inzake eventuele plaatsing van kruisvluchtwapens op Nederlands grondgebied, heeft het kabinet een uiterste poging willen doen om wapenbeheersing een kans te geven, zonder de solidariteit met bet bondgenootschap te beschadigen. Helaas zijn er tot nu toe geen aanwijzingen dat de Sovjet-Unie de verdere uitbreiding van haar SS 20-arsenalen zal staken, dan wel bereid is, naar de onderhandelingstafel terug te keren. Leden der Staten-Generaal, Langzaam maar zeker geraken wij met economie en werkgelegenheid uit het slop. Dat rechtvaardigt een voortgaan op de ingeslagen weg. De regering is daartoe vastbesloten. Van de kwaliteit van ons leven en werken kunnen wij iets goeds maken. Dat vraagt wel bijzondere inspanningen. Volgend jaar herdenken wij dat ons land veertig jaar geleden werd bevrijd. Dit is reden tot dankbaarheid, maar dat is niet genoeg. Laten wij ons vrede en vrijheid waardig tonen. Wij moeten oorlog voorkomen, maar vooral ook vrede inhoud geven in ons land en over de grenzen heen. Bij alle verschillen van inzicht is dit onze gezamenlijke opdracht. Daarbij zijn aan U, volksvertegenwoordigers, veel taken en zorgen toevertrouwd. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. Ons land wordt deze jaren zwaar op de proef gesteld. Velen verloren hun baan. Talrijke jongeren konden nog niet aan de slag komen. De steeds grotere financiële tekorten van de overheid konden dat niet verhelpen. Deze hebben slechts geleid tot steeds hogere rentelasten en daarmee weer tot grotere tekorten. Wetvaart en werkgelegenheid van land en burger werden steeds verder aangetast. De begroting die U vandaag wordt aangeboden en het beleid van de regering zijn dan ook allereerst gericht op het doorbreken van deze situatie. Ten behoeve van het herstel zijn aanpassingen nodig. Het kabinet is zich bewust dat sommige daarvan burgers en groepen van burgers zeer pijnlijk treffen door achteruitgang van inkomen, door grote veranderingen in werk– en leefomstandigheden, of door het ontstaan van onzekerheid. Toch wil het kabinet de noodzakelijke ingrepen niet uit de weg gaan. Er staat te veel op het spel. De ontwrichting van welvaart en werkgelegenheid, die de laatste jaren steeds ernstiger werd, moet een halt toegeroepen worden, pas dan kunnen wij samen aan herstel gaan werken. Herstel is mogeiijk. Daarom moeten wij nu doorzetten. Met elkaar kunnen wij de moeilijkheden overwinnen, opdat er weer zekerheid komt voor ouderen en kansen voor jongeren. Het verbeterend internationaal getij stelt ons juist nu in staat een keer ten goede te bewerkstelligen. De wijzigingen in de sociale zekerheid zijn erop gericht dit stelsel betaalbaar te houden. Om de pijn eerlijk te verdelen is gekozen voor deels een algemene vermindering, deels een bijzondere aanpassing van de hogere uitkeringen. Mede op grond van de adviezen van de Sociaal-Economische Raad en in samenspraak met U, Leden van de Staten-Generaal, zal de komende jaren een vernieuwd, rechtvaardig en betaalbaar stelsel van sociale zekerheid uitgewerkt moeten worden. De voorgestelde maatregelen maken het mogelijk de sociale premies te verlagen ten gunste van werkenden en uitkeringsgerechtigden. Op deze wijze kan het verlies aan koopkracht wat beperkt worden. Voor de werkenden is het daardoor gemakkelijker af te zien van de prijscompensatie en deze te bestemmen voor herverdeling van werk en voor de versterking van het bedrijf of de instelling, waar men werkt. Zo wordt de vorig najaar met werknemers en werkgevers afgesproken beleidslijn om het arbeidsvoorwaardenoverleg daarop te richten, versterkt. De enorme toevloed van jongeren en vrouwen op de arbeidsmarkt maakt de verdeling van het werk door deeltijdbanen en anderszins tot harde noodzaak. Dat is moeilijk, maar toch moeten wij het werk zo organiseren dat meer mensen kansen krijgen. Dat zijn wij elkaar verplicht. Inkomensoffers van ambtenaren en van hen die werkzaam zijn bij door de overheid gefinancierde instellingen, zijn mede noodzakelijk om de daar aanwezige werkgelegenheid zo goed mogelijk in stand te houden; tegelijk echter ook om via de herverdeling van de beschikbare werkgelegenheid meer burgers kans op werk en inkomen te geven. Het gaat daarbij om tienduizenden. De vandaag uitgebrachte werkgelegenheidsnota gaat in op het herstel van economie en werkgelegenheid, op de verdeling van het werk en op de mogelijkheden voor uitkeringsgerechtigden om zinvol werk buitenshuis te verrichten. Het bedrijfsleven, bestaande en nieuwe bedrijven, met allen die daarin werkzaam zijn, zullen weer het draagvlak moeten worden van groeiende werkgelegenheid en welvaart. Daartoe moeten wij het overheidstekort en de druk van belastingen en premies verminderen. Hiertoe wordt nu een forse aanzet gegeven. Het financieringstekort gaat, zij het bescheiden, dalen. De sociale premiedruk daait aanzienlijk. Ondanks belastingmaatregelen stijgt de totale belastingdruk in de samenleving niet. Zelfs bij de krappe kas van de overheid heeft de regering toch een lastenverlichting voor het bedrijfsleven voorgesteld; voor bedrijven en zelfstandigen. De regering dient vandaag soberder begrotingen in. Om echter te voorkomen dat bij de stijgende rentelast en de scherp gestegen kosten van de werkloosheid ten laste van de rijksbegroting, de overheidstaken te sterk ingekrompen worden, moeten belastingmaatregelen genomen worden. Deze verzwaringen staan dus tegenover verlichtingen. De belastingmaatregelen zijn zo gekozen dat zij duidelijk het zwaarst drukken op de burgers met de hogere inkomens. Op deze wijze worden de lasten van de hogere werkloosheid en de bedragen gemoeid met de lastenverlichting voor het bedrijfsleven naar draagkracht verdeeld, en komt ook volgend jaar geld beschikbaar voor een bijzondere uitkering aan hen die van het minimum rond moeten komen. Bij het herstel van de werkgelegenheid kan het niet alleen gaan om lastenverlichting en beheersing van kosten. Daarom heeft het kabinet ook een begin gemaakt met de vereenvoudiging van de regelgeving in ons land. Deze taakstelling heeft niet alleen betekenis voor de economie. Burgers en bedrijven hebben recht op een overheid die sober is in haar regelgeving. Strikt waar het moet, maar niet alomvattend en bureaucratisch. Een overheid die zich onthoudt van wat door anderen minstens zo goed gedaan kan worden. Een overheid die zich beperkingen oplegt, maar helder en strak is daar, waar zij moet optreden, zoals bij de bestrijding van fraude, van handel in drugs en van aantasting van het milieu. Als wij hierin slagen zal de rechtsstaat winnen aan geloofwaardigheid en kracht. De instandhouding van een krachtige rechtsstaat, voorwaarde voor het behoud van onze democratie, is één van onze eerste opgaven De rechtsstaat kan echter alleen gedijen in een samenleving, waarin alle burgers kans hebben zich te ontplooien, waarin emancipatie gerealiseerd kan worden, waar nationale en groepstradities beleefd kunnen worden en waar groepen met verschillende opvattingen en gebruiken elkaar tolereren en waarderen Het gevoel van onzekerheid en gebrek aan geborgenheid, en soms zelfs een gevoel van stuurloosheid zijn zeker niet alleen te wijten aan de economische teruggang. Daarom is zo belangrijk het weefsel van de samenleving van gezin tot wijk, van eigen vereniging tot rijkgeschakeerde media, waarmee men zich verwant kan weten, waar men zich thuis voelt. Onze rechtsstaat is ook gediend met betere bestuurlijke verhoudingen; met de zeggenschap zo dicht mogelijk bij de burgers. Met het oog hierop zal voortgegaan worden op de moeilijke weg van de decentralisatie. De kwaliteit van de samenleving moet worden bepaald door de instelling en inspanning van de burger. Dat geldt voor het vraagstuk van de minderheden die hun plaats moeten kunnen vinden in onze samenleving. Dat geldt voor het onderwijs, waar naast de noodzakelijke versobering veel werk wordt verzet voor belangrijke nieuwe plannen met name in het voortgezet onderwijs; het kort middelbaar beroepsonderwijs en het leerlingenstelsel vormen daar een bijzondere uitdaging. Belangrijke initiatieven op het gebied van volwassenen-educatie en met betrekking tot de toepassing van de informatie-technologie in onderwijs en onderzoek zijn slechts voorbeelden van het feit dat de rol van het onderwijs in de samenleving eerder toe– dan afneemt. Overziet men de ontwikkeling van de rijksbegroting dan valt op hoe gestaag de inspanningen zijn ten behoeve van de stadsvernieuwing en de verbetering van het milieu. Dit zijn welbewuste prioriteiten. Wij moeten ons dat bij bezuinigingen elders wel realiseren. Diezelfde kwaliteit van de samenleving komt tot uitdrukking in de volksgezondheid, de bejaardenzorg en in het cultuurbeleid. Ook hier zal de regering in nauwe samenspraak met de Staten-Generaal initiatieven nemen om het met de beschikbare middelen eenvoudiger en beter te doen, ons meer baserend op mogelijkheden en verantwoordelijkheden van de burger zelf. Het gaat daarbij niet in de eerste plaats om een bestuurlijk-technisch vraagstuk; welzijn en welzijnsbeleid moeten immers hun wortels hebben in gespreide verantwoordelijkheid en gerechtigheid. Uit het aktieprogramma dat het kabinet U vandaag presenteert blijken reeksen van concrete bestuurlijke inspanningen. Hier en nu gaat het om de keus voor een bestuurlijk handelen van een overheid, die zich wil baseren op de kracht van de burgers, op hun saamhorigheid en die de samenleving zo wil inrichten dat, wat zwakker is, niet van de weg geduwd wordt. Ons land mag zich ook dit jaar weer verheugen in het behoud van vrede. Helaas bieden de ontwikkelingen in de politieke en militaire verhoudingen tussen Oost en West –nog steeds weinig uitzicht op een wezenlijke vermindering van bestaande tegenstellingen. Een toereikende defensie-inspanning van het westelijk bondgenootschap blijft voor handhaving van vrede en veiligheid noodzakelijk. De prijs die wij in verband daarmede zelf betalen is zeker niet te hoog. In de defensienota zullen de plannen voor onze krijgsmacht voor de komende tien jaar neergelegd worden. Het kabinet blijft bij voortduring binnen en buiten het bondgenootschap hameren op het aambeeld van de wapenbeheersing. Het moet mogelijk zijn de wapenwedloop te doorbreken zonder te grote risico’s te nemen, gegeven onze verantwoordelijkheid, oorlog te voorkomen. De uitvoering van het NAVO-dubbelbesluit van 1979 inzake nucleaire middellange-afstandraketten en de besprekingen daarover in Genève, komen nu in een belangrijke fase. Plaatsing van nieuwe raketten aan NAVO-zijde moet zo enigszins mogelijk worden voorkomen, maar daartegenover moeten de middellange-afstandraketten ter andere zijde ontmanteld worden. Als dit doel niet in één stap bereikt kan worden, dan dient met kracht naar tussenoplossingen te worden gestreefd. De regering wil een samenhangend beleid voeren op het gehele terrein van de nucleaire wapens. Naast de bevordering van de onderhandelingen in Genève, zet zij zich daarom in voor de vermindering van afhankelijkheid van andere kernwapens, met name de korte-afstandwapens. Om werkelijke resultaten te bereiken bij de wapenbeheersing en bij de terugdringing van de rol van de kernwapens, is samenwerking in bondgenootschappeiijk verband onmisbaar. De talrijke regionale conflicten en oorlogen in de wereld maken het duidelijk hoeveel er nog schort aan de voorwaarden om vrede te bewaren. Naast de risico’s verbonden aan te veel wapens, levert het contrast met de armoede in zovele landen, een voortdurende aansporing tot wapenbeheersing. Vooral de armste ontwikkelingslanden worden nu al jaren achtereen geteisterd door stagnatie en achteruitgang, hetgeen voor vele miljoenen mensen daar onaanvaardbare armoede met zich brengt. Het moet ons een plicht zijn al het mogeiijke te doen om deze nood te helpen lenigen. Gelukkig heeft een aantal ontwikkelingslanden zich wel met succes uit de stagnatie en onderontwikkeling bevrijd en een zeker groeitempo bereikt. Daarom moeten wij, naast voortgezette steun aan de armste ontwikkelingslanden, economische samenwerking met deze landen bevorderen. Daarmee is niet alleen armoedebestrijding, maar ook herstel van gunstiger economische ontwikkelingen in de wereld en in ons land gediend. Met betrekking tot de Nederlandse Antillen kunnen wij terugzien op een geslaagde rondetafelconferentie. Het komt nu aan op de uitwerking van de resultaten daarvan. Voor de Europese Gemeenschap draagt ook ons land een eigen verantwoordelijkheid. Wij moeten ons ten uiterste inspannen deze Gemeenschap, belangrijk voor welvaart en ontplooiing in vrijheid, te bewaren en verder te ontwikkelen. Ook dat vergt aanpassing en vernieuwing. Slechts zo kan het landbouwbeleid zijn goede rol blijven vervullen en kunnen nieuwe taken, waaronder het vervoer beleid, aangepakt worden. Slechts zo kan de Gemeenschap een gezonde financiële basis verschaft worden en betaalbaar blijven. En slechts zo is het mogelijk de toetreding van Spanje en Portugal verantwoord te laten plaatsvinden. Leden der Staten-Generaal, Volgend jaar herdenken wij de sterfdag, dát 400 jaar geleden, van Willem de Zwijger, de Vader des Vaderlands. Een lange reeks van generaties heeft sindsdien ons land gebouw tot wat het nu is. Ook in deze generatie worden van alle Nederlanders inspanningen en saamhorigheid gevraagd. Steeds weer moeten wij eigentijds inhoud geven aan onze tradities van vrijheid en van respect voor elkaars normen en waarden behoeden en leven houden. Onze democratie is een groot goed. Krachtens deze democratie zijn aan U Volksvertegenwoordigers, veel taken en zorgen toevertrouwd. Van harte wens ik U toe dat Gods zegen op Uw werk rust. Een Troonrede, uitgesproken onder verantwoordelijkheid van een demissionair kabinet, kan geen beschrijving bieden van plannen en initiatieven waarmee de regering in het nieuwe parlementaire jaar vorm denkt te geven aan het te voeren beleid. Wel past een beschouwing over de problemen waarin ons land verkeert en een aanduiding van de maatregelen welke, met het oog op de ernst en de omvang van die problemen, naar het oordeel van het kabinet zonder verwijl moeten worden genomen om uitzicht te openen op economisch herstel. De wereldeconomie vertoont tekenen van een ernstige stagnatie. De produktie groeit niet meer, de wereldhandel nauwelijks. De werkloosheid loopt scherp op. In de Europese Gemeenschap is tien procent van de beroepsbevolking zonder werk. Nederland deelt in die algemene malaise, maar in ons land wordt het probleem van het tekort aan werkgelegenheid nog verscherpt doordat de beroepsbevolking en daarmede de vraag naar werk hier veel sneller groeit dan elders in West-Europa. Weliswaar ligt voor het volgend jaar enig herstel in de lijn der verwachting, maar dit zal bij lange na niet voldoende zijn om een einde te maken aan de toeneming van de werkloosheid. Het ziet er naar uit dat het herstel van de werkgelegenheid nog vele jaren zal vergen. Het zal zaak zijn gedurende een reeks van jaren met volharding en geduld een beleid te voeren, gericht op het inperken van de collectieve uitgaven en daarmee op het beteugelen van de voortdurende stijging van collectieve lasten en het verminderen van het financieringstekort van de overheid. Anders raakt het bedrijfsleven steeds meer in de verdrukking. Zonder herleving van de bedrijvigheid, zich uitend in investeringen, kan er geen duurzaam herstel van werkgelegenheid komen. Het kabinet heeft besloten de lasten die op de bedrijven drukken met één miljard gulden te verminderen. De Maatschappij voor Industriële Projekten, opgericht om de industrialisatie van ons land te versnellen, zal hopeiijk over enkele maanden van start kunnen gaan. Dezer dagen heeft U nota’s ontvangen die een nieuw beleid in het vooruitzicht stellen ter aanmoediging van het midden– en kleinbedrijf. Sommige van de daarin beschreven maatregelen komen ook de land– en tuinbouw ten goede. In de regeringsverklaring heeft het interimkabinet aangekondigd dat het de indiening in september zou bevorderen van een volwaardige begroting, ofschoon de vorming van een nieuw kabinet dan intussen ter hand zou zijn genomen. Sedertdien is het nog duidelijker geworden dat een solide begroting voor 1983 niet mag uitblijven. Als het financieringstekort van de overheid niet met krachtige hand wordt aangepakt, zullen de overheidsfinanciën onbeheersbaar worden. Mocht het tekort op het huishoudboekje van de overheid op het huidige peil blijven, dan zal het rijk binnen korte tijd van elke vijf gulden die het te besteden heeft er één moeten uitgeven ter betaling van de rente op de staatsschuld. Dat zou onvermijdelijk ten koste gaan van uitgaven ten behoeve van collectieve voorzieningen. Bovendien maakt de overheid door steeds meer op de kapitaalmarkt te lenen het voor de bedrijven steeds moeilijker aan middelen te komen om te investeren. De ontwerp-begroting die U heden wordt aangeboden bevat dan ook ingrijpende maatregeten. Die zijn nu nodig om een financiële ontreddering straks te voorkomen. Het kabinet heeft de nodige besparing op de collectieve uitgaven zoveel mogelijk gezocht buiten de overheidsinvesteringen, zulks om een directe aantasting van werkgelegenheid te vermijden. Zo is op het totale budget voor volkshuisvesting en stadsvernieuwing niet bezuinigd. Binnen die begroting is voor de stadsvernieuwing meer geld beschikbaar gesteld. De nodige bezuinigingen zijn vooral gevonden in de inkomens die uit gemeenschapsmiddelen worden betaald. Volgens de nu bekende gegevens dienen naar het oordeel van het kabinet de inkomens in de collectieve sector in 1983 te worden gehandhaafd op het peil dat eind 1982 zal zijn bereikt. Op de organisaties van werkgevers en werknemers doet de regering een klemmend beroep om een overeenkomstige matiging te betrachten. Mocht dit beroep niet in voldoende mate worden gevolgd, dan zal het kabinet ter zake zijn eigen verantwoordelijkheid moeten nemen. Degenen die voor hun levensonderhoud echt op één minimuminkomen zijn aangewezen zullen in 1983 een tegemoetkoming ontvangen die hun koopkracht zover mogelijk veilig stelt. Onze zieke economie kan nict bij toverslag weer op de been worden gebracht. Genezing is zeker mogelijk, maar vergt vertrouwen en zal geruime tijd duren. Nationale remedies zijn ontoereikend. Daarom is erjuist nu alle reden om de samenwerking in de Europese Gemeenschap te verdiepen. Zolang zich echter nog geen structureel herstel voordoet, moeten we ons tot het uiterste inspannen om de werkloosheid, met al het persoonlijk leed en maatschappelijk onheil dat daardoor wordt veroorzaakt, zoveel mogelijk in te perken. In het bijzonder geldt dit voor de werkloosheid onder jongeren. Aanpassingen in het onderwijs, met name de invoering van kort middelbaar beroepsonderwijs, kunnen ertoe bijdragen dat meer jonge mensen een opleiding krijgen die hun een betere kans biedt op een plaats in het arbeidsbestel. Het kabinet wil in het komend overieg met de organisaties van werkgevers en werknemers bespreken hoe het arbeidsvoorwaardenbeleid dienstbaar kan worden gemaakt aan de bestrijding van de werkloosheid. . Dat gesprek zal onder meer moeten gaan over de mogelijkheden het beschikbare werk over meer mensen te verdelen. Zonder een grondige herziening wordt ons stelsel van sociale zekerbeid onbetaalbaar en zouden ook de wezenlijke verworvenheden ervan in gevaar kunnen komen. Daarop afgestemde adviesaanvragen aan de Sociaal-Economische Raad en aan de Emancipatieraad zijn in voorbereiding. Ook ter beteugeling van de kosten van de gezondheidszorg zijn structurele ingrepen nodig. Het gaat er hierbij niet alléén om de voortgaande stijging van de premies tot staan te brengen. Het gaat er ook om een herschikking van de uitgaven mogelijk te maken ten behoeve van de zorg buiten de ziekenhuizen en betere voorzieningen voor zwakzinnigen en geestelijk gestoorde mensen. Daarop gerichte voorstellen heeft het kabinet ontwikkeld. Tot een herschikking van overheidsuitgaven noopt ook de verandering in het leeftijdspatroon van onze bevolking: minder kinderen, meer bejaarden. De voorzieningen voor bejaarden zullen uitgebreid moeten worden. Ook voor onze medeburgers die tot de culturele minderheden behoren, zal meer gedaan moeten worden. De bescherming van de natuur en het milieu zal eveneens meer kosten vergen en ook daarvoor moeten door besparingen elders gelden worden vrijgemaakt. De begroting voorziet in extra uitgaven voor het bestrijden van bodemverontreiniging. De uitvoering van het op milieubehoud en veiligheid gerichte Oosterscheldeproject vindt onverminderd voortgang. Nederland is een rechtsstaat. Dat betekent dat de bestuurders en de burgers zich hebben te schikken naar de rechtsregels die onze democratie heeft voortgebracht. Eigenmachtig optreden kan niet worden geduld, zeker niet wanneer dat met geweldpleging vergezeld gaat. De reorganisatie van de politie moet spoedig haar beslag krijgen. De regering bereidt een wetsontwerp voor om, in afwachting van die reorganisatie, de toeneming van het aantal politiekorpsen te beletten. Tot de kenmerken van de rechtsstaat behoort voorts dat de burger zonder nodeloze belemmering recht kan verkrijgen. De organen van rechtspraak en rechtshandhaving raken evenwel overbelast. Bij het maken van wettelijke regelingen en het beschikbaar stellen van rechtsmiddelen, zal hiermee, ter wille van de kwaliteit van de rechtsbedeling, meer dan tot dusver rekening gehouden moeten worden. De reorganisatie van de rijksdienst, gericht op de verbetering van de kwaliteit van het bestuur, vindt gestage voortgang. Het kabinet zal U binnenkort een aantal gedachten ontvouwen over de decentralisatie van overheidstaken. De regering hecht grote waarde aan het behoud van een intensieve samenwerking binnen de Noord-Atlantische Verdragsorganisatie en in het bijzonder tussen de Verenigde Staten en de Europese bondgenoten. In het nabije verleden hebben zich verschillen van inzicht ontwikkeld, met name over het verrichten van technologisch hoogwaardige leveranties aan de Soviet-Unie. Die meningsverschillen kunnen en moeten in een geest van wederzijds respect worden opgelost. Zij mogen geen afbreuk doen aan het besef dat de democratieën ter weerszijden van de Atlantische Oceaan wezenlijke waarden gemeenschappelijk hebben en ter veiligstelling daarvan op elkaar aangewezen blijven. Bij de viering van twee eeuwen verbondenheid met de Verenigde Staten is hieraan terecht veel aandacht besteed. Kan West-Europa zich erover verheugen in vrede en vrijheid te leven, elders in de wereld worden veel mensen door oorlog en geweld getrofren. Vooral de toestand in het Midden-Oosten blijft zorgwekkend. De bewoners van Libanon betalen wel een heel zware tol. Nederland draagt naar vermogen bij tot het tegengaan van geweld in het Midden-Oosten. Nederlandse militairen dienen zowel in de Sinai-woestijn als in Libanon. Binnen het beraad van de Europese Tien tracht Nederland een politieke oplossing naderbij te brengen. Het vooruitzicht daarop is onlangs verbeterd, dank zij het recente initiatief van de President van de Verenigde Staten en het bemoedigende antwoord daarop gegeven door de Arabische topconferentie te Fez. Niet alleen doordat oorlogsgeweld ons bespaard is gebleven zijn wij bevoorrecht. Wij zijn ook een welvarend land, ondanks de economische moeilijkheden die wij nu doormaken. Tal van ontwikkelingslanden, die het toch al zwaar te verduren hadden, worden door de teruggang in de wereldeconomie onevenredig zwaar getroffen. Bijna een kwart van de bevolking van onze aarde kan niet of nauwelijks voorzien in zijn allereerste levensbehoeften. In die schrijnende nood te helpen voorzien blijft de regering als een zaak van hoge prioriteit beschouwen. Onze inspanning ten behoeve van ontwikkelingssamenwerking blijft op een peil van tenminste anderhalf procent van het netto nationaal inkomen gehandhaafd. Een rechtvaardiger wereldeconomische ordening tot stand te brengen blijft geboden. Om vrede en veiligheld te bewaren is een deugdelijke defensie nodig. Maar het is ook een gebiedende noodzaak te blijven werken aan tweezijdige wapenbeheersing en ontwapening. Van vitaal belang zijn de onderhandelingen in Genève tussen de Verenigde Staten en de Sovjet-Unie over het verminderen van de nucleaire bewapening in Europa en daarbuiten. Hoe die onderhandelingen te doen slagen moet de maatstaf van het beleid zijn. Het kabinet wil onze krijgsmacht zo goed mogelijk inrichten en toerusten ook voor het verrichten van vredesoperaties, bij voorkeur onder het gezag van de Verenigde Naties. Leden der Staten-Generaal, Onze samenleving kan door de toenemende werkloosheid onder spanning komen te staan. Van de werkenden wordt een steeds hogere bijdrage verwacht aan de voorziening in het levensonderhoud van de werklozen. Van de langdurig werklozen wordt gevraagd solidair te blijven met een samenleving die hen niet in staat stelt zich volledig te ontplooien. Meer dan voorheen wordt nu een wissel getrokken op het besef van de burgers en hun organisaties verantwoordelijk te zijn voor elkaar. Verantwoordelijkheidszin en saamhorigheidsbesef te wekken ligt buiten de macht van de overheid. Die moeten komen uit de burgers zelf. De geschiedenis leert echter dat het Nederlandse volk juist in tijd van tegenspoed die kwaliteiten weet te tonen. Door het vertrouwen dat de burgers U hebben geschonken draagt U, volksvertegenwoordigers, een bijzondere verantwoordelijkheid voor het welzijn van ons land. De problemen, waarvoor Nederland thans gesteld is, te helpen overwinnen is een veeleisende taak. U moge die taak vervullen in het vertrouwen dat velen U wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor U bidden. De omstandigheden waaronder deze Troonrede is opgesteld zijn hoogst uitzonderlijk. Pas enkele dagen geleden is het kabinet, dat sinds de verkiezingen van mei de lopende staatszaken behartigde, teruggetreden en opgevolgd door een nieuw kabinet, van een andere politieke samenstelling. Het onlangs aangetreden kabinet heeft nauwelijks tijd gehad voor beraad over het te voeren beleid. Een uiteenzetting van dat beleid zal eerst over enige weken in de regeringsverklaring kunnen worden gegeven Daarom zal deze Troonrede beknopt en sober zijn. Vandaag wordt, ter voldoening aan de voorschriften van de Grondwet, de begroting 1982 aan de Tweede Kamer aangeboden. De begrotingsontwerpen en de memories van toelichting daarop zijn opgesteld onder de verantwoordeiijkheid van het vorige kabinet. De regering betuigt haar erkentelijkheid daarvoor aan hen die tot dat kabinet behoorden. De tijd heeft ontbroken om die ontwerpen en de toelichtingen te toetsen aan het regeerakkoord van het nieuwe kabinet. Voorzover deze staatsstukken als uitkomst van die toetsing belangrijke wijzigingen behoeven, zal daarvan in de regeringsverklaring mededeling worden gedaan. Van de maatschappelijke problemen die zich in ons land voordoen is de werkloosheid het meest verontrustend, in het bijzonder die onder jongeren. De economische neergang heeft in alle landen van de Europese Gemeenschap de werkloosheid scherp doen stijgen. Daar komt bij dat in ons land het aantal mannen en vrouwen dat zich jaarlijks aanmeldt op de arbeidsmarkt naar verhouding veel groter is dan elders in West-Europa. Dat stelt ons in de jaren tachtig voor een bijzonder zware opgave. Te zwaarder zal die opgave zijn doordat van ons bedrijfsleven grote delen in ernstige moeilijkheden zijn geraakt. Met name de industrie staat er, globaal Bespoken slecht voor en ook de toestand van het midden– en kleinbedrijf is verre van rooskleurig. Gelukkig vast er een herwaardering waar te nemen voor deze vormen van bedrijvigheid, mede door toedoen van een baanbrekende studie van de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid. Ons bedrijfsleven moet weer vitaliteit krijgen. Een nieuw industrieel elan is nodig. Het is gewenst het produktief investeren aan te moedigen. Het kabinet zal zo spoedig mogeiijk een meerjarenplan voor de werkgelegenheid opstellen. Daarvoor zal de nodige financiële ruimte worden vrijgemaakt. Het financieringstekort van de overheid moet, juist ter wille van de werkgelegenheid, in de eerstkomende jaren worden verkleind. De druk van belastingen en premies, waarvan het regeerakkoord een nadere omschrijving geeft, mag niet zwaarder rneer worden. Voor het welslagen van het te voeren beleid is een goed overleg nodig met de organisaties van werkgevers en werknemers, mede met het oog op de noodzaak van een jarenlange matiging van lonen en andere inkomens. In het regeerakkoord zijn afspraken vastgelegd om de laagste inkomens te beschermen. Duurzaam economisch herstel moet hoofddoel van het beleid zijn: ter wille van de; werkgelegenheid, maar ook omdat de hoge uitgaven die in ons land van gemeenschapswege worden gedaan niet in stand gehouden kunnen worden wanneer door een neergang van de economie het nationaal inkomen ineenschrompelt. Ook over een aantal andere belangrijke onderwerpen zal de regeringsverklaring beleidsvoornemens ontvouwen. Daartoe behoren het bevorderen van de woningbouw en de stadsvernieuwing, de bescherming van het milieu, het bewaren van onze rechtsstaat. Door de komst in ons midden van grote aantallen personen van andere taal en cultuur is de Nederlandse samenleving geschakeerder geworden en gecompliceerder. Helaas blijkt niet zelden van een tekort aan verdraagzaamheid en begrip. Daarnaast dienen zich niet te onderschatten problemen aan in het onderwijs, en ook met de huisvesting en de tewerkstelling van mensen die van buiten Nederland komen. Het ontwikkelen van een alomvattend beleid ten aanzien van de minderheden is een belangrijke overheidstaak geworden. De wetsontwerpen tot algehele herziening van de Grondwet zijn inmiddels ter behandeling in tweede lezing bij de Tweede Kamer ingediend. De regering vertrouwt erop dat deze herziening spoedig haar beslag zal krijgen. De regering hoopt dat spoedig de voorwaarden vervuld zullen zijn voor de hervatting van het overleg over de toekomstige verhoudingen tussen de Nederlandse Antillen, de eilanden van de Nederlandse Antillen en Nederland. Het behoud van internationale vrede en veiligheid is in de letterlijke zin een levensbelang voor ons allen. De regering zal in bondgenootschappeiijk verband een evenwichtig veiligheidsbeleid voeren. Dat betekent: zorgen voor een deugdelijke defensie en tegelijk werken aan beheersing en beperking van de bewapening, in het bijzonder van de nucleaire bewapening in Oost en West. Een vermindering van de spanning tussen. Oost en West zal de meeste ontwikkelingslanden ten goede komen en de totstandkoming van een rechtvaardiger wereldeconomische ordening naderbij brengen. Nederland zal, ondanks de economisch ongunstige tijden, zijn bijdrage voor ontwikkelingssamenwerking ten minste handhaven op het tot dusver aangehouden peil. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, Deze Troonrede kan zo kort na de kabinetswisseling geen opsomming bieden van concrete plannen voor de nabije toekomst. Van wezenlijk belang is het echter dat wij allen de uitdaging onderkennen waarvoor ons land nu staat. Ingrijpende veranderingen zijn nodig voor economisch herstel. Dan komt de ontwikkeling van de werkgelegenheid weer in het goede spoor en kunnen onze collectieve voorzieningen in stand blijven. Dat zal een zware opgave zijn, maar wel een die uitvoerbaar is. Als iedere burger zich daarvoor wil inspannen en bereid is de daartoe nodige offers naar draagkracht te brengen, is er goede reden om de toekomst met vertrouwen tegemoet te zien. Van U, volksvertegenwoordigers, zal in het komende parlementaire jaar veel volharding en toewijding worden gevergd voor het volvoeren van Uw taak. U moge die taak vervullen in het vertrouwen dat velen U wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor U bidden. „Onder een economisch ongunstig gesternte hervat U vandaag Uw werkzaamheid”, zo sprak mijn Moeder tot U bij de opening van het vorige parlementaire jaar. Helaas is er thans nog meer reden zulk een uitspraak te doen. In het voorbije jaar heeft opnieuw een golf van prijsstijgingen voor olie en andere energiedragers, de wereld overspoeld. Die stijgingen werken door in de prijzen van andere invoergoederen. De wereldhandel hapert. Alom in Europa neemt de werkloosheid toe, versnelt de inflatie en verslechtert de betalingsbalans. Economische groei heeft ons land ook voor het komende jaar niet of nauwelijks te verwachten. Financiële armslag om de economie op te stuwen hebben we niet. Nederland komt klem te zitten. Aan de ene kant geen werkelijke toeneming meer van de nationale middelen, aan de andere kant aldoor oplopende aanspraken op die middelen, zowel voor collectieve als voor particuliere uitgaven. Het is onmogelijk al die wensen in te willigen. Tenzij we de noodsprong zouden maken naar een nog groter financieringstekort. Maar dat zou ertoe leiden dat de staat gaandeweg zoveel rente opzijn schulden moet betalen dat wezenlijke overheidstaken niet meer kunnen worden uitgevoerd. Bovendien zou het rijk dan, pogend het hoge tekort te financieren, de rentestand opdrijven, dus het investeren in bedrijven en woningen verder bemoeilijken, tot schade vooral van de werkgelegenheid. Het financieringstekort moet veeleer worden verminderd en daarop is de ontwerpbegroting dan ook gericht. Hoe moeten de beschikbare middelen worden verdeeld tussen de collectieve en de particuliere sector en vervolgens binnen elke van die sectoren? Met de vragen die hieruit voortvloeien heeft de regering geworsteld. Het beslag dat de overheid en de sociale voorzieningen, waaronder de gezondheidszorg, leggen op het nationaal inkomen is sinds 1950 meer dan verdubbeld. In de jaren zeventig zijn de kosten van die voorzieningen zeer sterk gestegen. Een voortzetting van die ontwikkeling in de jaren tachtig zou onze economie ontwrichten. Daarom heeft het kabinet onlangs de Sociaal-Economische Raad gevraagd advies uit te brengen over een aantal besparingen, bij elkaar ten bedrage van ruim 800 miljoen gulden in 1981; dit is ongeveer één procent van het totaal van de jaarlijkse uitgaven voor sociale zekerheid. De regering wil, ook nu, geen afbreuk doen aan ons stelsel van sociale zekerheid. Maar dat stelsel is slechts te handhaven bij een doelmatig beheer en op voorwaarde dat het alleen werkt voor degenen voor wie het is bedoeld. Het mag er niet toe leiden dat mensen die kunnen werken wegblijven van de arbeidsmarkt. Besparingen op de rijksbegroting heeft de regering, in het bijzonder met het oog op de werkgelegenheid, meer gezocht in de salarissen dan in de materiële overheidsbestedingen. Op één punt worden die bestedingen zelfs tot boven de meerjarenramingen verhoogd en wel ten behoeve van de woningbouw. De neergang van de bouwnijverheid is een voorwerp van grote zorg, zowel uit een oogpunt van volkshuisvesting als van werkgelegenheid. Daarom is ook voor het komend jaar het programma voor de bouw van woningwetwoningen met bijna tien duizend opgevoerd. Ook voor het verbeteren van woningwetwoningen zijn meer middelen vrij gemaakt. Een degelijke volkshuisvesting kan overigens op den duur niet verzekerd worden door subsidies uit de staatskas. De burgers zullen bereid moeten zijn een groter aandeel van hun inkomsten te besteden aan het wonen. Gedurende een reeks van jaren zijn de huren achtergebleven bij de bouwkosten. Het is in het belang van de woningbouw de daardoor ontstane toestand weer gezond te maken. In de particuliere sector gaat het vooral om de hoogte van het inkomenspeil. Allereerst omdat de loonkosten in belangrijke mate medebepalend zijn voor de produktiekosten van de bedrijven en daarmee voor hun concurrentiepositie. Veel ondernemingen, ook in het midden– en kleinbedrijf, kunnen het hoofd niet of nauwelijks meer boven water houden, laat staan dat zij nog bij machte zouden zijn investeringen tot vervanging of uitbreiding te doen. Elke sluiting of inkrimping toe te schrijven aan de hoogte van de loonkosten zou overigens onjuist zijn. Het rapport van de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid over de plaats en de toekomst van onze industrie toont dat aan. Daaruit spreekt ook de noodzaak vormen van nijverheid die niet levensvatbaar meer zijn prijs te geven en nieuwe activiteiten te ontplooien, mede met behulp van toegepast wetenschappelijk onderzoek. De hoogte van de lonen is niet alléén van belang voor de particuliere bedrijvigheid en dus voor de werkgelegenheid daar. Wanneer werknemers en werkgevers afspraken maken over het inkomen uit arbeid in het bedrijfsleven, nemen zij beslissingen die vér reikende gevolgen hebben voor de rijksbegroting en ook voor de toepassing van het stelsel van sociale zekerheid. Zestig procent van de uitgaven op de rijksbegroting staat immers in rechtstreeks verband met de lonen in de particuliere sector. Voorts is er de koppeling met de sociale uitkeringen. Daarom heeft een tekort aan matiging in de particuliere sector ook daarbuiten ingrijpende gevoigen. Het kabinet doet dan ook een klemmend beroep op de werknemers en de werkgevers een uiterste matiging te betrachten. Wordt dit beroep beantwoord, dan hoeft de overheid minder sociale premies en belastingen te heffen. Verder komt er dan in de rijksbegroting meer ruimte voor de strijd tegen de werkloosheid. In de noodzakelijke matiging zullen allen moeten delen, maar wel naar de maat van hun draagkracht. Dit zijn de intenties waarmee het kabinet in de komende weken in gesprek wil treden met de Stichting van de Arbeid. Al krijgt ook Nederland zijn deel te verwerken van de economische teruggang die tal van landen treft, wij zijn in de wereld nog steeds een welvarende natie. Deze positie te behouden is niet alleen in ons eigen belang, maar ook in dat van de landen waarop wij onze ontwikkelingshulp richten. Als wij onze betalingsbalans weten te herstellen kunnen wij onze leningen en schenkingen aan landen van de derde wereld handhaven. Het is onze plicht de ontwikkelingssamenwerking ook in een voor ons moeilijker tijd vol te houden. De regering blijft in de Verenigde Naties, in de Europese Gemeenschap en waar het maar dienstig is de noodklok luiden voor de honderden miljoenen die zelfs nog het allernodigste ontberen. Hierbij gaat het niet alleen om het ter beschikking stellen van geld of goederen, maar vooral om het herzien, ondanks alle weerstand daartegen, van de economische orde in de wereld. Het rapport van de Commissie Brandt mag niet veronachtzaamd worden. Van grote betekenis voor de toekomstige verhoudingen binnen het Koninkrijk is het dat zo spoedig mogelijk een conferentie zal worden belegd, naar aanleiding van het rapport van de Koninkrijkswerkgroep, over nieuwe vormen van samenwerking tussen Nederland, de Nederlandse Antillen en de eilanden van de Nederlandse Antillen. Binnenkort wordt Nederland voorzitter van de Europese Ministerraad. De Gemeenschap maakt een periode van tegenspoed door. Dat mag geen ontmoediging oproepen maar moet de gezamenlijke inspanning juist verhevigen. In de Europese Gemeenschap zullen wij op 1 januari a.s. Griekenland verwelkomen als tiende lid-Staat. Dat zal overigens het probleem verscherpen dat er binnen de kring van de verbondenen verschillen in welvaart bestaan die de integratie belemmeren. Ook binnen de grenzen van ons eigen land zijn er te grote verschillen in welvaart en welzijn. Een uiteenzetting van het in de komende jaren te voeren regionaal beleid zal het kabinet U binnenkort aanbieden. Een toenemende zorg wordt het aan degenen die behoren tot culturele minderheden huisvesting te verschaffen en werk, geschikt onderwijs en aangepaste welzijnsvoorzieningen. U zult wetsvoorstellen ontvangen om de weg te effenen voor het geven van onderwijs aan deze mensen ook in hun eigen taal en met inachtneming van hun eigen cultuur. De aanwezigheid in ons midden van een groter aantal inwoners dan ooit tevoren met een ons vreemde cultuur stelt ons voor de opgave te tonen dat wij zelf de verdraagzaamheid bezitten voor het ontbreken waarvan we andere landen gekapitteld hebben. Aan verdraagzaamheid en onderling respect mankeert het in onze samenleving, niet alleen in de verstandhouding met mensen die van elders zijn gekomen. Daarbij komt dat soms ter discussie wordt gesteld in hoever men zich heeft te gedragen naar voorschriften en beslissingen die tot stand zijn gekomen volgens de regels van onze democratie. Onze democratische rechtsstaat kan een stootje velen. Maar wil hij levenskrachtig blijven, dan is tweeërlei nodig. De wet moet haar gezag mede ontlenen aan haar inhoud, aan een herkenbare afweging van de verschillende belangen. Anderzijds moet ieder zich schikken in de uitkomsten van democratische besluitvorming. Dat uitspraken van de rechter worden geëerbiedigd is voor onze rechtsstaat wezenlijk. Hoeveel onzekerheid toekomststudies ook in zich bergen, een aantal ontwikkelingen tekent zich voor de jaren tachtig duidelijk af. Daartoe behoort dat het kunnen beschikken over en omgaan met informatie in snel toenemende mate aan betekenis wint. Dat zal in de samenieving grote gevolgen krijgen. Welk beleid het kabinet op dit gebied denkt te voeren wordt U dezer dagen in een nota uiteengezet. Een geheel andersoortige, maar evenzeer belangrijke ontwikkeling die zich voltrekt betreft de maatschappelijke positie van de vrouw. Veel is er op dit gebied al verbeterd, maar voltooid is de emancipatie nog niet. De laatste hand wordt gelegd aan een voorontwerp van wet tegen achterstelling op grond van geslacht; het zal spoedig openbaar worden gemaakt. Van het geven van een opsomming van alle belangrijke voorstellen die in het parlementaire jaar van regeringswege zullen worden gedaan, in wetsvorm of anderszins, ziet de regering in deze Troonrede af. Zij volstaat ermee nog slechts melding te maken van twee grootse projekten van wetgeving. Het ene is de algehele herziening van de Grondwet die haar voltooiing nadert. Het andere is de schepping van een nieuw Burgerlijk Wetboek. Het omvangrijkste deel daarvan, het vermogensrecht, bereikt in dit zittingsjaar de fase van de indiening van wetsontwerpen tot invoering. Een volledig beeld van het te voeren beleid geven U het ontwerp van de rijksbegroting en de toelichtingen daarop. Die beschrijven nader hoe de regering zich wil kwijten van haar taken ter behartiging van het weizijn van allen die ons land bewonen. Daarbij gaat het onder meer om een zorgvuldige inrichting van ons land, om de vernieuwing van steden, om de zorg voor een ordelijk en veilig verkeer, om de bevordering van een lonende land– en tuinbouw. Het gaat ook om de zorg voor een zo zuiver mogelijk milieu. De eeuwen door hebben mensen met vlijt en vernuft de aarde bewerkt en haar aanzien veranderd. Met dezelfde vindingrijkheid en toewijding moeten wij nu de door ons zelf gemaakte milieuproblemen de baas kunnen worden. Nederland heeft het voorrecht een vrij land te zijn. Die vrijheid te verzekeren is ons een prijs waard. In het Atlantisch bondgenootschap blijft ons land een passende bijdrage leveren aan het behoud van vrede en veiligbeid in de wereld. Samen met de bondgenoten moeten de inspanningen, gericht op evenwichtige wapenbeheersing en ontwapening, worden voortgezet. Leden van de Staten-Generaal, In het jaar dat voor U ligt moeten ingrijpende beslissingen worden genomen en pijnlijke keuzen gemaakt om te bewerkstelligen dat Nederland zijn economische problemen te boven komt. Wij kunnen het tij keren, mits het besef van saamhorigheid sterker blijkt dan de gerichtheid op eigenbelang, mits onverschilligheid wijkt voor verantwoordelijkheidszin. Het Nederlandse volk heeft eerder getoond op zijn best te zijn wanneer het echt moeilijk wordt. Dat zal het, vertrouwt de regering, opnieuw bewijzen. Van U als volksvertegenwoordigers zal veel toewijding en werkkracht worden gevraagd. U mag erop vertrouwen dat velen U wijsheid toewensen en om zegen voor U bidden. Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, C'est un grand privilège que de prononcer devant votre Assemblée le premier discours sur l'état de l'Union. Ce discours sur l'état de l'Union sera désormais l'occasion pour nous de planifier nos travaux pour les douze mois à venir. Parmi les décisions que nous prendrons cette année, nombreuses sont celles qui auront des conséquences à long terme. Elles dessineront l'Europe que nous voulons. Elles dessineront une Europe des possibilités, dans laquelle ceux qui en ont l'ambition pourront s'élever, tandis que ceux qui sont dans le besoin ne seront pas laissés de côté. Une Europe ouverte sur le monde et ouverte à ses habitants. Une Europe qui garantit une cohésion économique, sociale et territoriale. Au cours de l'année écoulée, la crise économique et financière a confronté notre Union à l'un des plus grands défis qu'elle ait connus. Notre interdépendance a été soulignée, et notre solidarité a été mise à l'épreuve comme elle ne l'avait jamais été. Quand je vois, rétrospectivement, comment nous avons réagi, je pense que nous avons surmonté cette épreuve. Nous avons apporté une grande partie des solutions requises – accorder une assistance financière aux États membres confrontés à des circonstances exceptionnelles, améliorer la gouvernance économique, approfondir la régulation financière, promouvoir la croissance et l'emploi – et nous avons réussi à construire une base solide à partir de laquelle lancer la modernisation de nos économies. L'Europe a montré qu'elle avait la volonté de répondre présent. Ceux qui prédisaient la débâcle de l'Union européenne ont été démentis. Les institutions européennes et les États membres ont pris des initiatives courageuses. J'adresse à chaque Européen le message suivant: ayez la certitude que l'Europe fera le nécessaire pour assurer votre avenir. Les perspectives économiques dans l'Union européenne sont aujourd'hui meilleures qu'il y a un an, grâce, en grande partie, à l'action déterminée que nous avons menée. Le redressement s'accélère, même si son rythme n'est pas homogène dans toute l'Union. La croissance en 2010 sera plus importante que prévu initialement. Le taux de chômage, bien qu'il demeure beaucoup trop élevé, a cessé de progresser. Il est évident que des incertitudes et des risques continuent de peser sur la reprise, surtout hors de l'Union européenne. Ne nous berçons pas d'illusions: notre tâche est loin d'être achevée. Nous ne pouvons pas nous reposer sur nos lauriers. L'expansion budgétaire a eu l'effet escompté pour contrer le déclin de l'activité économique, mais il est temps, à présent, d'en sortir. En l'absence de réformes structurelles, nous ne générerons pas une croissance durable. Nous devons mettre à profit les douze prochains mois pour accélérer le programme de réformes. Le moment est venu de moderniser notre économie sociale de marché pour la rendre compétitive au niveau mondial et capable de relever le défi démographique. Le moment est venu de réaliser les investissements requis pour l'avenir. C'est l'heure de vérité pour l'Europe. Elle doit montrer qu'elle est davantage que 27 solutions nationales. Soit nous agissons ensemble, soit nous sombrons un à un. Que nous agissions au niveau national, régional ou local, nous ne réussirons que si nous pensons européen. Je vais aujourd'hui vous exposer ce que je considère comme les priorités communes de nos deux institutions pour l'année à venir. Il m'est impossible d'aborder ici tous les aspects de la politique européenne, ou de vous présenter chacune des initiatives que nous prendrons, aussi vous aije fait parvenir, par l'intermédiaire du Président Buzek, un document programmatique plus complet. Je vois essentiellement cinq défis majeurs que l'Union devra relever au cours des douze prochains mois: combattre la crise et améliorer la gouvernance économique; relancer la croissance pour l'emploi en accélérant la mise en œuvre du programme de réformes «Europe 2020»; construire un espace de liberté, de justice et de sécurité; lancer les négociations en vue de la modernisation du budget de l'Union, et assumer notre part de responsabilité dans le monde. Permettezmoi de commencer par la crise et la gouvernance économiques. Voici quelques mois, nous avons agi avec détermination quand les membres de la zone euro, et l'euro lui même, ont eu besoin de notre soutien. Nous avons appris une dure leçon. Nous faisons aujourd'hui des progrès considérables en matière de gouvernance économique. La Commission a présenté ses idées en mai et juin derniers. Elles ont été bien accueillies, tant dans cette assemblée que par la Task Force dirigée par le président du Conseil européen. Elles constituent le socle sur lequel un consensus est en train de se construire. Nous présenterons les propositions législatives les plus urgentes le 29 septembre, de façon à ne pas perdre le rythme. Des budgets non viables à terme nous rendent vulnérables. La dette et le déficit créent l'instabilité conjoncturelle, et elles défont le filet de la protection sociale. L'argent consacré au service de la dette ne peut être dépensé pour le bien être social. Ni pour nous préparer à assumer le coût du vieillissement démographique. Une génération endettée compromet le futur de la nation. Nos propositions tendent à renforcer le Pacte de stabilité et de croissance par une surveillance budgétaire accrue et une contrainte plus stricte. Nous devons, en outre, nous atteler à résoudre les graves déséquilibres macroéconomiques, en particulier dans la zone euro. Voilà pourquoi nous avons présenté en amont des propositions visant à détecter les bulles spéculatives, les défauts de compétitivité et d'autres facteurs de déséquilibre. Je constate aujourd'hui que les gouvernements nationaux sont prêts à accepter une surveillance plus étroite, assortie d'incitations au respect des règles, ainsi que de sanctions plus précoces. La Commission renforcera son propre rôle d'arbitre indépendant et de garant du respect des nouvelles règles. Nous ferons de l'union monétaire une véritable union économique. Si elles sont mises en œuvre comme nous le proposons, ces réformes garantiront aussi la stabilité à long terme de l'euro, clé de notre réussite économique. Pour assurer la croissance de notre économie, nous avons aussi besoin d'un secteur financier robuste et sain. Un secteur qui soit au service de l'économie réelle. Un secteur qui peut se flatter d'être réglementé et surveillé de façon adéquate. Nous avons pris des mesures pour accroître la transparence des banques. Aujourd'hui, nous faisons mieux qu'il y a un an. Avec la publication des résultats des tests de résistance, les banques devraient maintenant pouvoir se prêter mutuellement des fonds, de sorte que les citoyens et les entreprises de l'Union puissent accéder au crédit. Nous avons proposé de protéger l'épargne de chaque citoyen à hauteur de 100 000 euros. Nous proposerons de bannir les ventes à découvert abusives. Nous nous intéresserons aux contrats d'échange sur défaut, mieux connus comme «credit default swaps». Le temps où l'on pouvait parier sur la ruine d'autrui est révolu. Nous continuons d'insister pour que les banques, et non les contribuables, aient l'obligation de financer ellesmêmes en amont leur propre risque de défaillance. Nous légiférons pour bannir les bonus qui récompensent aujourd'hui les gains à court terme qui seront les lourdes pertes de demain. Dans le cadre de cette approche, je plaide également en faveur d'une taxation des activités financières. Nous présenterons des propositions cet automne. L'accord politique qui vient de se conclure sur le paquet relatif à la surveillance financière est une très bonne nouvelle. Les propositions de la Commission, fondées sur le rapport de Larosière, nous doteront d'un véritable système européen de surveillance. Je tiens à remercier le Parlement pour son rôle constructif, et j'espère qu'il donnera son aval définitif en septembre. Nous approfondirons également le volet réglementaire. Des initiatives concernant les produits dérivés, de nouvelles mesures sur les agences de notation ainsi qu'un cadre concernant la liquidation des banques et la gestion des crises bancaires vous seront soumis à brève échéance. Notre objectif est de boucler intégralement la réforme du secteur financier pour la fin de l'année prochaine. Des finances publiques solides et des marchés financiers responsables nous donnent la confiance et la vigueur économique nécessaires à une croissance durable. Nous devons dépasser le débat artificiel qui oppose l'assainissement budgétaire à la croissance. Nous pouvons avoir les deux. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Des finances publiques saines sont un moyen au service d'un objectif: la croissance pour l'emploi. Notre objectif, c'est la croissance, une croissance durable, une croissance inclusive. C'est notre priorité principale. C'est dans cette voie qu'il nous faut investir. L'Europe 2020 commence dès aujourd'hui. Nous devons avancer et accélérer les réformes les plus porteuses de croissance de notre programme. Le niveau de la croissance pourrait ainsi être relevé de plus d'un tiers d'ici à 2020. Cela implique de nous concentrer sur trois priorités: augmenter le nombre de travailleurs en activité, stimuler la compétitivité de nos entreprises et approfondir le marché unique. Permettezmoi de commencer par les citoyens et l'emploi. Depuis 2008, plus de 6,3 millions de personnes ont perdu leur travail. Chacune d'entre elles devrait se voir offrir la possibilité de retrouver une activité. Le taux d'emploi moyen en Europe avoisine les 69 % pour les travailleurs âgés de 20 à 64 ans. Nous avons décidé qu'il devrait être porté à 75 % d'ici à 2020, notamment par l'intégration d'un plus grand nombre de femmes et de travailleurs âgés sur le marché du travail. Les États membres conservent la plupart des compétences en matière de politique de l'emploi. Mais nous ne resterons pas sur la touche. Je veux une Union européenne qui aide ses citoyens à saisir les occasions nouvelles, et je veux une Union qui soit à la fois sociale et inclusive. C'est cette Europelà que nous construirons si les États membres, les institutions européennes et les partenaires sociaux avancent dans la voie de notre programme commun de réformes. Ce dernier devra être axé sur les qualifications et l'emploi, ainsi que sur l'investissement dans l'apprentissage tout au long de la vie. Il devra aussi libérer le potentiel de croissance du marché unique, pour donner vigueur au marché unique de l'emploi. Les perspectives d'emploi existent. Le chômage atteint des niveaux très élevés, pourtant quatre millions de postes sont à pourvoir en Europe aujourd'hui. La Commission entend proposer, plus tard dans l'année, un «Observatoire des postes vacants au sein de l'Union». Les citoyens européens sauront ainsi où des emplois sont offerts en Europe et quelles sont les qualifications requises. Nous allons également proposer des projets pour un «passeport européen des qualifications». Il nous faudra aussi nous attaquer aux problèmes de la pauvreté et de l'exclusion. Nous devons veiller à ce que les personnes les plus vulnérables ne soient pas laissées pour compte. C'est l'axe principal de notre «Plateforme européenne contre la pauvreté». Elle regroupera les actions européennes en faveur des groupes vulnérables tels que les enfants et les personnes âgées. À mesure qu'augmente le nombre de personnes qui voyagent, étudient ou travaillent à l'étranger, nous renforcerons également les droits des citoyens lors du franchissement des frontières. Dès cet automne, la Commission se penchera sur les obstacles qui subsistent. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, La croissance doit reposer sur la compétitivité de nos entreprises. Nous devons continuer de faciliter la vie de nos petites et moyennes entreprises. Celles ci fournissent deux emplois sur trois dans le secteur privé. La nécessité d'innover et le poids des formalités administratives figurant parmi leurs préoccupations majeures, nous nous attachons actuellement à les aider dans ces deux domaines. Juste avant l'été, la Commission a annoncé l'octroi de l'enveloppe la plus importante jamais accordée au titre du septième programme cadre de recherche, d'un montant de 6,4 milliards d'euros. Ces fonds seront destinés aux PME ainsi qu'aux scientifiques. Investir dans l'innovation suppose aussi de promouvoir des universités de renommée internationale en Europe. Je souhaite voir nos universités attirer les meilleurs étudiants et professeurs, d'Europe comme du reste du monde. Aussi prendronsnous une initiative sur la modernisation des universités européennes. J'appelle de mes vœux une Europe forte dans les domaines de la science, de l'éducation et de la culture. Nous devons améliorer les résultats de l'Europe en matière d'innovation non seulement dans les universités, mais tout au long du cycle d'innovation, de la recherche à la commercialisation, notamment dans le cadre de partenariats. Nous avons besoin d'une Union pour l'innovation. La Commission présentera le mois prochain les moyens pour y parvenir. La volonté des États membres de progresser sur la voie d'un brevet européen, valable dans toute l'Union européenne, sera également décisive à cet égard. Il n'est pas rare, en effet, que nos innovateurs doivent payer dix fois plus que leurs concurrents aux ÉtatsUnis ou au Japon. Notre proposition est sur la table. Elle permettrait de réduire radicalement les coûts et de doubler le nombre des inventions protégées par un brevet. Après des décennies de discussions, il est temps de prendre une décision. Nous poursuivrons aussi notre action pour réduire les formalités administratives, qui écrasent littéralement nos PME. 71 % des PDG déclarent que la bureaucratie constitue le plus grand obstacle à la réussite de leur entreprise. La Commission a présenté des propositions qui devraient permettre aux entreprises européennes d'épargner 38 milliards d'euros par an. C'est en stimulant l'innovation, en réduisant la bureaucratie et en nous dotant d'une main d'œuvre hautement qualifiée que nous pourrons faire en sorte que l'industrie européenne reste compétitive au niveau mondial. L'existence d'une base industrielle florissante en Europe revêt une importance capitale pour notre avenir. La Commission présentera, le mois prochain, une nouvelle politique industrielle à l'ère de la mondialisation. Nous avons les personnes, nous avons les entreprises. Ce qu'il nous manque, c'est un marché unique ouvert et moderne. Si le marché intérieur constitue bel et bien le plus grand atout de l'Europe, nous ne l'exploitons pas suffisamment. Nous devons l'approfondir de toute urgence. 8 % seulement des 20 millions de PME que compte l'Europe exercent des activités commerciales transfrontalières, et elles sont encore moins nombreuses à réaliser des investissements transfrontaliers. Même dans le domaine de l'internet, plus d'un tiers des consommateurs ne se sentent pas suffisamment en confiance pour faire des achats transfrontaliers. À ma demande, M. Mario Monti a présenté un rapport dans lequel il a mis en évidence 150 chaînons manquants et goulets d'étranglement qui entravent le fonctionnement du marché intérieur. Le mois prochain, nous présenterons nos vues sur la manière d'approfondir le marché unique, dans une proposition législative globale et ambitieuse, le «Single Market Act». Le secteur de l'énergie, en tant que moteur essentiel de la croissance, constitue un domaine d'action prioritaire: nous devons achever le marché intérieur de l'énergie, construire et interconnecter des réseaux et garantir la sécurité et la solidarité énergétiques. Nous devons faire, dans le domaine de l'énergie, ce que nous avons déjà fait pour la téléphonie mobile: donner aux consommateurs un vrai choix, sur un marché européen unique. Nous disposerons ainsi d'une véritable communauté de l'énergie en Europe. Les gazoducs et les lignes à haute tension ne doivent pas connaître de frontières. Nous devons nous doter des infrastructures nécessaires pour exploiter l'énergie solaire et éolienne. Il importe aussi d'instaurer une norme européenne pour que charger les accumulateurs d'une voiture électrique devienne aussi naturel que de faire le plein de carburant. L'année prochaine, nous présenterons un plan d'action dans le domaine de l'énergie, un train de mesures relatif aux infrastructures énergétiques, ainsi qu'un plan d'action pour l'efficience énergétique, afin de mettre en œuvre ce projet. Quant à moi, je me rendrai en fin d'année dans la région de la mer Caspienne pour promouvoir le corridor Sud, qui nous permettrait de renforcer notre sécurité d'approvisionnement. Pour que l'Europe puisse utiliser ses ressources efficacement, il nous faut regarder au delà de l'énergie. Au 20eme siècle, le monde a connu une croissance extraordinaire, mais qui a fortement sollicité les ressources naturelles. La population a quadruplé et la croissance de la production économique a été multipliée par 40. Cependant, dans le même temps, l'utilisation des combustibles fossiles a été multipliée par 16, les prises de poisson par 35, la consommation d'eau par 9 et nos émissions de carbone par 17. Aussi devonsnous à présent mettre en œuvre le paquet «Climat et énergie», un des moteurs essentiels du changement. Cela implique d'intégrer les différentes mesures relatives au changement climatique, à l'énergie, aux transports et à l'environnement dans une approche cohérente de l'utilisation efficiente des ressources et d'un avenir sobre en carbone. Un secteur agricole qui anticipe sur l'avenir jouera un rôle de premier plan dans les mesures européennes destinées à relever certains des plus grands défis qui nous attendent, notamment la sécurité alimentaire mondiale, la perte de biodiversité et la gestion durable des ressources naturelles. Il en va de même pour notre politique maritime. Toutes ces actions n'auront pas pour seul effet de renforcer notre économie à long terme, mais créeront aussi des débouchés immédiats. Depuis 2000, les emplois dans l'éco industrie ont connu une croissance annuelle de 7 %. Je souhaite atteindre d'ici 2020 la barre des trois millions d'«emplois verts», en complément de nos cols bleus et de nos cols blancs. Si nous avons besoin d'une croissance verte, nous avons également besoin d'une croissance «intelligente». Ces quinze dernières années, la croissance de la productivité européenne a été, pour moitié, tirée par les technologies de l'information et des communications. Cette tendance devrait encore se renforcer. Notre stratégie numérique pour l'Europe nous permettra de créer un marché unique numérique représentant 4 % du PIB de l'UE d'ici à 2020. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Tout ce que nous faisons, nous le faisons pour les citoyens européens. L'une des dimensions fondamentales de notre projet européen est précisément la construction d'un espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice. Nous ne ménageons aucun effort afin de mettre en œuvre le plan d'action du programme de Stockholm. Nous proposerons une réelle avancée sur les questions d'asile et d'immigration. Les immigrants légaux trouveront dans l'Europe un espace dans lequel les valeurs humaines sont respectées et protégées. Parallèlement, nous réprimerons énergiquement l'exploitation des immigrants clandestins au sein de l'Europe et à nos frontières. La Commission fera de nouvelles propositions sur le contrôle des frontières extérieures. Et nous présenterons également une stratégie de sécurité intérieure visant à faire face aux menaces du terrorisme et de la criminalité organisée. Les Européens conserveront leurs obligations et droits fondamentaux où qu'ils se rendent. Tout Européen doit respecter la loi et les gouvernements doivent respecter les droits de l'homme, y compris ceux des minorités. Le racisme et la xénophobie n'ont pas leur place en Europe. Sur des questions aussi sensibles, lorsqu'un problème survient, nous devons tous nous montrer responsables. J'exhorte à ne pas réveiller les fantômes de notre passé. Un espace de liberté, de justice et de sécurité offrira aux Européens un lieu où prospérer. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Un autre défi qui nous attend est de définir les contours du budget futur de l'Union européenne. Le mois prochain, la Commission présentera ses premières pistes de réflexion concernant l'examen budgétaire. Elle ouvrira un débat sans tabous, en vue d'élaborer ses propositions législatives, qu'elle produira au deuxième trimestre de l'an prochain. Nous devons orienter nos dépenses vers les domaines où elles généreront la plus grande valeur ajoutée. Nos investissements doivent favoriser la croissance et servir les objectifs de l'agenda européen. La qualité des dépenses doit être notre critère d'action à tous. Il importe donc d'examiner non seulement la quantité des dépenses et des investissements, mais aussi leur qualité. J'ai la certitude que l'Europe offre une authentique valeur ajoutée. Je soutiendrai donc, pour l'après 2013, un ambitieux budget pour l'Europe. Je crois fermement que nous devons mettre nos moyens en commun, pour servir nos priorités politiques. La question n'est pas de dépenser plus ou moins, mais de dépenser de façon plus intelligente, en envisageant le budget européen et les budgets nationaux sous un même angle. Le budget de l'UE n'est pas au service de «Bruxelles», il est au service de ceux que vous représentez: les chômeurs, dont la reconversion est financée par le Fonds social, les étudiants, qui participent au programme Erasmus, les régions, qui bénéficient du Fonds de cohésion. Les interconnexions énergétiques, la recherche développement et l'aide au développement sont des exemples évidents de secteurs où un euro dépensé au niveau européen produit plus qu'un euro dépensé au niveau national. Certains États membres perçoivent la logique de ce raisonnement jusque dans des domaines qui relèvent des compétences nationales de base, comme la défense. Ils reconnaissent l'ampleur des économies qu'ils pourraient réaliser en mettant en commun certaines de leurs ressources et de leurs activités. La mise en commun de ressources au niveau européen permet aux États membres de réduire leurs coûts, d'éviter la redondance des efforts et d'obtenir un meilleur retour sur investissement. C'est pourquoi nous devrions également étudier de nouvelles sources de financement pour les grands projets d'infrastructure européens. Par exemple, j'entends proposer la création d'emprunts obligataires européens pour le financement de projets («EU project bonds»), en collaboration avec la Banque européenne d'investissement. Nous développerons aussi davantage les partenariats public privé. Comme le Parlement nous l'a clairement indiqué, nous devons aussi aborder la question des ressources propres. Le système actuel est sollicité à l'extrême – et il ne tient que par un jeu alambiqué de corrections. Nos concitoyens méritent un système plus juste, plus efficace et plus transparent. Certes, tout le monde ne partagera pas toutes les idées que nous présenterons. Je trouve d'ailleurs extraordinaire que certains les rejettent déjà, avant même d'en connaître le contenu. Je sais qu'une des préoccupations du Parlement est la durée du prochain horizon budgétaire. Il existe plusieurs options. Je souhaiterais que l'on envisage un cadre budgétaire à 10 ans, assorti d'un réexamen de la dimension financière après cinq ans – ce serait l'option «cinq plus cinq». Nous disposerions ainsi d'une planification à plus long terme, plus clairement reliée à la durée des mandats de nos deux institutions. Évidemment, la crédibilité du budget européen repose en partie sur la poursuite rigoureuse d'efforts d'économies. J'examine actuellement les coûts administratifs de la Commission et des autres organes communautaires, comme les agences. Nous devons éliminer toutes les poches d'inefficience. Les recommandations de la Cour des comptes inspireront nos efforts d'amélioration en matière de gestion financière. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Le dernier défi dont je souhaite vous parler aujourd'hui est la manière dont nous assumons notre part de responsabilité dans le monde. Face à nos difficultés quotidiennes, nous manquons parfois de recul et oublions ce que nous avons accompli. Une transition pacifique et réussie vers une Union européenne dont les dimensions ont doublé et qui négocie de nouvelles adhésions; une monnaie solide, l'euro, devise mondiale de premier plan; un partenariat étroit avec nos voisins, qui nous renforce tous. Si nous agissons fermement, nous n'avons rien à craindre du 21ème siècle. Alors que les partenariats stratégiques du 21ème siècle se font jour, l'Europe doit saisir la chance qui s'offre à elle de définir son avenir. J'ai hâte de voir l'Union tenir, dans les affaires internationales, un rôle à la hauteur de son poids économique. Nos partenaires nous observent et veulent nous voir agir en tant qu'entité européenne, pas simplement comme 27 pays distincts. Si nous n'œuvrons pas de concert, l'Europe ne sera pas une puissance mondiale et nos partenaires iront de l'avant sans nous: sans l'Union européenne, mais aussi sans ses États membres. C'est pourquoi j'ai, dans mes orientations politiques, appelé l'Europe à être un acteur mondial, un acteur international de premier plan, ce qui constitue à la fois une mission et un défi essentiels pour notre génération. La Haute représentante de l'Union et Vice présidente, Madame Ashton, et moi même exposerons ensemble notre vision de la manière dont nous pouvons optimiser le rôle de l'Europe dans le monde. Le service européen pour l'action extérieure nous offre les moyens de répondre à nos aspirations. À l'ère de la mondialisation, les relations que nous instaurons avec des partenaires stratégiques conditionnent notre prospérité. Pour être efficaces sur la scène internationale, nous avons besoin du poids de l'Union européenne. La taille est un élément d'importance, aujourd'hui plus que jamais. La lutte contre les changements climatiques en est un bon exemple. Le sommet de Copenhague nous a montré que, si d'aucuns ne nourrissaient pas les mêmes ambitions que nous, nous n'avions pas œuvré dans notre intérêt en ne parlant pas d'une seule voix. Les négociations sont peutêtre au point mort, mais les changements climatiques se poursuivent. Je veux que nous intensifiions notre action avec les partenaires internationaux pour que leurs communiqués de presse se traduisent par des engagements crédibles à réduire les émissions, et pour promouvoir le financement à mise en œuvre rapide. Lors des deux prochains mois se tiendront des sommets cruciaux avec des partenaires stratégiques. La réalisation de nos objectifs dépendra de notre capacité à fixer un calendrier commun présentant un intérêt européen clairement défini. Ainsi, l'élaboration d'un programme transatlantique en faveur de la croissance et de l'emploi me semble offrir d'immenses perspectives. C'est au sein du G20, enceinte dans laquelle les acteurs économiques mondiaux de premier plan relèvent des défis communs, que nous pesons déjà de tout notre poids. Lorsque le Président Van Rompuy et moimême irons à Séoul au mois de novembre, représenter l'Union européenne, ce sera pour obtenir des résultats concrets: De nouveaux progrès dans la coordination économique mondiale. Des marchés financiers plus stables et plus responsables; un accord sur la réforme des institutions financières internationales. Des filets de sécurité financière mondiaux plus efficaces. De nouveaux progrès dans l'élaboration d'un programme de développement du G20. Nous continuerons à prendre des initiatives au sein de cette instance et coopérerons étroitement avec la présidence française du G8/G20 l'année prochaine. Nous souhaitons également que le cycle des négociations de Doha soit bien accueilli. Les échanges stimulent la croissance et la prospérité. Nous nous efforcerons également de conclure des accords bilatéraux et régionaux de libreéchange. Au mois d'octobre, la Commission présentera une politique commerciale révisée porteuse de nouveaux avantages pour l'Europe. L'ouverture au monde implique également de se tenir aux côtés des pays en développement, et de l'Afrique en particulier. Lorsque je me rendrai, dans deux semaines, à la réunion de haut niveau sur les Objectifs du millénaire pour le développement à New York, j'entends, avec votre appui et au nom de l'Union européenne, affecter un milliard d'euros supplémentaire en faveur des Objectifs du millénaire pour le développement. Notre qualité d'acteur mondial suppose aussi de défendre nos valeurs. Les droits de l'homme ne sont pas négociables. Je suis choqué par la manière dont les droits des femmes sont bafoués dans de nombreux pays. Je suis consterné d'apprendre que Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani est condamnée à mort par lapidation. Ces pratiques relèvent d'une barbarie indicible. En Europe, nous condamnons de tels actes qui ne trouvent de justification au regard d'aucun code moral ou religieux. Nos valeurs signifient également qu'il nous faut venir en aide aux personnes confrontées à une situation de crise où que ce soit dans le monde. Notre aide humanitaire au Pakistan est le dernier exemple en date de l'Europe solidaire à l'œuvre. Elle est un exemple flagrant de la nécessité de présenter les différentes contributions de la Commission et des États membres comme un véritable programme d'aide européen. Les États membres disposent d'hélicoptères ainsi que d'équipes de protection civile. Il nous faut à présent les réunir en un véritable dispositif européen de réaction aux situations de crise. C'est la teneur de la proposition que fera la Commission au mois d'octobre. J'exhorte instamment les États membres à montrer qu'ils sont déterminés à ce que l'Union européenne pèse de tout son poids dans ce domaine. Nous progressons sur la voie d'une politique étrangère commune. Ne nous leurrons pas, cependant: sans politique de défense commune, nous ne posséderons pas, dans le monde, l'influence dont nous avons besoin. J'ai la conviction que le moment est venu de s'atteler à ce défi. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Nous n'avons pas fini de mettre en place la nouvelle architecture institutionnelle de l'Europe issue du traité de Lisbonne. Ce qui importe vraiment, c'est ce que les institutions apportent à la population. Ce qui importe, c'est ce que l'Europe change dans le quotidien de nos concitoyens. Le secret de la réussite européenne réside dans son modèle communautaire, qui est unique. Plus que jamais, c'est à la Commission qu'il appartient de déterminer les priorités politiques en présentant sa vision et ses propositions. J'ai appelé de mes vœux une relation particulière entre la Commission et le Parlement, les deux institutions communautaires par excellence, et j'intensifie ma coopération politique avec vous. L'Europe ne se limite pas à Bruxelles ou Strasbourg: l'Europe, c'est nos régions, c'est vos villes petites et grandes et vos villages. Lorsque vous arpentez votre circonscription, vous pouvez sans mal désigner les projets européens qui revêtent une véritable importance pour la prospérité de l'endroit. En définitive, nous sommes tous, institutions européennes, États membres et régions, logés à la même enseigne: l'Union européenne n'atteindra pas sans les États membres les objectifs qu'elle s'est fixés en Europe, de même que les États membres n'atteindront pas sans l'Union européenne les objectifs qu'ils se sont fixés dans le monde. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Les citoyens européens attendent que nous prenions les mesures qui s'imposent pour sortir de cette crise. Nous devons leur montrer que les efforts conjoints que nous déployons aujourd'hui déboucheront demain sur de nouveaux emplois, de nouveaux investissements, et sur une Europe prête à affronter l'avenir. J'ai la certitude que l'Europe est capable de relever le défi. Nous obtiendrons les résultats désirés. Une chose est certaine: ce n'est pas en faisant preuve de pessimisme que nous gagnerons cette bataille, mais seulement si nous sommes confiants et que nous faisons montre d'une ferme volonté commune. Je vous ai exposé aujourd'hui comment, selon moi, l'Union européenne peut y arriver. Je me suis engagé à présenter les propositions requises pour construire notre union économique. Je vous ai exposé les arguments qui justifient d'accélérer notre programme de réformes. J'ai indiqué comment moderniser notre économie sociale de marché en vue de créer de la croissance et des emplois dans une économie intelligente, durable et inclusive grâce à nos initiatives phares de la stratégie Europe 2020. J'ai esquissé la manière dont nous pouvons mettre en place une politique commune de l'énergie en Europe. J'ai défendu la nécessité d'un espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice dans lequel les Européens pourront vérifier que leurs droits et leurs obligations existent où qu'ils aillent. J'ai indiqué sans ambiguïté que la Commission s'efforcera d'obtenir l'adoption d'un budget ambitieux. J'ai proposé de créer des emprunts obligataires européens destinés au financement de projets, en vue de financer les grands projets européens. Je vous ai fait part de notre engagement renouvelé en faveur des Objectifs du millénaire pour le développement. J'ai démontré tout l'intérêt de mettre en place un dispositif européen de réaction aux situations de crise, ainsi qu'une politique extérieure et une politique de défense communes. Enfin, j'ai exhorté les dirigeants européens à agir ensemble s'ils souhaitent que l'Europe soit un acteur mondial et s'ils veulent défendre l'intérêt européen. C'est un programme véritablement ambitieux et stimulant, qui induit une profonde mutation. Pour que l'Europe réussisse, la Commission a besoin de votre soutien, pour une Europe plus forte, plus équitable au service de nos concitoyens. Je vous remercie. Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Monsieur le Ministre, Il nous faut être honnêtes et absolument clairs dans l'analyse de l'état de l'Union. Nous sommes aujourd'hui confrontés au plus grand défi qu'ait connu notre Union, je le crois, dans toute son histoire. Il s'agit d'une crise financière, économique et sociale. Mais aussi d'une crise de confiance. Tant à l'égard de nos dirigeants en général, de l'Europe ellemême, que de notre capacité à trouver des solutions. Les causes de la crise sont connues: l'Europe n'a pas répondu aux défis de la compétitivité. Certains de nos États membres ont vécu audessus de leurs moyens. Sur les marchés financiers, il y a eu des comportements irresponsables et inadmissibles. Nous avons laissé se creuser des déséquilibres entre nos États membres, particulièrement dans la zone euro. Et les séismes qui secouent l'ordre international, les pressions de la mondialisation ont encore aggravé la situation. Et le résultat est là: nos sociétés éprouvent de vives inquiétudes. Beaucoup de nos citoyens ont peur devant l'avenir. Il y a comme jamais un danger de repli national, pour ne pas dire nationaliste. Les réponses populistes remettent en cause les grandes réussites de l'Union européenne: l'euro, le marché unique, et même la liberté de circulation des personnes. Je crois qu'on peut dire que la crise de la dette souveraine est aujourd'hui avant tout une crise de confiance politique. Et nos citoyens, mais aussi le monde extérieur, nous observent et se demandent – sommes nous vraiment une Union? Avonsnous vraiment la volonté de soutenir la monnaie unique? Estce que les États membres les plus vulnérables sont déterminés à faire les réformes indispensables? Estce que les États membres les plus prospères sont vraiment disposés à faire preuve de solidarité? Estce que l'Europe est vraiment capable d'atteindre la croissance et de générer des emplois? Et moi je vous l'affirme aujourd'hui: Oui, c'est une situation grave, mais il y a des solutions à cette crise. L'Europe a un avenir. Si nous rétablissons la confiance. Et pour rétablir la confiance, nous avons besoin de la stabilité, de la croissance, mais aussi de la volonté politique, du leadership politique. C'est ensemble que nous devons proposer à nos citoyens un renouveau européen. Il nous faut traduire dans les faits ce qu'on a constaté dans la déclaration de Berlin, signée par la Commission, par le Parlement, par le Conseil Européen à l'occasion du cinquantième anniversaire de la signature des traités de Rome – on disait à l'époque «Wir leben heute miteinander, wie es nie zuvor möglich war. Wir Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Europäischen Union sind zu unserem Glück vereint.» «Aujourd'hui nous vivons unis, comme jamais nous n'avons pu le faire par le passé. Notre chance pour nous, citoyennes et citoyens de l'Union européenne, c'est d'être unis.» C'est une déclaration, et les mots comptent. Il faut traduire cette volonté dans le courage de chaque jour. Avec nos institutions, et non contre elles, nous pouvons réussir. Pour certains, on le sait, c'est le besoin de stabilité qui l'emporte. Pour d'autres, c'est la croissance. Eh bien! Je vous dis que nous avons besoin des deux. Certains prêchent la discipline. D'autres la solidarité. Eh bien! Nous avons besoin des deux. Il n'est plus question de solutions au coup par coup, partielles. Il nous faut une détermination pour des solutions globales. Une plus grande ambition pour l'Europe. Je crois vraiment que nous sommes aujourd'hui à une période charnière de notre histoire. Un de ces moments où, si nous n'avançons pas dans l'intégration, nous risquons la fragmentation. C'est donc une question de volonté politique, une épreuve du feu pour toute notre génération. Et je vous dis oui: il est possible de sortir de cette crise. Non seulement c'est possible, mais c'est nécessaire. Et le leadership politique c'est cela, rendre possible ce qui est nécessaire. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Je commencerai par la Grèce. La Grèce est et restera membre de la zone euro. Elle doit par conséquent tenir tous ses engagements, selon le calendrier prévu. En contrepartie, les autres membres de la zone euro se sont engagés à soutenir la Grèce et à s'aider mutuellement. Ainsi que l'ont déclaré les membres de la zone euro réunis en sommet le 21 juillet: «nous sommes déterminés à continuer à apporter un soutien aux pays bénéficiant d'un programme jusqu'à ce qu'ils puissent accéder à nouveau au marché, à condition qu'ils mettent en œuvre ces programmes avec succès.» C'est la raison pour laquelle j'ai mis sur pied la task force pour la Grèce. Nous venons de lancer un plan d'action, articulé autour de deux grands axes: une centaine de projets viables et de qualité, avec des investissements dans toutes les régions du pays, de manière à utiliser de façon optimale les ressources encore disponibles, au titre des fonds structurels de l'UE, en faveur de la Grèce, et un important effort de simplification des procédures bureaucratiques pour les projets bénéficiant d'un cofinancement de l'UE. Il reste 15 milliards d'euros à dépenser en Grèce au titre des fonds structurels. Ces ressources permettront de soutenir l'économie grecque en mettant d'urgence sur pied un programme d'assistance technique en faveur de l'administration. Un programme de 500 millions d'euros, destiné à garantir les prêts de la Banque européenne d'investissement à des PME grecques, est déjà en cours d'application. La Commission envisage également de créer un mécanisme de garantie plus large qui inciterait les banques à réinjecter des fonds dans l'économie réelle. Toutes ces mesures constituent une aide impressionnante, destinée à soutenir les efforts de la Grèce pour sortir de ses difficultés. La Grèce devra donc produire des résultats tangibles. Elle devra renoncer à des pratiques contreproductives et résister aux pressions des groupes d'intérêt. Mais ne nous y trompons pas! Ce n'est pas dans un simple sprint que nous sommes engagés, mais dans un véritable marathon. La création d'une Union de stabilité et de responsabilité ne dépend pas uniquement de la Grèce. Les perspectives économiques qui se profilent sont très mauvaises. Nous faisons face aux retombées négatives d'une réévaluation des risques en cours au niveau mondial. Il nous appartient donc de rétablir la confiance dans l'euro et l'Union d'une manière générale. Pour ce faire, nous devons démontrer que nous sommes capables de prendre toutes les décisions nécessaires pour gérer d'une façon compétitive, inclusive et efficiente une monnaie commune et une économie intégrée. Il nous faut pour cela prendre des mesures pour le court, le moyen et le long terme. La première mesure à prendre consiste à trouver rapidement des solutions efficaces à la crise de la dette souveraine. À cette fin, nous avons besoin de mécanismes plus solides pour la résolution des crises. L'euro doit être doté d'une puissance de feu crédible et de boucliers efficaces. Nous devons nous appuyer sur le Fonds européen de stabilité financière (FESF) et le futur mécanisme européen de stabilité (MES). Il est impératif de renforcer sans attendre le FESF et d'y introduire davantage de flexibilité. La Commission a déjà présenté une proposition en ce sens en janvier. C'est également ce que les chefs d'État et de gouvernement de la zone euro ont convenu le 21 juillet dernier. Ce n'est que lorsque vous aurez ratifié cette réforme que le FESF pourra: intervenir de manière préventive; contribuer à la recapitalisation des banques; intervenir sur les marchés secondaires pour contribuer à prévenir la contagion. Une fois le processus de ratification finalisé, nous devrions tirer au mieux parti de l'enveloppe financière du FESF. La Commission étudie différentes possibilités à cette fin. Nous devrions en outre mettre tout en œuvre pour accélérer l'entrée en vigueur du MES. Bien sûr, nous sommes également convaincus que la Banque centrale européenne – dans le plein respect du traité – prendra toutes les mesures nécessaires pour garantir l'intégrité de la zone euro et pour assurer sa stabilité financière. Nous ne saurions cependant nous contenter de cela. Nous devons renforcer la coordination et l'intégration économiques, notamment dans la zone euro. Il s'agit là d'un enjeu au moins aussi important sur le plan politique que sur le plan économique. Aujourd'hui, votre assemblée votera sur les propositions «sixpack» que nous vous avons présentées, ainsi qu'au Conseil, il y a un an. Ce paquet législatif réforme le pacte de stabilité et de croissance et étend la surveillance aux équilibres macroéconomiques. Nous voilà finalement revenus très près de ce que la Commission avait initialement présenté. Grâce à votre contribution décisive, ces propositions ont conservé leur niveau d'ambition, et je tiens sincèrement à vous en remercier et à vous en féliciter. Ces nouvelles dispositions nous doteront de mécanismes d'exécution beaucoup plus solides. Nous pourrons désormais discuter des prévisions budgétaires des États membres avant que des décisions ne soient prises au niveau national. Ce mélange de discipline et d'intégration est déterminant pour l'avenir de la zone euro. La zone euro ne sera réellement crédible que si nous renforçons l'intégration et la discipline. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Ces mesures représentent effectivement une avancée importante, mais nous devons aller encore plus loin. Nous devons parachever notre union monétaire en créant une union économique. Nous devons réaliser pleinement les objectifs convenus à Maastricht. Il était illusoire de penser que nous pourrions partager une monnaie commune et un marché unique en mettant en œuvre des politiques économiques et budgétaires fondées sur des approches nationales. Ne nous leurrons pas une nouvelle fois en pensant que nous pouvons partager une monnaie commune et un marché unique dans un cadre intergouvernemental. Pour garantir la crédibilité de la zone euro – et ce ne sont pas seulement les fédéralistes qui le réclament, mais aussi les marchés – nous avons besoin d'une approche véritablement communautaire. Nous devons parvenir à une réelle intégration de la zone euro, et compléter l'union monétaire par une véritable union économique. Mais comment pouvonsnous jeter les bases de cette approche véritablement communautaire, me demanderezvous? Au cours des prochaines semaines, la Commission complétera le «six pack» par une proposition relative à un cadre unique et cohérent visant à renforcer la coordination et l'intégration économiques, notamment dans la zone euro. Ce cadre sera conçu de façon à garantir la compatibilité entre la zone euro et l'Union dans son ensemble. Il va de soi, en effet, que la zone euro ne doit pas remettre en question l'acquis précieux du marché unique ni aucune de nos quatre libertés. Parallèlement, nous pouvons aussi prendre des décisions en commun afin d'améliorer notre compétitivité. Nous pourrions à cet effet intégrer dans ce cadre le Pacte pour l'euro plus, dans le plein respect des compétences d'exécution nationales. Pour assurer le bon fonctionnement de ce système, nous avons plus que jamais besoin de l'indépendance de la Commission afin de proposer et d'évaluer les actions que les États membres devraient entreprendre. Car, soyons honnêtes, les gouvernements ne peuvent remplir ce rôle à eux seuls. De telles décisions ne peuvent pas davantage être prises dans le cadre de négociations intergouvernementales. En effet, dans le cadre des compétences que lui confère le traité, la Commission est le gouvernement économique de facto de l'Union, et il est certain que nous n'avons pas besoin d'autres institutions pour assumer ce rôle. Ce n'est pas par hasard que les traités ont mis en place des institutions supranationales. Ce n'est pas par hasard que la Commission européenne, la Banque centrale européenne, la Cour de justice européenne ont été créées. La Commission est garante de l'équité. En outre, la Commission, qui œuvre naturellement en partenariat avec les États membres, est élue par votre assemblée, devant laquelle elle est responsable, et qui est le parlement directement élu de la zone euro et de l'Union européenne dans son ensemble. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Il est temps, aussi, que nous disposions d'une représentation externe de la zone euro. La Commission, dans le respect du traité, présentera des propositions à cet effet. Une Union de stabilité et de responsabilité, construite sur ce fondement et mue par une approche commune, permettra aussi aux États membres de tirer pleinement parti des avantages qu'offre un marché plus vaste pour l'émission de la dette souveraine. Lorsque la zone euro sera dotée de tous les instruments nécessaires pour assurer tant l'intégration que la discipline budgétaire, l'émission commune de dette sera considérée comme une évolution naturelle et avantageuse pour tous. Mais il faut pour cela que ces euroobligations soient des «obligations de stabilité»: des obligations conçues de manière à récompenser ceux qui appliquent les règles et à dissuader les autres de s'en écarter. Comme je l'ai déjà annoncé devant cette assemblée, la Commission présentera des options relatives à ces «obligations de stabilité» dans les semaines à venir. Certaines de ces options peuvent être mises en œuvre dans le cadre de l'actuel traité, tandis que les euroobligations proprement dites imposeraient de le modifier. Et c'est là une précision de taille, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, car nous disposons d'une importante marge d'action dans le cadre de l'actuel traité de Lisbonne. Et nous n'aurions aucune excuse non seulement de ne pas agir, mais encore de ne pas agir maintenant. Il pourrait cependant être nécessaire d'envisager de nouvelles modifications du traité. Je songe également, en particulier, à la contrainte de l'unanimité. Le rythme de notre engagement commun ne saurait être dicté par les plus lents. Or, dans l'Union d'aujourd'hui, c'est le membre le plus lent qui détermine la vitesse à laquelle tous les autres États membres peuvent avancer. Ce n'est pas crédible, y compris du point de vue des marchés, aussi devonsnous résoudre ce problème de prise de décision. Tout État membre est, bien entendu, libre de ne pas accepter certaines décisions. C'est une question, comme on dit, de souveraineté nationale. Un État membre n'a cependant pas le droit d'entraver la marche des autres, qui ont eux aussi une souveraineté nationale; et si ceuxlà souhaitent aller de l'avant, il doivent le faire. Notre disposition à envisager une modification du traité ne doit pas être un moyen ou un prétexte pour retarder les réformes qui sont nécessaires aujourd'hui, mais je pense que cette perspective à plus long terme aura pour effet immédiat de renforcera la crédibilité de nos décisions. Faire de l'Union un espace de stabilité et de responsabilité signifie qu'il faut achever rapidement les travaux relatifs à un nouveau régime de réglementation du secteur financier. Nous avons besoin de banques bien capitalisées, responsables, à même de financer l'économie réelle. Il a beaucoup été question de la prétendue vulnérabilité de certaines de nos banques. Or les banques européennes ont considérablement renforcé leur position financière au cours de l'année écoulée. Elles lèvent à présent des capitaux pour combler les poches de vulnérabilité détectées par les tests de résistance bancaire au cours de l'été. C'est une condition sine qua non si nous voulons limiter l'incidence négative des turbulences des marchés financiers sur l'économie réelle et sur l'emploi. Ces trois dernières années, nous avons conçu un nouveau système de réglementation financière. Permettezmoi de le rappeler: nous avons déjà proposé 29 instruments législatifs. Vous en avez d'ailleurs adopté plusieurs, parmi lesquels ceux qui concernent la création d'autorités de surveillance indépendantes, qui sont déjà à pied d'œuvre. Il importe à présent d'approuver nos propositions de nouvelles réglementations sur: les produits dérivés; la vente à découvert à nu et les contrats d'échange sur risque de crédit (CDS); une juste rémunération des banquiers. Ces propositions existent; elles doivent être adoptées par le Conseil et le Parlement. La Commission présentera les autres propositions d'ici la fin de cette année, concernant des réglementations sur: les agences de notation; les fonds de résolution des défaillances bancaires; la responsabilité personnelle des opérateurs financiers. Nous serons ainsi le premier participant du G20 à tenir son engagement de contribuer à un effort mondial de réglementation financière. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Au cours des trois dernières années, les États membres – les contribuables, devraisje dire – ont octroyé 4 600 milliards d'euros d'aides et de garanties au secteur financier. Il est temps que ce dernier apporte à son tour son écot à la société. Aussi suisje très fier de vous annoncer que la Commission a adopté aujourd'hui même une proposition de taxe sur les transactions financières. Je vous soumets aujourd'hui un texte de la plus haute importance qui, s'il est mis en œuvre, est susceptible de rapporter plus de 55 milliards d'euros par an. D'aucuns se demanderont: «pourquoi?». Pourquoi? C'est une question d'équité. Si nos agriculteurs, nos salariés, si tous les secteurs de l'économie, de l'industrie aux services en passant par l'agriculture, versent leur écot à la société, il serait juste que le secteur bancaire fasse de même. Et si l'assainissement budgétaire est une nécessité – parce que l'assainissement budgétaire est une nécessité , si nous avons besoin de recettes plus importantes, la question est de savoir où puiser ces recettes. Allonsnous imposer davantage le travail? Allonsnous taxer davantage la consommation? Je pense qu'il est équitable de taxer les activités financières qui, dans certains de nos États membres, n'apportent pas à la société une contribution proportionnelle à leur poids. Mais les établissements financiers ne sont pas les seuls à devoir prendre une part équitable de cet effort. Nous ne pouvons nous permettre de fermer les yeux sur la fraude fiscale. C'est pourquoi nos propositions relatives à la fiscalité de l'épargne dans l'Union européenne doivent être adoptées sans tarder. Je demande en outre aux États membres de donner enfin à la Commission le mandat qu'elle réclame pour négocier des accords fiscaux bilatéraux entre l'Union européenne et des pays tiers. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, La stabilité et la responsabilité ne suffisent pas à elles seules. Nous avons besoin non seulement de stabilité, mais aussi de croissance. Nous avons besoin non seulement de responsabilité, mais aussi de solidarité. L'économie ne peut, en effet, rester forte que si elle génère de la croissance et des emplois. C'est pourquoi nous devons libérer le potentiel de notre économie, en particulier de l'économie réelle. Les prévisions économiques actuelles annoncent un ralentissement important. Or une croissance forte en Europe ne constitue pas un rêve impossible. Bien sûr, elle ne reviendra pas du jour au lendemain d'un coup de baguette magique, mais nous pouvons créer des conditions propices à la reprise. Nous y sommes déjà arrivés par le passé. Nous devons et nous pouvons y parvenir à nouveau. Il est vrai que nous n'avons guère de marge de manœuvre pour une relance budgétaire, mais cela ne signifie pas que nous ne pouvons pas faire davantage pour favoriser la croissance. Il importe, en premier lieu, que ceux qui disposent d'une certaine marge budgétaire étudient les possibilités qui s'offrent à eux, mais sans grever leur situation budgétaire sur le long terme. En deuxième lieu, tous les États membres doivent promouvoir des réformes structurelles afin que nous puissions renforcer notre compétitivité au niveau mondial et ainsi favoriser la croissance. Enfin, c'est ensemble que nous pouvons et devons exploiter le potentiel du marché unique, tirer parti des bénéfices du commerce et mobiliser l'investissement au niveau de l'Union. Je commencerai par le marché unique. Une mise en œuvre complète de la directive sur les services pourrait à elle seule, d'après nos estimations, générer des gains économiques pouvant atteindre 140 milliards d'euros. Pourtant, aujourd'hui, deux ans après la date limite de transposition, force est de constater que plusieurs États membres n'ont toujours pas adopté les dispositions législatives nécessaires. Dès lors nous ne bénéficions pas de tous les gains qu'une véritable libéralisation des services en Europe pourrait générer, mais là encore nous pouvons faire plus. Nous devons adopter les propositions qui se trouvent sur la table. La Commission européenne a adopté l'Acte pour le marché unique. Plusieurs initiatives clés sont prêtes. Nous sommes à deux doigts de disposer d'un brevet européen, qui permettrait de ramener le coût de la protection à 20 % des coûts actuels. Je m'attends à ce que cette question soit réglée d'ici la fin de l'année. En outre, en ce qui concerne l'Acte pour le marché unique, nous devrions envisager une procédure législative accélérée. Une telle procédure devrait d'ailleurs être appliquée dans de nombreux domaines compte tenu des véritables situations d'urgence auxquelles nous sommes actuellement confrontés. Cela nous permettrait de réagir aux circonstances extraordinaires dans lesquelles nous nous trouvons. Qui plus est, la croissance, à l'avenir, sera de plus en plus tributaire de l'utilisation que nous ferons des technologies de l'information. Il nous faut mettre en place un marché unique du numérique qui, en exploitant les possibilités de commerce en ligne ou encore en supprimant les frais d'itinérance dans le domaine de la téléphonie mobile, devrait permettre à chaque Européen d'épargner quelque 1 500 euros par an. Une augmentation de 10 % de la pénétration de la large bande nous permettrait d'obtenir de 1 à 1,5 % de croissance annuelle supplémentaire. Dans un environnement de plus en plus concurrentiel, nous devons aussi être bien formés, c'est à dire posséder les compétences nécessaires pour relever les nouveaux défis qui se présentent à nous. Nous devons innover et inscrire nos actions dans la durée. Nous avons déjà présenté des propositions détaillées concernant l'innovation, l'utilisation efficace des ressources et la manière dont nous pouvons renforcer notre base industrielle. Une politique industrielle moderne est en effet synonyme d'investissements dans la recherche et l'innovation. Il nous faut intensifier nos efforts afin de favoriser le financement des jeunes entreprises innovantes européennes par le capitalrisque. Si nous concentrons notre action sur l'innovation et les nouvelles technologies, y compris les technologies vertes, les emplois durables suivront. Nous devons comprendre que l'économie «verte» et la croissance vont de pair. 300 000 emplois ont ainsi été créés dans le secteur des énergies renouvelables ces cinq dernières années dans l'Union européenne. Le marché mondial des technologies vertes triplera au cours des dix prochaines années. Nous devons faire porter nos efforts prioritairement sur les domaines où leur incidence sera effective. Pour favoriser la croissance de demain, nous devons aussi poursuivre activement la mise en œuvre de notre programme de réglementation intelligente, ce qui permettra aux entreprises européennes, notamment aux PME, d'épargner 38 milliards d'euros par an. Cependant, les États membres doivent eux aussi jouer le jeu en réduisant la charge administrative. Mais nous avons également besoin d'investissements. Si ces réformes sont importantes, il nous faut aussi mobiliser l'investissement au niveau de l'Union. Une Union de croissance et de solidarité exige des infrastructures modernes et interconnectées. Pour le prochain cadre financier pluriannuel, nous avons proposé de créer une facilité financière en vue de connecter l'Europe dans les domaines de l'énergie, des transports et du numérique. Ce volet novateur de notre proposition de cadre financier pluriannuel doit être considéré à la lumière d'une autre innovation: l'emprunt obligataire pour le financement de projets. Dans les semaines qui viennent, la Commission publiera ses propositions relatives aux emprunts obligataires européens pour le financement de projets. Nous proposons également des projets pilotes de manière à pouvoir financer cette croissance. Ceux ci peuvent être mis en œuvre avant même l'adoption du cadre financier pluriannuel. Nous pourrions ainsi réaliser sans délai plusieurs des investissements majeurs dont l'Europe a besoin en matière d'infrastructures. L'Union et ses États membres doivent de toute urgence étudier les moyens de permettre à leur propre banque chargée de financer leurs politiques, la Banque européenne d'investissement, de faire plus – voire beaucoup plus – pour financer les investissements à long terme. Il nous faut donc trouver les moyens de renforcer les ressources et l'assise financière de la BEI afin qu'elle soit en mesure d'injecter des fonds dans l'économie réelle. En 2000, le capitalrisque en Europe s'élevait à 22 milliards d'euros. En 2010, ce chiffre n'était plus que de 3 milliards. Si notre ambition est de promouvoir la création d'entreprises, il nous incombe d'inverser cette tendance. Il en va notamment de l'intérêt des PME. La croissance pourrait être aussi davantage tirée par les Fonds structurels, si nous augmentions la capacité d'absorption et si nous les utilisions pour soutenir l'efficacité macroéconomique. Ils sont un instrument essentiel de financement de l'innovation, de la formation et de l'emploi, ainsi que des PME. J'invite donc instamment votre assemblée à adopter, d'ici la fin de l'année, les propositions que nous avons présentées au mois d'août en vue de relever le taux de cofinancement des pays bénéficiant d'un programme d'aide. Nous pourrons ainsi injecter des fonds indispensables dans ces économies, tout en réduisant la pression qui pèse sur les budgets nationaux. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Les réformes à mettre en œuvre sur nos marchés du travail, et dans nos finances publiques et nos régimes de retraite appellent des efforts considérables de chaque composante de la société. Nous savons tous que ces changements sont indispensables pour pouvoir réformer notre économie sociale de marché et conserver notre modèle social. Mais nous devons impérativement préserver les valeurs qui sont les nôtres, à savoir l'équité, l'inclusion et la solidarité. À l'heure actuelle, un jeune sur cinq ne trouve pas de travail et notre devoir pressant est de lui donner des espoirs concrets. Dans certains pays, les jeunes se trouvent dans une situation tout simplement dramatique. J'en appelle à nos entreprises pour qu'elles s'efforcent tout particulièrement de leur offrir des stages ou des possibilités d'apprentissage. Le Fonds social européen peut leur apporter son aide à cet égard. Nous pouvons faire la différence en amenant les entreprises, les partenaires sociaux, les autorités nationales et de l'Union à collaborer dans le cadre d'une initiative que l'on pourrait appeler «Des perspectives d'emploi pour les jeunes». C'est là, j'en suis convaincu, la question sociale la plus urgente: répondre aux inquiétudes des jeunes qui ne trouvent pas de travail. Il est nettement préférable de leur offrir des possibilités d'apprentissage ou des stages que de les voir descendre dans la rue et exprimer leurs angoisses en manifestant une méfiance à l'égard de l'Union dans son ensemble. Nous devons accélérer la mise en œuvre des volets les plus urgents de notre stratégie en faveur de la croissance et de l'emploi dans le cadre d'Europe 2020. La Commission se penchera spécialement sur le sort des jeunes dans chacun des États membres, dans le cadre des recommandations par pays qu'elle formulera pour l'année prochaine. Il nous faut, je le crois, donner une véritable chance à notre avenir. Nous devons agir sans délai pour venir en aide aux quelque 80 millions d'Européens qui sont menacés de pauvreté. Il importe donc que le Conseil approuve finalement notre proposition de maintien du programme d'aide alimentaire en faveur des personnes les plus démunies. Je tiens d'ailleurs à remercier le Parlement pour son appui politique en faveur de la solution que nous avons proposée. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Il y a cinquante ans, 12 pays européens se sont unis pour signer la Charte sociale, C'était il y a exactement 50 ans, en octobre. Aujourd'hui, cette Charte compte 47 signataires, dont tous les États membres. Pour préserver ces valeurs fondamentales en Europe, je pense que nous devons améliorer la qualité du dialogue social au niveau européen. Le renouveau de l'Europe n'adviendra qu'avec la participation et l'adhésion de tous les partenaires sociaux des syndicats, des travailleurs, des entreprises et de la société civile en général. Rappelonsnous que notre Europe est une Europe de citoyens. Nous gagnons tous à être des citoyens de l'Union. Celleci nous confère non seulement une identité et une citoyenneté européennes, en plus de notre citoyenneté nationale, mais aussi toute une série de droits et de possibilités, et notamment la possibilité de franchir librement les frontières et d'aller étudier et travailler à l'étranger. Là encore, il nous faut défendre, protéger et développer ces droits et ces possibilités, à l'image de ce que la Commission réalise actuellement pour l'espace Schengen, en mettant des propositions sur la table. Nous ne tolérerons aucun recul des droits de nos concitoyens. Nous défendrons la liberté de circulation ainsi que toutes les libertés dans notre Union. Mesdames et Messieurs les Parlementaires, Les activités de la Commission couvrent beaucoup d'autres domaines, vous le savez bien. Je ne peux pas tous les aborder ici mais ils sont évoqués dans la lettre que j'ai adressée au Président du Parlement et que vous avez tous reçue. Toutefois, avant de conclure, laissezmoi parler de la responsabilité externe de l'Union européenne. Je veux une Europe ouverte, une Europe engagée dans le monde. L'action européenne dans le monde est non seulement la meilleure garantie pour nos citoyens, pour la défense de nos intérêts et de nos valeurs, mais aussi c'est une action indispensable dans le monde. Aujourd'hui, c'est à la mode de parler du G2. Je crois que le monde ne veut pas un G2. Les deux euxmêmes n'auraient pas intérêt à un G2. Nous savons, dans la Guerre Froide, la tension que la bipolarité a créée. Je crois que l'Europe est plus que jamais indispensable si nous voulons un monde juste et un monde ouvert. Je crois que le monde en mutation auquel nous assistons a besoin d'une Europe qui assume ses responsabilités. Une Europe influente, une Europe à 27 et bientôt 28, avec l'adhésion de la Croatie. Une Europe qui continue à montrer la voie à suivre, que ce soit en matière de commerce ou de changement climatique, alors que de grands rendezvous nous attendent, de Durban à Rio +20, et l'Europe doit garder sa position de leadership sur ces questions. Tournons aussi notre regard et notre attention vers nos voisins du Sud. Le Printemps arabe, c'est une transformation profonde qui aura des conséquences très importantes non seulement pour ces peuples mais aussi pour nous, pour notre Europe. C'est pourquoi l'Europe doit être fière. Nous étions les premiers à être à côté des Tunisiens, des Egyptiens, des Libyens qui voulaient de la démocratie et de la liberté. C'est pourquoi l'Europe soutient ces aspirations légitimes, notamment à travers notre Partenariat pour la Démocratie et pour la Prospérité. Le Printemps arabe, je l'espère, c'est aussi la porte ouverte à l'espoir de la paix pour l'ensemble de la région, à l'idée d'un État Palestinien qui vive en paix avec l'État d'Israël, comme l'Europe le souhaite. Mais tournons aussi notre regard et notre attention vers nos voisins de l'Est. Vendredi, je vais participer à Varsovie au Sommet du Partenariat oriental. Je vais m'y rendre porteur d'une ambition pour une relation politique et une intégration économique plus étroites entre nous et nos partenaires de la région. L'Union européenne a un pouvoir de transformation extraordinaire. C'est une inspiration pour beaucoup de gens dans le monde et si ces pays font des réformes profondes, nous pouvons les aider et nous pouvons les associer plus étroitement d'un point de vue politique, et aussi nous intégrer plus d'un point de vue économique. Enfin, ne délaissons pas les plus démunis de tous et soyons à la hauteur de nos engagements pour atteindre les Objectifs du millénaire pour le développement. Soyons également réalistes et reconnaissons que pour que l'Europe exerce toute son influence, si l'Europe veut vraiment être une puissance, il nous faut renforcer la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune. Il faut qu'elle soit crédible. Il faut qu'elle s'appuie sur une dimension de sécurité et de défense commune si on veut vraiment compter dans le monde. Loin est le temps où certains pouvaient s'opposer à l'idée d'une défense européenne par crainte qu'elle puisse nuire à l'Alliance atlantique. Vous avez déjà remarqué: aujourd'hui, ce sont les Américains euxmêmes qui nous demandent de faire plus en tant qu'Européens. Le monde a changé, le monde est en train de changer fondamentalement. Estce que nous voulons vraiment compter dans le monde? C'est pourquoi, au moment où les budgets de défense sont sous pression, nous devons faire davantage ensemble avec les moyens dont nous disposons. La Commission prend en cela sa part de responsabilité en poursuivant ses efforts en faveur d'un marché unique de la défense et en mettant à profit les compétences qui lui sont conférées par le traité pour développer une base industrielle européenne de défense. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Ne soyons pas naïfs, le monde est en train de se transformer, et si l'Europe veut compter dans le monde et défendre les intérêts de ses citoyens, il nous faut la dimension politique et la dimension de défense si nous voulons compter et influencer l'avenir du monde. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Je conclus. À la fin de notre mandat, en 2014, il y aura exactement un siècle qu'éclatait sur ce continent la Grande Guerre, période noire à laquelle a succédé la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l'une des pages les plus dramatiques de l'histoire de l'Europe et du monde. Aujourd'hui, je crois qu'on peut dire que de telles horreurs sont inimaginables en Europe. Elles le sont dans une large mesure parce que nous avons l'Union européenne, parce que nous avons, grâce à la vision de l'Europe, par l'intégration économique et politique, construit la garantie de la paix sur notre continent. C'est pourquoi nous ne pouvons pas laisser mettre en danger cette grande œuvre. Nous avons reçu cela des générations précédentes. Ce ne sera pas notre génération qui va mettre en cause cela. Et soyons clairs, si on commence à fragmenter l'Europe, si on commence à revenir en arrière dans les grandes conquêtes de l'Europe, il y aurait sans doute un risque de fragmentation pour notre objectif. Comme je l'ai dit, le fond de la crise que nous avons maintenant est un problème politique. C'est un test de notre volonté de vivre ensemble. C'est pourquoi nous devons approfondir l'Union européenne, c'est pourquoi nous avons construit des institutions communes. C'est pourquoi il faut garantir l'intérêt européen. Et la réalité aujourd'hui, c'est que la coopération intergouvernementale n'est pas suffisante pour sortir l'Europe de cette crise, pour doter l'Europe d'un avenir. Tout au contraire, un certain intergouvernementalisme risque de mener à la renationalisation et à la fragmentation. Un certain intergouvernementalisme pourrait être la mort de l'Europe unie telle que nous la voulons. N'oublions pas que les décisions que l'on prend maintenant ou que l'on ne prend pas vont façonner notre avenir. Une chose que je voudrais vous communiquer, c'est que je me sens blessé lorsque je vois certains, dans d'autres parties du monde, avec un certain paternalisme, nous dire, à nous Européens, ce que nous devons faire. Je crois franchement que nous avons des problèmes, des problèmes très sérieux, mais je crois que nous n'avons pas à nous excuser de nos démocraties. Nous n'avons pas à nous excuser de notre économie sociale de marché. Donc je crois qu'on doit demander à nos institutions, mais aussi à nos États membres, aussi à Paris, à Berlin, à Athènes, à Lisbonne, à Dublin, un sursaut de fierté d'être Européens, un sursaut de dignité, et dire à nos partenaires «Merci pour vos conseils, mais nous sommes capables ensemble de dépasser cette crise». J'ai cette fierté d'être Européen. Et la fierté d'être Européen, ce n'est pas seulement notre grande culture, notre grande civilisation, tout ce que nous avons créé dans le monde. Ce n'est pas la fierté seulement du passé, c'est la fierté de notre avenir. C'est cette confiancelà qu'il nous faut recréer entre nous. Je crois que c'est possible. Certains disent: c'est très difficile, ce n'est pas possible. Là, j'aimerais rappeler ce qu'a dit un grand homme, un grand Africain, Nelson Mandela: 'It always seems impossible, until it is done. Let's do it.'. Nous pouvons le faire avec confiance, nous pouvons le faire le renouveau de notre Europe. Je vous remercie pour votre attention. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, 1. Analyse de la situation C'est un honneur pour moi de prononcer aujourd'hui devant vous ce troisième discours sur l'état de l'Union. Alors que l'Union européenne est toujours en crise. Une crise financière et économique. Une crise sociale. Mais aussi une crise politique, une crise de confiance. Les racines de la crise sont à rechercher dans: des pratiques irresponsables au sein du secteur financier; un endettement public intenable; et aussi un manque de compétitivité dans certains États membres. De surcroît, l'euro est aux prises avec des problèmes structurels qui lui sont propres. Son architecture s'est avérée défaillante. Les déséquilibres se sont accumulés. Ces défaillances sont en train d'être corrigées. Mais c'est au prix d'efforts pénibles et douloureux. Les citoyens sont mécontents. Ils sont inquiets. Ils ont le sentiment que leur mode de vie est menacé. Le sens de la justice et de l'équité entre États membres est mis à mal. Or, en l'absence d'équité entre les États membres, comment peuton espérer qu'il existe une équité entre citoyens européens? Au cours des quatre dernières années, il nous a fallu prendre nombre de décisions audacieuses pour contrer cette crise systémique. Mais malgré tous les efforts que nous avons consentis, les mesures prises n'ont pas encore convaincu les citoyens, les marchés ou nos partenaires internationaux. Pourquoi? Parce que nous avons sans cesse laissé le doute se propager. Le doute quant à la volonté réelle de certains pays de mettre en œuvre des réformes et de recouvrer leur compétitivité. Des doutes quant à la volonté réelle d'autres pays de faire preuve de la solidarité nécessaire pour garantir l'irréversibilité de l'euro et du projet européen. Trop souvent, nous assistons à une spirale infernale: des décisions essentielles pour notre avenir sont d'abord prises lors de sommets européens, hypothéquées pourtant dès le lendemain par certains de ceux qui les ont prises, au motif qu'elles vont trop loin, ou pas assez. Cela crée un problème de crédibilité, un problème de confiance. Il est inacceptable de présenter ces réunions européennes comme s'il s'agissait de tournois de boxe à l'issue desquels on se vante d'avoir mis au tapis un adversaire. Nous ne pouvons pas à la fois appartenir à une même Union et agir comme si nous n'en étions pas. Nous ne pouvons pas compromettre neuf bonnes décisions par une seule mesure ou une seule déclaration faisant planer le doute sur l'ensemble des résultats obtenus. Voilà, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, qui révèle l'essence de la crise de confiance politique dont souffre l'Europe. Comment les acteurs politiques européens peuventils espérer convaincre qu'ils sont déterminés à résoudre cette crise ensemble s'ils ne respectent pas les règles qu'ils ont euxmêmes établies et leurs propres décisions? Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, 2. Le défi – une nouvelle philosophie pour l'Europe Une crise de confiance est une crise politique. Or, et là c'est l'élément positif, dans une démocratie, il n'existe aucun problème politique qui n'ait de solution politique. C'est pourquoi je tiens aujourd'hui à aborder, ici et avec vous, les questions politiques fondamentales – où en sommesnous et quelle direction devonsnous prendre? Je tiens à me concentrer sur le cap politique et sur la vision qui inspireront nos grandes décisions. Bien entendu, je ne vais pas énumérer toutes ces décisions. La lettre que j'ai adressée au Président du Parlement européen, qui contient les priorités immédiates de la Commission, vous est transmise en ce moment. Nous en discuterons avec vous avant l'adoption du programme de travail de la Commission, plus tard cet automne. Voici ce que j'ai à vous dire aujourd'hui: l'Europe doit prendre un nouveau cap. Elle doit pour cela s'affranchir des idées anciennes. L'Europe a besoin d'une nouvelle philosophie. Quand nous parlons de la crise, et nous en parlons tous, en avonsnous réellement tiré les conclusions qui s'imposent pour notre action? Quand nous parlons de la mondialisation, et nous en parlons tous beaucoup, avonsnous véritablement mesuré son incidence sur le rôle que doit jouer chacun de nos États membres? Adopter une nouvelle philosophie pour l'Europe, c'est d'abord prendre toute la mesure des défis qui s'imposent à nous et qui changent fondamentalement le monde qui est le nôtre. C'est d'abord arrêter de vouloir répondre aux problèmes de demain avec les solutions du passé. Depuis le début de la crise, nous avons régulièrement constaté que les marchés mondiaux interconnectés sont plus rapides et, dès lors, plus puissants que des systèmes politiques nationaux fragmentés. Ce constat sape la confiance des citoyens dans l'action politique et alimente le populisme et l'extrémisme en Europe et ailleurs. La réalité d'aujourd'hui, c'est que dans un monde interconnecté, les États membres ne sont plus en mesure de maîtriser seuls le cours des événements. Pourtant, ils n'ont pas doté leur Union notre Union des outils nécessaires pour affronter cette réalité nouvelle. Nous vivons actuellement une transition. Nous sommes à un tournant, qui exige des décisions et une volonté politique. Oui, la mondialisation exige un surcroît d'unité européenne. Une plus grande unité passe par plus d'intégration. Et plus d'intégration appelle un supplément de démocratie, de démocratie européenne. En Europe, cela signifie avant tout que nous devons accepter l'idée que nous sommes tous embarqués sur le même bateau. Cela signifie prendre conscience de la communauté d'intérêts qui nous lie. Cela signifie assumer l'interdépendance de nos destinées. Cela signifie aussi exiger de chacun un véritable sens des responsabilités communes et une solidarité. Parce que sur un bateau pris dans la tempête, le moins que nous puissions attendre de nos compagnons d'équipage est de faire preuve d'une loyauté sans faille. C'est le seul moyen de régler notre pas sur le rythme du changement. Ce n'est qu'ainsi que nous atteindrons l'envergure et l'efficacité requises pour assurer à l'Union un rang d'acteur mondial. Dans un monde en mutation, c'est la seule issue pour sauvegarder nos valeurs, car c'est aussi une question de valeurs. Au XXe siècle, un pays d'à peine 10 ou 15 millions d'habitants pouvait être une puissance mondiale. Au XXIe siècle, même les plus grands pays européens peuvent paraître insignifiants comparés aux géants mondiaux que sont les ÉtatsUnis ou la Chine. L'histoire s'accélère. Il a fallu à la GrandeBretagne 155 ans pour doubler son PIB par habitant, il en a fallu 50 aux ÉtatsUnis, et seulement 15 à la Chine. Mais si l'on se souvient d'où viennent certains de nos nouveaux États membres, les transformations économiques qu'ils connaissent ne sont pas moins impressionnantes. L'Europe d'aujourd'hui possède tous les atouts nécessaires, bien davantage d'ailleurs que les générations antérieures qui ont dû faire face à des défis analogues, voire plus importants. Mais il nous faut agir en conséquence et exploiter toutes ces ressources ensemble. Le moment est venu de faire coïncider nos ambitions, nos décisions et nos actes. Le moment est venu d'en finir avec les solutions boiteuses et les demimesures. Le moment est venu de retenir les leçons que l'histoire nous enseigne et de dessiner un avenir meilleur pour notre Europe. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, 3. Réagir à la situation «un pacte décisif pour l'Europe» Ce que j'appelle de mes vœux et ce que je vous soumets aujourd'hui est un pacte décisif pour l'Europe. Un pacte pour projeter nos valeurs, notre liberté et notre prospérité dans le contexte mondialisé de demain. Un pacte conciliant la nécessité de préserver nos économies sociales de marché d'une part et celle de les réformer d'autre part. Un pacte qui stabilisera l'UEM, stimulera une croissance durable et rétablira notre compétitivité. Un pacte qui créera un contrat de confiance entre nos pays, et entre les États membres et les institutions européennes, entre partenaires sociaux et entre les citoyens et l'Union européenne. Ce pacte décisif pour l'Europe entraîne les conséquences suivantes: Nous ne devons pas laisser subsister le moindre doute quant à l'intégrité de l'Union ou au caractère irréversible de l'euro. Les pays les plus vulnérables ne doivent pas laisser subsister le moindre doute quant à leur volonté de réforme, quant à leur sens des responsabilités. Mais les pays les plus forts ne doivent pas non plus laisser subsister le moindre doute quant à leur volonté de serrer les rangs, quant à leur sens de la solidarité. Tous, nous ne devons pas laisser planer le moindre doute quant à notre détermination à appliquer les réformes nécessaires, et à RÉFORMER ENSEMBLE. Il est tout simplement illusoire de croire que notre croissance peut se passer de réformes ou que nous pouvons assurer seuls notre prospérité. Nous devons nous aviser que nous partageons le même sort et que nous devons résoudre cette crise ensemble. Ce pacte décisif exige l'achèvement d'une union économique profonde et véritable, fondée sur une union politique. a) Union économique: Permettezmoi de commencer par l'économie européenne. Tout d'abord, nous avons besoin de croissance, d'une croissance durable. Notre modèle européen d'économie sociale de marché est tributaire de la croissance: elle crée des emplois et soutient notre niveau de vie. Mais nous ne pouvons maintenir la croissance que si nous améliorons notre compétitivité. Au niveau national, cela nécessite d'entreprendre des réformes structurelles qui ont été reportées pendant des décennies. Moderniser l'administration publique. Réduire les dépenses inutiles. S'attaquer aux intérêts catégoriels et aux privilèges. Réformer le marché du travail pour y créer un équilibre entre sécurité et flexibilité. Et assurer la durabilité des systèmes sociaux. Au niveau européen, il nous faut faire preuve d'une détermination accrue pour lever les obstacles, qu'ils soient physiques, économiques ou numériques. Il importe que nous parachevions le marché unique. Il importe que nous réduisions notre dépendance énergétique et que nous exploitions tout le potentiel des énergies renouvelables. Encourager la compétitivité dans des secteurs tels que l'énergie, les transports ou les télécommunications pourrait raviver la concurrence, stimuler l'innovation et faire baisser les prix pour les consommateurs et les entreprises. La Commission présentera bientôt un Acte pour le marché unique II. Afin de permettre au marché unique de prospérer, la Commission continuera à défendre avec fermeté et intransigeance ses règles de concurrence et sa réglementation commerciale. En toute franchise, si nous nous en remettions aux États membres pour les défendre, je peux vous assurer qu'ils ne résisteraient pas aux pressions exercées par les grandes entreprises et les grandes puissances extérieures. Nous devons créer un marché européen du travail et créer la possibilité pour chaque citoyen de trouver un emploi aussi facilement dans un autre pays que dans le sien. Il est important d'explorer la croissance verte et d'utiliser beaucoup plus efficacement nos ressources. Il nous faut faire preuve d'une ambition bien plus grande dans les domaines de l'enseignement, de la recherche et de l'innovation, ou encore des sciences. L'Europe est un leader mondial dans des secteurs aussi essentiels que l'aéronautique, l'automobile, les produits pharmaceutiques et l'ingénierie, où elle détient plus d'un tiers des parts du marché mondial. La productivité industrielle a augmenté de 35 % au cours de la dernière décennie, en dépit du ralentissement économique. Aujourd'hui, quelque 74 millions d'emplois dépendent de l'industrie manufacturière. Chaque année, les jeunes entreprises de l'UE créent plus de 4 millions d'emplois. Il convient de prendre appui sur ces succès en investissant dans notre nouvelle politique industrielle et en créant un environnement économique propre à encourager l'esprit d'entreprise et à soutenir les petites entreprises. Cela suppose de simplifier l'environnement fiscal pour les entreprises et de le rendre plus attrayant pour les investisseurs. Une meilleure coordination des politiques fiscales serait dans l'intérêt de tous les États membres. Il nous faut aussi instaurer une politique commerciale proactive en ouvrant de nouveaux marchés. Tel est le potentiel de l'économie européenne: une mine d'or qui attend encore d'être entièrement explorée. La mise en œuvre intégrale du pacte de croissance décidé lors du Conseil européen de juin procurera déjà de nombreux avantages. Mais nous pourrions aller plus loin encore, grâce à un budget de l'Union réaliste mais ambitieux, centré sur l'investissement, la croissance et la réforme. Soyons clairs: le budget européen est l'instrument clé pour investir dans l'Europe et dans la croissance en Europe. La Commission et le Parlement, ainsi que toutes les forces proeuropéennes, car la plupart des États membres soutiennent notre proposition, doivent maintenant défendre ensemble le cadre financier pluriannuel le plus susceptible d'étayer notre action jusqu'en 2020. S'il est adopté, il n'accablera pas les États membres, grâce, notamment, au nouveau système de ressources propres que nous proposons, mais il donnera une forte impulsion à leurs économies et à leurs régions, et aidera grandement leurs chercheurs, leurs étudiants, leurs jeunes demandeurs d'emploi et leurs PME. Il s'agit d'un budget axé sur la croissance et la cohésion économique, sociale et territoriale entre les États membres et à l'intérieur des États membres. Il s'agit d'un budget qui contribuera à parachever le marché unique, en comblant les lacunes de nos infrastructures en matière d'énergie, de transports et de télécommunications, grâce au mécanisme pour l'interconnexion en Europe. Il s'agit d'un budget favorisant une agriculture moderne, axée sur la croissance, capable de concilier sécurité alimentaire et développement rural durable. Il s'agit d'un budget qui, grâce au programme Horizon 2020, encouragera une Europe innovante, à forte intensité de recherche. Car nous avons besoin de cette dimension européenne pour la recherche. Son adoption constituera un véritable test de crédibilité pour nombre de nos États membres. Je veux vérifier si les États membres qui parlent sans cesse d'investissements et de croissance soutiendront bien un budget favorable à la croissance au niveau européen. Le budget est également l'instrument par excellence de soutien aux investissements dans notre programme pour la croissance, Europe 2020, dont la nécessité se fait sentir aujourd'hui plus que jamais. Europe 2020 est la voie à suivre pour moderniser et préserver l'économie sociale de marché en Europe. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Notre programme de réformes structurelles nécessite un effort d'ajustement majeur. Il ne réussira que s'il est juste et équitable. Parce que l'inégalité n'est pas soutenable. Dans certaines régions d'Europe, nous observons actuellement une véritable urgence sociale. Une pauvreté croissante et un chômage massif, en particulier parmi les jeunes. Voilà pourquoi nous devons renforcer la cohésion sociale, une caractéristique qui distingue la société européenne des autres modèles. Certains prétendent qu'à cause de la crise, le modèle social européen est mort. Je rejette cette idée. Il est vrai que nous devons réformer nos économies et moderniser nos systèmes de protection sociale. Mais un système de protection sociale efficace qui aide les personnes dans le besoin ne constitue pas un obstacle à la prospérité. Il en est de fait un élément indispensable. En effet, ce sont précisément les pays européens qui disposent des meilleurs systèmes de protection sociale et au sein desquels la concertation sociale est la plus développée qui figurent parmi les économies les plus performantes et les plus compétitives du monde. La justice et l'équité imposent de donner une chance à notre jeunesse. Notre action en ce sens est déjà très importante. Et avant la fin de l'année, la Commission lancera un ensemble de mesures ciblées pour les jeunes, qui prévoit la création d'un système de garantie pour la jeunesse et l'instauration d'une politique de qualité destinée à faciliter la formation professionnelle. La justice et l'équité commandent également de mettre en œuvre des régimes fiscaux plus justes et de meilleure qualité. Mettre fin à la fraude et à l'évasion fiscales pourrait rapporter aux États européens des recettes supplémentaires de plusieurs milliards d'euros. C'est la raison pour laquelle la Commission se battra pour obtenir un accord sur la révision de la directive relative à la fiscalité de l'épargne ainsi que sur de futurs mandats pour la négociation avec les pays tiers d'accords plus stricts en la matière. Ces accords constitueraient une source considérable de recettes fiscales légitimes. La Commission poursuivra aussi ses efforts pour faire adopter une taxe juste et ambitieuse sur les transactions financières, propre à garantir que les contribuables tirent un bénéfice du secteur financier, et que ce ne soit pas uniquement ce dernier qui tire un bénéfice des contribuables. Puisqu'il apparaît clairement désormais que cet accord ne peut être obtenu qu'au moyen d'une coopération renforcée, la Commission mettra tout en œuvre pour faire avancer rapidement et efficacement ce dossier avec les États membres qui le souhaitent. Parce que c'est une question d'équité, et que l'équité est une condition essentielle pour faire accepter, sur le plan social et politique, les réformes économiques nécessaires. Et l'équité, c'est avant tout une question de justice, de justice sociale. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Face à la crise, des décisions importantes ont été prises. Dans toute l'Union européenne, des mesures de réforme et d'assainissement sont mises en œuvre. Des mécanismes communs de soutien financier sont mis en place et les institutions européennes ont démontré sans relâche qu'elles soutenaient l'euro. La Commission mesure parfaitement que les États membres qui mettent en œuvre les réformes les plus profondes pâtissent de difficultés économiques considérables et doivent réaliser des ajustements complexes, parfois extrêmement pénibles. Mais seules ces réformes peuvent mener à un avenir meilleur. Elles auraient dû être réalisées il y a bien longtemps et il est tout simplement impossible de revenir à la situation antérieure. La Commission continuera de mettre tout en œuvre pour soutenir ces États membres et pour les aider à stimuler la croissance et l'emploi, notamment par la reprogrammation des Fonds structurels. Permettezmoi d'évoquer brièvement la situation de la Grèce. Je pense réellement que l'occasion nous est donnée, cet automne, d'arriver à un tournant. Si la Grèce écarte définitivement tous les doutes relatifs à sa volonté d'engager les réformes requises mais aussi si tous les autres pays ne laissent subsister aucun doute quant à leur détermination à maintenir la Grèce dans la zone euro, nous pouvons y parvenir. J'ai la conviction que si la Grèce respecte ses engagements, elle mérite de rester parmi nous et de conserver sa place dans la zone euro. Préserver la stabilité de la zone euro est notre défi le plus pressant. Cela relève de la responsabilité commune des États membres et des institutions communautaires. La BCE ne peut pas financer les États et elle ne le fera pas. Mais si les canaux de la politique monétaire ne fonctionnent pas correctement, la Commission estime que le mandat de la BCE impose à celleci de prendre les mesures nécessaires, notamment sur les marchés secondaires de la dette souveraine. La BCE n'a en effet pas seulement le droit, mais le devoir de restaurer l'intégrité de la politique monétaire. Il lui appartient bien entendu, puisqu'elle est une institution indépendante, de déterminer les actions à mener et d'en définir les conditions. Il convient cependant que tous les acteurs, et je dis bien tous les acteurs, respectent son indépendance. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, J'ai évoqué les mesures économiques que nous devons mettre en œuvre sans délai. Elles sont indispensables, mais pas suffisantes: il nous faut aller plus loin. Il est essentiel d'achever l'union économique et monétaire. Nous devons mettre sur pied une union bancaire et une union budgétaire ainsi que les mécanismes institutionnels et politiques que cela suppose. La Commission présente aujourd'hui des propositions législatives en vue de la création d'un mécanisme unique de surveillance à l'échelle européenne. Il s'agit là de la première étape dans la création d'une union bancaire. La crise a montré que si les banques étaient devenues transnationales, la réglementation et le contrôle étaient restés, quant à eux, nationaux. Et lorsque les choses ont mal tourné, ce sont les contribuables qui ont dû passer à la caisse. Au cours de ces quatre dernières années, l'Union européenne a réformé le secteur bancaire, prenant ainsi la tête au niveau mondial de la mise en œuvre des engagements du G20. Mais la coordination, à elle seule, ne suffit plus: nous avons besoin de décisions communes en matière de surveillance, notamment au sein de la zone euro. Le mécanisme de surveillance unique proposé aujourd'hui créera une architecture renforcée, au sein de laquelle la Banque centrale européenne jouera un rôle clé, et l'interaction requise avec l'Autorité bancaire européenne, qui rétablira la confiance dans la surveillance des banques de la zone euro. Il s'agira d'assurer la surveillance de l'ensemble des banques de la zone euro. Les risques systémiques pouvant être partout, la surveillance devra porter sur toutes les banques et pas uniquement sur celles dites «d'importance systémique». Il conviendra bien sûr d'y associer pleinement les autorités nationales de surveillance. Ce train de mesures se compose de deux textes législatifs couplés, l'un concernant la BCE et l'autre l'ABE. Il va sans dire que votre assemblée aura un rôle essentiel à jouer dans l'adoption de ce nouveau mécanisme et, ensuite, dans le contrôle démocratique dont il fera l'objet. Il s'agit là d'une première étape cruciale sur la voie de l'union bancaire que j'ai proposée en juin devant cette assemblée. La création d'une autorité de surveillance européenne constitue à présent la priorité numéro un, parce qu'elle est indispensable à l'amélioration de la gestion des crises bancaires, de la résolution des défaillances bancaires jusqu'à la garantie des dépôts. Parallèlement, la Commission continuera de travailler à la réforme du secteur bancaire, afin de s'assurer que ce dernier joue bien son rôle dans le financement responsable de l'économie réelle. Cela signifie améliorer le financement à long terme des PME et des autres entreprises. Cela signifie adopter des règles en matière d'indices de référence, afin que nous n'assistions plus à une manipulation des taux d'intérêt bancaires affectant aussi bien les entreprises que les personnes ayant souscrit un prêt hypothécaire. Cela signifie légiférer de manière à ce que les banques offrent des conditions équitables aux consommateurs et revoir la structure des activités bancaires pour éliminer les risques intrinsèques. À cet égard, le rôle qui incombe à votre assemblée est essentiel. La Commission s'attachera à travailler en partenariat étroit avec vous. Mais il y a un second volet d'une union économique approfondie, qui consiste à s'engager sur la voie d'une union budgétaire. Sa justification va de soi: les décisions économiques d'un État membre ayant une incidence sur les autres, nous devons renforcer notre coordination en matière de politique économique. Nous devons absolument encadrer plus strictement et de manière plus contraignante le processus décisionnel national relatif aux élémentsclés de la politique économique, car c'est l'unique moyen de prévenir les déséquilibres. Si nous avons déjà fait beaucoup dans ce domaine, par exemple avec le paquet de six mesures législatives (le «sixpack») et les recommandations par pays, d'autres mesures sont indispensables pour faire correspondre incitations ciblées et conditions spécifiques et pour inscrire l'union économique et monétaire véritablement dans la durée. Pour obtenir des résultats durables, il nous faut nous doter d'une véritable gouvernance économique communautaire ainsi que d'une capacité budgétaire communautaire crédible. Nous n'avons pas besoin d'institutions distinctes ou de nouvelles institutions pour y parvenir. Bien au contraire, pour que les choses bougent rapidement et avec efficacité, la meilleure approche consiste à se servir des institutions existantes: la Commission européenne en tant qu'autorité européenne indépendante, sous le contrôle du Parlement européen en tant que représentation parlementaire au niveau européen. C'est dans un tel cadre que, chemin faisant, les étapes d'une véritable mutualisation de l'amortissement et de l'émission de la dette pourront être franchies. Ainsi, c'est en associant réformes économiques et véritable union économique et monétaire que nous pourrons aller de l'avant. La Commission publiera avant l'hiver un projet de renforcement de l'union économique et monétaire. Ce projet sera présenté à votre assemblée, parce que ces questions doivent être débattues avec et par les élus du peuple. Parallèlement, il alimentera le débat lors du Conseil européen de décembre que préparera le rapport que le président du Conseil européen, moimême et les présidents de la Banque centrale européenne et de l'Eurogroupe avons été invités à établir. Notre projet définira les outils et les instruments requis, et exposera les options législatives pouvant leur donner effet, de la coordination des politiques à la capacité budgétaire, en passant par l'amortissement de la dette. Et, au besoin – en cas de dette publique garantie solidairement – il présenterait les modifications à apporter au traité, car certains de ces changements nécessiteront de modifier le traité. Ce projet englobera ainsi ce que nous devons accomplir non seulement dans les semaines et mois qui viennent, mais aussi dans les prochaines années. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, b) Union politique: En définitive, la crédibilité et le caractère durable de l'Union économique et monétaire dépendent des institutions et de la construction politique qui la soustendent. C'est pourquoi l'Union économique et monétaire soulève la question d'une union politique et de la démocratie européenne sur laquelle elle doit être fondée. Si nous voulons faire de l'union économique et monétaire une réussite, il nous faut alors allier ambition et planification rigoureuse. Nous devons prendre des mesures concrètes sans attendre, avec l'union politique comme ligne d'horizon. Je souhaiterais que se développe un espace public européen où les questions européennes puissent être examinées et débattues d'un point de vue européen. En effet, essayer de résoudre des problèmes européens en y apportant uniquement des solutions nationales ne rime à rien, et nous ne pouvons continuer ainsi. Ce débat doit avoir lieu dans nos sociétés et parmi nos citoyens. Mais aujourd'hui, je souhaiterais lancer un appel particulier aux intellectuels européens. Aux hommes et femmes de culture, pour les inviter à prendre part à ce débat sur l'avenir de l'Europe. Et je m'adresse à vous, à votre assemblée qui incarne la démocratie européenne. Nous devons renforcer le rôle du Parlement européen au niveau européen. Et il nous faut promouvoir une complémentarité et une coopération véritables entre le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux. Ce qui sera également impossible sans un renforcement des partis politiques européens. En effet, il existe très souvent un véritable clivage entre les partis politiques dans les capitales et les partis politiques européens ici à Strasbourg. Voilà qui explique pourquoi, force est de le reconnaître, le débat politique semble bien trop souvent se limiter aux partis nationaux. Même lors des élections européennes, le nom des partis politiques européens ne figure pas sur l'urne, on assiste à un débat national entre partis politiques nationaux. C'est pourquoi nous devons revaloriser les partis politiques européens. Je suis fier d'annoncer que la Commission a adopté aujourd'hui une proposition en ce sens. Le débat politique paneuropéen pourrait ainsi être renforcé si les partis politiques européens présentaient leur candidat au poste de président de la Commission dès les élections du Parlement européen de 2014. Cela peut se faire sans modification du traité. Il s'agirait d'une mesure importante permettant de donner tout son poids à la possibilité d'un choix européen qu'offrent ces élections. J'invite dès lors tous les partis politiques à s'engager en ce sens et à renforcer ainsi la dimension européenne de ces élections européennes. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Une véritable Union politique européenne exige que nous concentrions l'action européenne sur les questions réellement déterminantes qui doivent être traitées au niveau européen. Soyons francs: tous les points ne peuvent pas être traités en priorité simultanément. Une certaine dose d'autocritique est probablement la bienvenue en la matière. Une bonne intégration consiste à réexaminer sans préjugés le niveau auquel doit se situer l'action pour être la plus efficace. La subsidiarité constitue un principe démocratique essentiel et doit être mise en pratique. Une union politique exige également que nous renforcions les fondements sur lesquels repose notre Union: le respect de nos valeurs fondamentales, de l'État de droit et de la démocratie. Or, ces derniers mois, l'État de droit et la démocratie ont été mis à mal dans plusieurs de nos États européens. Le Parlement européen et la Commission ont été les premiers à tirer la sonnette d'alarme et à jouer un rôle décisif pour contenir ces développements préoccupants. Mais ces situations ont aussi mis en évidence les limites de notre système institutionnel. Il importe que nous nous dotions d'un arsenal mieux conçu qui ne se borne pas à l'alternative entre le pouvoir d'influence de la persuasion politique et l'«option nucléaire» de l'article 7 du traité. Notre attachement au respect de l'État de droit est également ce qui motive notre projet de création d'un Parquet européen, comme le prévoient les traités. Nous présenterons prochainement une proposition à cette fin. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Une union politique implique aussi de redoubler d'efforts pour jouer notre rôle sur la scène mondiale. Partager sa souveraineté en Europe, c'est en réalité renforcer sa souveraineté dans un monde globalisé. Dans le monde d'aujourd'hui, la taille est déterminante. Et les valeurs font la différence. Voilà pourquoi le message de l'Europe doit être un message de liberté, de démocratie, de primauté du droit et de solidarité, soit nos valeurs européennes. Plus que jamais, nos citoyens et le nouvel ordre mondial ont besoin d'une Europe active et influente. Il importe que nous réussissions, pas seulement pour nous, mais pour le reste du monde. L'Europe doit se battre pour défendre ses valeurs et sa conviction que les droits de l'homme ne sont pas un luxe réservé au monde développé mais que ces valeurs ont réellement vocation universelle. La situation dramatique en Syrie nous rappelle que nous ne pouvons pas nous cantonner dans un rôle passif d'observateurs. Une nouvelle Syrie, démocratique, doit voir le jour. Et notre responsabilité commune est engagée: nous avons un rôle à jouer dans ce processus. Et nous devons travailler avec les acteurs de l'ordre mondial qui ont également besoin de coopérer à cet objectif. Le monde a besoin d'une Union européenne qui demeure en première ligne en matière de développement et d'aide humanitaire, qui défende les économies ouvertes et combatte le protectionnisme, qui soit à la pointe de la lutte contre le changement climatique. Le monde a besoin d'une Europe qui soit en mesure de déployer des missions militaires afin de stabiliser les zones de crise: nous devons pour cela entreprendre un relevé exhaustif des capacités européennes et commencer à établir des plans de défense qui soient réellement collectifs. Oui, nous devons renforcer notre politique étrangère et de sécurité commune et notre approche commune en matière de défense, car ensemble, nous avons le pouvoir et la dimension nécessaires pour peser sur le monde et tenter de le rendre plus équitable et plus respectueux des règles juridiques et des droits de l'homme Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, 4. Un nouveau traité, la dimension 17/27 et l'élargissement du débat public a) Une fédération d'Étatsnations – Un nouveau traité Pour parvenir à une union économique et monétaire véritable et approfondie, à une union politique dotée d'une politique étrangère et de défense cohérente, il est indispensable que l'Union européenne telle que nous la connaissons évolue. N'ayons pas peur des mots: nous devrons évoluer vers une fédération d'Étatsnations. Voilà de quoi nous avons besoin, tel est notre horizon politique. C'est cette ambition qui doit guider nos travaux au cours des années à venir. Aujourd'hui, j'en appelle donc à une fédération d'Étatsnations. Pas à un superÉtat, mais à une fédération démocratique d'Étatsnations capable de régler nos problèmes communs en partageant la souveraineté d'une manière qui permette à chaque pays et à chaque citoyen d'être mieux équipé pour maîtriser son propre destin. Une Union qui soit aux côtés des États membres, et pas une Union qui se dresse contre eux. À l'ère de la mondialisation, la mise en commun des souverainetés n'équivaut pas à une perte mais à un gain de pouvoir. J'ai parlé à dessein d'une fédération d'Étatsnations parce qu'en cette période troublée, angoissante, nous ne pouvons pas abandonner la défense de la nation aux seuls nationalistes et populistes. Je crois en une Europe dont les citoyens sont fiers de leur nation mais également fiers d'être Européens et fiers de nos valeurs européennes. Et pour créer cette fédération d'Étatsnations, nous ne pourrons pas faire l'économie d'un nouveau traité. Je ne dis pas cela à la légère. Nous savons tous combien il est devenu difficile de modifier les traités. La préparation sera cruciale. Les débats sur les modifications des traités ne doivent pas nous faire perdre de vue ce qu'il est possible et indispensable de faire dès aujourd'hui, ni nous faire prendre du retard. Il est déjà possible d'engager une union économique et monétaire véritable et approfondie dans le cadre des traités actuels, mais elle ne pourra être finalisée qu'en modifiant les traités. Alors, commençons dès à présent, mais fixons‑nous l'avenir pour horizon dans les décisions que nous prenons aujourd'hui. Nous ne devons pas non plus commencer par changer les traités. Il y a lieu d'abord de définir les politiques dont nous avons besoin et les instruments qui sont nécessaires à leur mise en œuvre. Alors seulement, nous serons en mesure de dire quels outils nous manquent et quelles solutions il convient d'adopter. Il s'agira ensuite de mener un large débat à travers toute l'Europe, qui doit intervenir avant la convocation d'une convention et d'une conférence intergouvernementale: un débat de dimension authentiquement européenne. L'époque d'une construction européenne qui se faisait avec l'accord tacite des citoyens est révolue. L'Europe ne peut plus se permettre d'être technocratique, bureaucratique ou même diplomatique. L'Europe doit être toujours plus démocratique. Le rôle du Parlement européen est essentiel. Voilà pourquoi les élections européennes de 2014 peuvent se révéler décisives. D'ici aux prochaines élections européennes de 2014, la Commission présentera son ébauche pour les contours de la future Union européenne. Et nous présenterons des idées concrètes pour modifier les traités, dans un délai qui permettra d'organiser un débat. Nous exposerons les objectifs à atteindre, la manière dont les institutions peuvent rendre l'Union européenne plus ouverte et plus démocratique, les prérogatives et les instruments pour la rendre plus efficace, et le modèle à suivre pour en faire l'Union des peuples de l'Europe. Je suis persuadé que nous avons besoin d'un véritable débat et quel meilleur forum pour débattre de notre avenir et de nos objectifs que ces élections au niveau européen? b) La dimension 17/27 Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Il ne s'agit pas d'un simple débat sur la zone euro et sa composition actuelle. Si une plus grande intégration est indispensable pour la zone euro et ses membres, le projet de la monnaie unique doit néanmoins rester ouvert à tous les États membres. Je le dis très clairement: nous n'avons pas besoin en Europe de nouveaux murs qui nous divisent! Car l'Union européenne sera plus forte dans son ensemble si elle préserve l'intégrité de son marché unique, de ses membres et de ses institutions. On n'obligera personne à embarquer et personne ne sera obligé de rester à quai. Ce ne sont pas les plus lents ou les plus réticents qui donneront le tempo. Voilà pourquoi nos propositions se fonderont sur l'Union existante, sur ses institutions et sur la méthode communautaire. Que les choses soient claires: il existe une seule Union européenne, une seule Commission et un seul Parlement européen. Si l'on veut plus de démocratie, plus de transparence et plus de responsabilité, l'on ne peut pas multiplier à l'infini les institutions au risque de rendre l'Union européenne plus complexe, moins cohérente et moins lisible qu'elle ne l'est, et d'entraver sa capacité d'action. c) L'élargissement du débat public Voilà, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, l'ampleur des décisions que nous allons devoir prendre. C'est pourquoi je considère que nous devons mener une discussion franche avec les citoyens européens au sujet de notre avenir. Sur les conséquences éventuelles d'une fragmentation, car nos actes peuvent avoir des conséquences inattendues et, parfois, une fragmentation non désirée peut se produire. Et sur ce que nous pouvons réaliser ensemble à condition que les décideurs ne cèdent pas au localisme national. Nous devons utiliser les élections de 2014 pour mobiliser toutes les forces proeuropéennes et nous ne pouvons pas laisser les populistes et les nationalistes dicter leur agenda pessimiste. J'appelle toutes celles et tous ceux qui se reconnaissent dans l'Europe à se lever et à prendre l'initiative dans ce débat. Car si un plus grand danger encore nous guette que le scepticisme des antiEuropéens, c'est bien l'indifférence ou le pessimisme des proEuropéens. Monsieur le président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, 5. Conclusion: estce réaliste? Pour résumer, nous avons besoin d'un pacte décisif pour achever l'Union économique et monétaire, fondé sur un engagement politique en faveur d'une Union européenne plus forte. Je vous propose d'agir dans l'ordre suivant, très clair: Premièrement, nous devons faire tout ce qui est en notre pouvoir pour stabiliser la zone euro et accélérer la croissance dans l'ensemble de l'Union européenne. La Commission présentera toutes les propositions nécessaires pour créer une union bancaire, dans le respect des dispositions actuelles des traités. Et nous avons déjà commencé à le faire aujourd'hui avec la création de l'autorité de surveillance unique. Deuxièmement, nous présenterons, cet automne encore, notre projet détaillé pour une union économique et monétaire véritable et approfondie, y compris ses instruments politiques. Ici encore, nous présenterons toutes ces propositions dans le respect des dispositions actuelles des traités. Et troisièmement, là où il ne sera pas possible d'avancer dans le cadre des traités actuels, nous ferons des propositions concrètes pour apporter les modifications nécessaires aux traités avant les prochaines élections européennes de 2014, notamment des éléments destinés à renforcer la démocratie et la responsabilité. Voilà notre projet: un projet par étapes mais avec une vraie ambition pour l'avenir et une fédération en tant qu'horizon pour l'Europe. Nombreux sont ceux qui jugeront ce programme trop ambitieux, irréaliste. Mais je vous pose la question: estil réaliste de poursuivre sur la voie actuelle? Estil réaliste de voir ce à quoi nous assistons aujourd'hui dans de nombreux pays européens? Est‑il réaliste de voir les contribuables payer pour les banques, puis être forcés de céder leur maison à ces mêmes banques parce qu' ils ne peuvent plus payer leur crédit? Estil réaliste de voir que plus de 50 % des jeunes sont au chômage dans certains de nos États membres? Estil réaliste de continuer à vouloir éteindre les incendies et de simplement accumuler les erreurs et les solutions peu convaincantes? Estil réaliste de penser que nous pouvons gagner la confiance des marchés lorsque nous avons si peu confiance les uns dans les autres? Pour moi, c'est cette réalité qui n'est pas réaliste et qui ne peut plus durer. La voie réaliste est celle qui va nous rendre plus forts et plus unis. Le réalisme consiste à hisser notre ambition au niveau de nos défis. Nous pouvons y arriver! Envoyons à notre jeunesse un message d'espoir. Et si parti pris il y a, que ce soit un parti pris d'espoir. Soyons fiers d'être Européens. Fiers de notre richesse et de notre diversité culturelles. En dépit de nos problèmes actuels, nos sociétés comptent parmi les plus humaines et les plus libres du monde. Nous n'avons pas à rougir de notre démocratie, de notre économie de marché sociale et de nos valeurs. En offrant un niveau de cohésion sociale élevé, en respectant les droits de l'homme, la dignité humaine et l'égalité entre les hommes et les femmes, et en protégeant l'environnement, les sociétés européennes, malgré tous leurs problèmes, comptent parmi les plus honorables de toute l'histoire de l'humanité. Je pense que la fierté est de mise. Dans nos pays, les jeunes filles ne vont pas en prison parce qu'elles critiquent leurs dirigeants dans des chansons. Dans nos pays, les citoyens sont libres et fiers de cette liberté: ils savent ce que cette liberté veut dire. Dans bon nombre de nos pays, notamment les États qui ont adhéré le plus récemment à l'Union, l'expérience de la dictature et du totalitarisme est toujours présente dans les mémoires. Les générations précédentes ont relevé de plus grand défis. Aujourd'hui, c'est à la nôtre de montrer qu'elle est à la hauteur de la tâche. Le moment est venu pour tous les proEuropéens d'oublier les bonnes vieilles recettes du passé et d'affronter l'avenir. L'Union européenne a été construite pour préserver la paix. Aujourd'hui, cela passe par l'adaptation de notre Union aux défis de la mondialisation. Voilà pourquoi nous avons besoin d'une nouvelle philosophie pour l'Europe et d'un pacte décisif pour l'Europe. Voilà pourquoi nous devons nous laisser guider par les valeurs qui sont au cœur de l'Union européenne. L'Europe, j'en ai la conviction, a une âme et cette âme peut nous donner la force et la détermination de faire notre devoir. Vous pouvez compter sur la Commission européenne. Je compte sur vous, sur le Parlement européen. Ensemble, en tant qu'institutions communautaires, nous allons bâtir une Europe meilleure, plus solide et plus soudée, une Union des citoyens pour l'avenir de l'Europe, mais aussi pour l'avenir du monde. Je vous remercie de m'avoir écouté. Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Représentant de la Présidence du Conseil, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Mesdames, Messieurs, Dans huit mois, ce que nous avons accompli ensemble au cours des cinq dernières années sera soumis au jugement des électeurs de toute l'Europe. Durant ces cinq années, l'Europe a été plus présente que jamais auparavant dans la vie de nos concitoyens. Partout sur notre continent – en famille, entre amis, entre collègues, dans les débats publics –, elle a été dans les discussions. Aujourd'hui, je veux porter mon regard sur le chemin que nous avons parcouru ensemble. Et sur celui qu'il nous reste à parcourir. Je souhaite aussi exposer les grandes idées qui, selon moi, doivent nourrir un débat politique véritablement européen en préparation des élections de l'année prochaine. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, À l'heure où je vous parle, cela fait précisément cinq ans que l'administration américaine plaçait sous tutelle publique les organismes de refinancement hypothécaire Fannie Mae et Freddie Mac et renflouait AIB, tandis que Lehman Brothers demandait la protection de la loi américaine sur les faillites. Ces événements sont à l'origine d'une crise financière mondiale qui a dégénéré en crise économique sans précédent, puis en crise sociale aux conséquences dramatiques pour un grand nombre de nos concitoyens. Le problème de la dette, qui reste une source de préoccupation majeure pour nos gouvernements, en a été aggravé. Le chômage, en particulier le chômage des jeunes, a connu une hausse alarmante. Et l'activité des ménages et des entreprises reste entravée. Mais l'Europe a réagi avec force. Durant ces cinq années, nous nous sommes battus avec détermination. Nous avons affronté la crise ensemble. Nous avons compris que nous devions faire front commun. Et c'est ce que nous faisons. Regardons en arrière et voyons ce que nous avons accompli pour que l'Europe reste unie tout au long de la crise: je pense qu'on peut le dire, nous n'aurions jamais pensé tout cela possible il y a cinq ans. Nous avons entrepris une réforme fondamentale du secteur financier pour protéger nos épargnants. Nous avons doté nos gouvernements de meilleurs outils pour travailler ensemble, assainir les finances publiques et moderniser les économies. Nous avons mobilisé plus de 700 milliards d'euros pour éloigner du gouffre les pays les plus durement frappés par la crise, ce qui représente l'effort de stabilisation le plus important jamais consenti entre différents pays. Je conserve un souvenir très vif de ma rencontre, l'année dernière, avec les économistes en chef de nombre de nos plus grandes banques. La plupart s'attendaient à une sortie de la Grèce de la zone euro, et tous craignaient la désintégration de celleci. Nous sommes désormais en mesure de dissiper franchement ces craintes: aucun pays n'a quitté, ni n'a été contraint de quitter, la zone euro. Cette année, l'Union européenne s'est encore élargie, passant de 27 à 28 pays membres. Et l'année prochaine, la zone euro comptera un dixhuitième nouveau membre. L'important, à présent, est de décider ce que nous allons faire de ces avancées: allonsnous nous en réclamer fièrement ou, au contraire, les décrier? Allonsnous y puiser la confiance nécessaire pour poursuivre ce que nous avons engagé ou, au contraire, minimiser le fruit de nos efforts? Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Je reviens du sommet du G20 à SaintPétersbourg et puis vous l'assurer: cette année, contrairement aux années précédentes, les Européens n'ont reçu aucune leçon de leurs partenaires mondiaux sur la manière d'affronter la crise, mais, au contraire, louanges et encouragements. Ce n'est pas que la crise soit derrière nous, car elle ne l'est pas. La résilience de l'Union sera encore mise à l'épreuve. Mais notre action inspire confiance dans notre capacité à surmonter la crise, à condition que nous ne nous reposions pas sur nos lauriers. C'est ensemble que nous relèverons les défis qui se posent à nous. Parce que c'est ensemble que nous devons les relever. Alors que notre planète connaît de profondes mutations géoéconomiques et géopolitiques, j'ai la conviction que ce n'est qu'ensemble, en tant qu'Union européenne, que nous pourrons offrir à nos concitoyens ce à quoi ils aspirent, à savoir la protection et la promotion de nos valeurs, de nos intérêts et de notre prospérité à l'heure de la mondialisation. Il est temps de dépasser les enjeux purement nationaux et les intérêts particuliers et de faire réellement progresser l'Europe. De donner une dimension véritablement européenne au débat avec les électorats nationaux. Il est temps pour tous ceux qui se soucient de l'Europe, d'où qu'ils viennent, peu importent leurs convictions politiques ou idéologiques, de parler haut et fort en faveur de l'Europe. Si nousmêmes ne le faisons pas, nous ne pouvons espérer que quiconque d'autre le fera. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Nous avons parcouru un long chemin depuis le début de la crise. Dans mon discours de l'année dernière sur l'état de l'Union, je soulignais que, malgré tous les efforts que nous avions consentis, les mesures prises n'avaient pas encore convaincu les citoyens, les marchés ou nos partenaires internationaux. Un an plus tard, les faits parlent d'euxmêmes: nos efforts commencent bel et bien à convaincre. D'une manière générale, les écarts de taux d'intérêt diminuent, et les pays les plus vulnérables paient moins pour emprunter. La production industrielle se redresse, les marchés renouent avec la confiance, les places boursières se portent bien, les perspectives économiques s'améliorent régulièrement, et l'optimisme des consommateurs est en forte hausse. Nous voyons aussi que les pays les plus vulnérables à la crise, qui consentent aujourd'hui les plus gros efforts pour réformer leur économie, commencent à engranger des résultats positifs. En Espagne, les exportations de produits et de services représentent désormais 33 % du PIB, soit un record depuis l'introduction de l'euro, ce qui témoigne des importantes réformes entreprises et d'une compétitivité accrue. L'Irlande a pu lever des fonds sur les marchés des capitaux depuis l'été 2012, son économie devrait croître pour la troisième année consécutive en 2013, et son industrie manufacturière réembauche. Selon les dernières prévisions, la balance courante du Portugal, qui était structurellement négative, devrait globalement parvenir à l'équilibre, tandis que la croissance portugaise repart, après de nombreux trimestres dans le rouge. En trois ans seulement, la Grèce a vraiment assaini ses finances publiques d'une manière remarquable. Le pays regagne aujourd'hui en compétitivité et, pour la première fois depuis des dizaines d'années, s'approche d'un excédent primaire. Et Chypre, qui a démarré son programme un peu plus tard, l'exécute aussi selon les modalités convenues, ce qui est la condition sine qua non d'un retour à la croissance Pour l'Europe, la reprise est en vue. Naturellement, nous devons rester vigilants. Comme le veut en effet l'adage populaire, une hirondelle ne fait pas le printemps. Soyons réalistes dans notre analyse. Ne surestimons pas, mais ne sousestimons pas non plus ce qui a été fait. Même un bon trimestre ne signifie donc pas que les turbulences économiques soient derrière nous. Mais il prouve que nous sommes sur la bonne voie. Sur la base des chiffres dont nous disposons et des évolutions que nous observons aujourd'hui, nous avons de bonnes raisons d'être confiants. Cela doit nous inciter à ne pas relâcher nos efforts. Nous le devons à tous ceux pour lesquels l'embellie n'est pas encore en vue, à tous ceux auxquels les améliorations constatées ne profitent pas encore. Nous le devons à nos 26 millions de chômeurs. En particulier aux jeunes, qui se tournent vers nous en nous demandant de leur redonner espoir. Car l'espoir et la confiance font également partie de l'équation économique. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Si nous en sommes là aujourd'hui, c'est parce que nous avons agi avec la résolution nécessaire pour adapter notre vision politique et sa mise en œuvre concrète aux leçons que nous avons su tirer de la crise. Et quand je dis «nous», je pense réellement «nous»: il s'est réellement agi d'un effort conjoint. Vousmêmes, au sein de cette Assemblée, avez, à chaque étape, joué un rôle décisif, en accomplissant un travail législatif parmi les plus impressionnants jamais observés. Je pense personnellement que les citoyens européens ne le savent pas assez, et que vos mérites doivent être reconnus davantage. Aussi, je vous lance aujourd'hui un appel: continuons à travailler ensemble pour réformer nos économies, créer de la croissance et des emplois et adapter notre architecture institutionnelle. Car ce n'est qu'ainsi que nous surmonterons également cette phase de la crise. Il nous reste toutefois de grandes choses à accomplir ensemble au niveau européen, sous l'actuelle législature du Parlement et le présent mandat de la Commission. Ce que nous pouvons et devons faire avant tout, parlons concrètement, c'est réaliser l'union bancaire. C'est la première phase, la plus urgente, celle qui vise à approfondir notre Union économique et monétaire, telle qu'élaborée dans le programme de la Commission présenté à l'automne dernier. Le processus législatif concernant le mécanisme de surveillance unique est presque achevé. L'étape suivante est l'évaluation indépendante des actifs des banques par la BCE, avant qu'elle n'exerce son rôle de surveillance. Nous devons maintenant focaliser d'urgence notre attention sur le mécanisme de résolution unique. La proposition de la Commission est en cours d'examen depuis juillet et, ensemble, nous devons faire le nécessaire pour qu'elle soit encore adoptée pendant cette législature. C'est le moyen de garantir que les contribuables ne seront plus en première ligne pour payer le prix de la faillite bancaire. C'est le moyen de progresser vers une dissociation entre risque bancaire et risque souverain. C'est la voie à suivre pour remédier à l'un des résultats les plus alarmants et inacceptables de la crise: la fragmentation accrue du secteur financier et des marchés du crédit européens, voire une renationalisation qui ne dit pas son nom. C'est aussi la solution pour contribuer à revenir à des pratiques normales en matière de prêt à l'économie, et notamment aux PME, dans la mesure où, malgré la politique monétaire accommodante, l'afflux de crédits dans l'économie n'est pas encore suffisant au sein de la zone euro. Il convient de s'attaquer à cette question avec détermination. En définitive, il est question d'une chose, de croissance, laquelle est nécessaire pour résoudre le problème le plus urgent aujourd'hui, c'estàdire le chômage. Le niveau de chômage actuel est économiquement non viable, politiquement intenable et socialement inacceptable. C'est pourquoi nous voulons tous ici à la Commission – et je me réjouis d'être entouré aujourd'hui de l'ensemble de mes commissaires – travailler activement avec vous et avec les États membres pour réaliser la plus grande partie possible de notre programme en faveur de la croissance; nous mobilisons tous les instruments, mais, bien entendu, soyons honnêtes, tous ne se situent pas au niveau européen, certains relèvent du niveau national. Je tiens à donner la priorité à la mise en œuvre des décisions relatives à l'emploi des jeunes et au financement de l'économie réelle. Nous devons éviter le scénario d'une reprise sans création d'emplois. L'Europe doit donc accélérer le rythme des réformes structurelles. Nos recommandations spécifiques par pays indiquent ce que les États membres doivent faire à cet égard. Au niveau de l'UE, car si certaines choses peuvent être faites au niveau national, d'autres peuvent l'être au niveau européen, l'accent doit être mis sur ce qui importe le plus pour l'économie réelle: il faut avant tout exploiter pleinement le potentiel du marché unique. Notre marché unique des marchandises fonctionne bien et nous constatons les avantages économiques de ce système. Nous devons appliquer la même formule à d'autres secteurs: la mobilité, les communications, l'énergie, les finances et le commerce électronique, pour n'en citer que quelquesuns. Nous devons supprimer les obstacles qui entravent l'activité des entreprises et des particuliers dynamiques. Nous devons achever l'interconnexion en Europe. Je vous annonce qu'aujourd'hui, nous allons formellement adopter une proposition qui donne une impulsion à la mise en place d'un marché unique des télécommunications. Les citoyens savent que l'Europe a considérablement réduit les coûts d'itinérance. Notre proposition renforcera les garanties, réduira encore les prix pour les consommateurs et offrira de nouvelles possibilités aux entreprises. Nous savons qu'à l'avenir, le commerce passera de plus en plus par la voie numérique. N'estil pas paradoxal que nous ayons un marché intérieur pour les biens, mais que, lorsqu'il s'agit du marché numérique, nous ayons 28 marchés nationaux? Comment saisir toutes les possibilités qu'offre l'économie numérique si nous n'achevons pas ce marché intérieur? La même logique s'applique à la stratégie numérique dont la portée est plus vaste, qui vise à résoudre les problèmes réels et à améliorer la vie quotidienne des citoyens. La force de la future base industrielle de l'Europe dépendra de la façon dont les personnes et les entreprises sont interconnectées. Et en combinant correctement la stratégie numérique et la protection des données et de la vie privée, notre modèle européen renforcera la confiance des citoyens. En ce qui concerne les évolutions tant internes qu'externes, l'adoption de la législation proposée sur la protection des données revêt une importance capitale pour la Commission européenne. Le marché unique constitue un levier essentiel pour la compétitivité et l'emploi. En adoptant toutes les propositions restantes dans le cadre de l'Acte pour le marché unique I et II, et en mettant en œuvre le mécanisme pour l'interconnexion en Europe au cours des prochains mois, nous jetterons les bases de la prospérité pour les années à venir. Nous nous adaptons également à une transformation dynamique à l'échelle mondiale, et nous devons donc encourager ce dynamisme innovant à l'échelle européenne. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous devons également investir davantage dans l'innovation, la technologie et le rôle de la science. J'ai une confiance immense dans la science, dans la capacité de l'esprit humain et dans la créativité de la société pour résoudre ses problèmes. Le monde est en pleine mutation. Et je crois qu'un grand nombre de solutions viendront à l'avenir, en Europe comme dans le reste du monde, des nouvelles recherches scientifiques et des nouvelles technologies. Et je souhaite que l'Europe soit à la pointe de ces efforts au niveau mondial. C'est pourquoi nous, Parlement et Commission, avons fait d'Horizon 2020 une priorité dans les discussions sur le budget de l'UE. C'est pourquoi nous utilisons le budget de l'UE pour investir dans les compétences, l'éducation et la formation professionnelle, dynamisant et soutenant ainsi un réservoir de talents. C'est pourquoi nous avons plaidé en faveur d'Erasmus Plus. Et c'est pourquoi, dans le courant de l'automne, nous formulerons de nouvelles propositions en faveur d'une politique industrielle adaptée au XXIe siècle. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous nous mobilisons en faveur des PME, car nous sommes convaincus qu'un tissu industriel solide est indispensable à une économie européenne forte. Et tout en luttant contre le changement climatique, nos objectifs «202020» ont engagé notre économie sur la voie de la croissance verte et de l'utilisation efficace des ressources, en réduisant les coûts et en créant des emplois. D'ici à la fin de l'année, nous présenterons des propositions concrètes concernant notre cadre pour l'énergie et le climat à l'horizon 2030. Et nous continuerons à définir la stratégie internationale en précisant d'ici à 2015, en collaboration avec nos partenaires, le contenu d'un accord mondial sur le climat, qui sera global et juridiquement contraignant. L'Europe ne peut consentir seule tous les efforts pour lutter contre le changement climatique. Vraiment, nous avons besoin des autres aussi. Parallèlement, nous poursuivrons nos travaux sur l'impact des prix de l'énergie sur la compétitivité et sur la cohésion sociale. Tous ces facteurs de croissance s'inscrivent dans notre stratégie «Europe 2020». Sa mise en œuvre intégrale et rapide est plus urgente que jamais. Dans certains cas, nous devons même aller audelà de l'agenda 2020. Cela signifie que nous devons également poursuivre notre politique commerciale active et ferme. Il s'agit de nous rapprocher des marchés en expansion des pays tiers et d'assurer notre place dans la chaîne d'approvisionnement mondiale. Contrairement à la perception de la majorité de nos concitoyens, qui pensent que nous sommes perdants dans la mondialisation, nous disposons d'un excédent commercial important, de plus de 300 milliards d'euros par an, et qui continue à croître, pour les biens et services et les produits agricoles. Nous devons tirer parti de cet avantage, ce qui nécessitera aussi toute notre attention dans les mois à venir, notamment dans le cadre du Partenariat transatlantique de commerce et d'investissement avec les ÉtatsUnis et des négociations avec le Canada et le Japon. Dernier élément et non des moindres, nous devons redoubler d'efforts pour mettre en œuvre le cadre financier pluriannuel, le budget européen. Le budget de l'UE est le levier le plus concret dont nous disposons pour stimuler les investissements. Dans certaines de nos régions, le budget de l'Union européenne est le seul moyen d'obtenir des investissements publics parce que les sources de financement n'existent pas au niveau national. Le Parlement européen et la Commission voulaient tous deux davantage de ressources. Nous nous sommes battus ensemble pour cela. Mais même en l'état, le budget de l'UE pour une seule année représente davantage d'argent (aux prix actuels) que l'intégralité du plan Marshall à l'époque! Assuronsnous maintenant que les programmes puissent commencer le 1er janvier 2014, que les résultats soient visibles sur le terrain et que nous exploitions les possibilités offertes par les financements innovants, qu'il s'agisse des instruments que nous avons déjà mis en place, des fonds de la BEI ou des emprunts obligataires pour le financement de projets. Nous devons concrétiser l'engagement que nous avons souscrit en juillet. En ce qui concerne la Commission, nous y parviendrons. Nous présenterons par exemple le deuxième budget rectificatif pour 2013 ce moisci encore. Il n'y a pas de temps à perdre; je vous mets donc en garde contre tout atermoiement. En particulier, je demande instamment aux États membres de ne pas retarder le processus. Je ne pourrai assez insister sur ce point: les discours et les promesses ne suffiront pas à convaincre les citoyens; seule une série de réalisations communes concrètes y parviendra. Nous devons montrer les nombreux domaines dans lesquels l'Europe a réglé les problèmes des citoyens. L'Europe n'est pas la cause des problèmes, l'Europe est une partie de la solution. J'aborde de manière plus approfondie ce qu'il nous reste à faire dans la lettre adressée aujourd'hui au Président du Parlement européen, que vous avez également reçue. Je n'entrerai pas ici dans les détails en ce qui concerne le programme pour l'année prochaine. Mon propos aujourd'hui est clair: il reste beaucoup à accomplir ensemble avant les élections. Il n'est pas l'heure de jeter l'éponge, mais de se retrousser les manches! Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Aucune de ces réalisations n'est facile. Nous connaissons des temps difficiles, et l'Union doit faire face à un véritable test de résistance. Le chemin qui mène à des réformes permanentes et profondes est aussi éprouvant qu'inévitable. Ne nous y trompons pas: nous ne pourrons pas revenir à la situation que nous connaissions. Certains pensent que la crise passée, tout redeviendra comme au bon vieux temps. Ils se trompent. Cette crise est différente. Il ne s'agit pas d'une crise cyclique, mais d'une crise structurelle. Nous ne reviendrons pas à la normale telle que nous la connaissions avant. Nous devons inventer une nouvelle normalité. Nous nous trouvons à une époque charnière de l'histoire. Nous devons le comprendre, et pas seulement le dire. Mais nous devons en tirer toutes les conséquences, y compris pour notre état d'esprit et pour notre réaction aux problèmes. Nous voyons d'après les premiers résultats que cela est possible. Et nous savons tous par expérience que cela est nécessaire. Dans l'état actuel des choses, la reprise étant fragile, le plus grand risque de détérioration que je vois est de nature politique: un manque de stabilité et un manque de détermination. Au cours des dernières années, nous avons constaté que tout ce qui fait planer le doute sur l'engagement des gouvernements à réformer est instantanément sanctionné. En revanche, des décisions fortes et convaincantes ont un effet important et immédiat. À ce stade de la crise, le rôle des gouvernements est d'assurer la sécurité et la prévisibilité qui font encore défaut aux marchés. Vous connaissez très certainement Juste Lipse, qui a donné son nom au bâtiment du Conseil à Bruxelles. C'était un humaniste très influent du XVIe siècle, auteur d'un ouvrage majeur intitulé Traité de la constance. «La constance», écrivaitil, «est la force inébranlable d'un esprit droit qui ne se laisse exalter ni abattre par les choses extérieures ou fortuites.» Seule une «fermeté établie dans l'esprit», précisaitil, «par le jugement et la droite raison» peut vous aider en ces moments préoccupants empreints de confusion. J'espère que dans les moments difficiles que nous connaissons, nous saurons tous, y compris les représentants des gouvernements qui se rencontrent au Juste Lispe, faire preuve de cette détermination et de cette persévérance lorsqu'il faudra mettre en œuvre les décisions qui ont été prises. En effet, l'un des défis à relever est de nous montrer cohérents: il ne s'agit pas seulement de prendre des décisions, encore fautil pouvoir les mettre en œuvre sur le terrain. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Il est parfaitement naturel qu'au cours des dernières années, nos efforts pour surmonter la crise économique aient occulté tout le reste. Mais notre idée de l'Europe doit aller bien audelà de l'économie. Nous sommes bien plus qu'un marché. L'idéal européen touche aux fondements mêmes de la société européenne. Il s'agit de valeurs, et je souligne ce terme: valeurs. Cet idéal repose sur un profond attachement à des normes politiques, sociales et économiques, ancrées dans notre économie sociale de marché. Dans le monde d'aujourd'hui, l'action au niveau de l'UE est indispensable pour protéger ces normes et valeurs et promouvoir les droits des citoyens, qu'il s'agisse de la protection des consommateurs ou des droits des travailleurs, des droits de la femme ou du respect des minorités, des normes environnementales ou de la protection des données et de la vie privée. Qu'il s'agisse de défendre nos intérêts dans le commerce international, d'assurer notre approvisionnement énergétique ou de rétablir le sentiment d'équité au sein de la population en luttant contre la fraude et l'évasion fiscales: ce n'est qu'en agissant en tant qu'Union que nous assumerons notre part de responsabilité sur la scène mondiale. Qu'il s'agisse d'essayer de donner un effet maximal à l'aide humanitaire et au développement que nous apportons aux pays en développement, de gérer nos frontières extérieures communes ou de mettre en place en Europe une politique de sécurité et de défense forte: ce n'est qu'en approfondissant notre intégration que nous pourrons réellement atteindre ces objectifs. Il n'y a pas l'ombre d'un doute. Notre cohérence interne et notre poids sur la scène internationale sont indissociables. Notre attractivité économique et la dynamique politique qui nous anime sont fondamentalement liées. Qui pourrait sérieusement penser que, si l'euro s'était effondré, nous ou nos États membres aurions conservé une quelconque crédibilité sur la scène internationale? Souvenonsnous comment l'élargissement a permis de guérir les plaies profondes de notre histoire et d'établir la démocratie là où nul n'aurait pensé que cela fût possible. Ou comment la politique de voisinage a été et reste le meilleur moyen d'assurer la sécurité et la prospérité dans des régions d'une importance capitale pour l'Europe. Où serionsnous aujourd'hui sans tout cela? Aujourd'hui, des pays comme l'Ukraine sont plus que jamais demandeurs de liens plus étroits avec l'Union européenne, attirés par notre modèle économique et social. Nous ne pouvons pas leur tourner le dos. Nous ne pouvons accepter les tentatives visant à limiter les choix souverains de ces pays. Le libre arbitre et le libre consentement de chacun doivent être respectés. Ce sont également les principes qui sont à la base de notre partenariat oriental, que nous voulons faire progresser lors de notre sommet de Vilnius. Souvenonsnous à quel point l'Europe a souffert de ses guerres au cours du siècle dernier, et comment l'intégration européenne a été la réponse valable. L'année prochaine, il y aura cent ans que la Première Guerre mondiale a éclaté. Une guerre qui, de Sarajevo aux plaines de la Somme, a déchiré notre continent. Ne considérons jamais la paix comme un acquis! Rappelonsnous que c'est grâce à l'Europe que les ennemis d'hier sont assis à la même table et travaillent ensemble aujourd'hui. C'est uniquement parce qu'on leur a offert une perspective européenne que même la Serbie et le Kosovo sont désormais parvenus un accord, sous la médiation de l'Union. Le prix Nobel de la Paix que nous avons reçu l'an dernier nous a rappelé cette réussite historique: l'Europe est un projet de paix. Nous devrions en avoir davantage conscience nousmêmes. Quelquefois je me dis que nous ne devrions pas craindre d'être fiers. Pas arrogants. Mais plus fiers. Nous devons regarder vers l'avenir, mais avec la sagesse que nous avons acquise dans le passé. Que les choses soient claires pour toutes celles et tous ceux qui se réjouissent des difficultés de l'Europe et souhaitent détricoter notre intégration et revenir à l'isolement: nos concitoyens ne veulent pas, et ne méritent pas, un retour à l'Europe d'avant l'intégration, à l'Europe des divisions, à l'Europe de la guerre, à l'Europe des tranchées. Jamais dans son histoire notre continent n'a connu si longue période de paix que depuis la création de la Communauté européenne. Il est de notre devoir de la préserver et de la consolider. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, C'est justement forts de nos valeurs que nous essayons de trouver une solution à la situation insupportable de la Syrie, qui, au cours des derniers mois, a mis à rude épreuve la conscience du monde. L'Union européenne a été à la pointe de l'aide humanitaire internationale, en mobilisant près de 1,5 milliard d'euros, dont 850 millions proviennent directement du budget de l'Union. La Commission fera tout ce qui est en son pouvoir pour aider le peuple syrien et les réfugiés syriens dans les pays voisins. Nous avons récemment assisté à des événements que nous pensions appartenir à une époque révolue depuis longtemps. L'utilisation d'armes chimiques est un acte ignoble qui appelle la condamnation la plus ferme et une réponse vigoureuse. La communauté internationale, rassemblée au sein de l'ONU, porte la responsabilité collective de sanctionner ces actes et de mettre un terme à ce conflit. La proposition de démanteler l'arsenal chimique syrien est une évolution prometteuse. Le régime syrien doit maintenant prouver sa volonté de mettre en œuvre ce démantèlement sans délai. En Europe, nous pensons qu'en définitive, seule une solution politique offrira une bonne chance d'assurer la paix durable que le peuple syrien mérite. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, D'aucuns affirment qu'une Europe plus faible rendrait leur pays plus fort, que l'Europe est un fardeau; qu'ils s'en sortiraient mieux sans elle. À ceuxlà je dis sans détour: nous avons tous besoin d'une Europe unie, forte et ouverte. Le débat en cours dans toute l'Europe se résume, en définitive, à la question suivante: Voulonsnous améliorer l'Europe, ou y renoncer? Ma réponse est claire: engageonsnous! Si l'Europe ne vous plaît comme elle est, améliorezla! Trouvez des moyens de la rendre plus forte sur le plan intérieur et international, et je serai votre meilleur soutien. Trouvez des moyens d'assurer la diversité sans créer de discriminations, et je serai toujours à vos côtés. Mais ne vous détournez pas de l'Europe! Je le reconnais: comme toute entreprise humaine, l'Union européenne n'est pas parfaite. Par exemple, les controverses sur la répartition des tâches entre les niveaux national et européen ne seront jamais définitivement closes. J'attache beaucoup d'importance à la subsidiarité. Pour moi, la subsidiarité n'est pas un concept technique. C'est un principe démocratique fondamental. Une union sans cesse plus étroite entre les citoyens européens exige que les décisions soient prises de manière aussi transparente que possible et au niveau le plus proche possible des gens. Tous les problèmes ne doivent pas être réglés au niveau européen. L'Europe doit se concentrer sur les domaines où elle peut apporter une valeur ajoutée maximale. Lorsque cela n'est pas le cas, elle ne devrait pas intervenir. L'Union européenne doit être très visible sur les grands enjeux, plus discrète sur les questions de moindre importance; c'est là quelque chose que nous avons peutêtre parfois négligé par le passé. L'UE doit montrer qu'elle a la capacité de fixer des priorités à la fois positives et négatives. Comme tout gouvernement, nous devons veiller en particulier à la qualité et à la quantité des règles que nous adoptons, car, pour citer Montesquieu, «les lois inutiles affaiblissent les lois nécessaires». Mais il y a, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, des domaines d'importance majeure où l'Europe doit être plus intégrée et plus unie. Où seule une Europe forte peut donner des résultats. Je suis convaincu que l'union politique doit être notre cap, comme je l'ai souligné devant vous dans cet hémicycle il y a un an. Ce n'est pas seulement la demande d'un Européen passionné. C'est la voie à suivre indispensable pour consolider les progrès accomplis et assurer l'avenir. Car en fin de compte, la solidité de nos politiques, et notamment de l'Union économique et monétaire, dépend de la crédibilité de la structure politique et institutionnelle sur laquelle elle repose. C'est pourquoi, dans son Projet détaillé pour une Union économique et monétaire véritable et approfondie, la Commission a présenté non seulement les caractéristiques économiques et monétaires de ce projet, mais aussi les impératifs, les possibilités et les limites d'un approfondissement de notre cadre institutionnel à moyen et long termes. La Commission poursuivra ses efforts pour mettre en œuvre son projet détaillé, pas à pas, étape après étape. Et je confirme, comme je l'ai annoncé l'année dernière, que nous avons l'intention de présenter, avant les élections européennes, de nouvelles idées sur l'avenir de l'Union et sur la meilleure manière de consolider la méthode et l'approche communautaire à long terme. Ainsi, ces idées pourront faire l'objet d'un véritable débat européen. Nous y définirons les principes et orientations nécessaires à une véritable union politique. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Nous ne pourrons relever les défis actuels qu'en renforçant le consensus sur les objectifs fondamentaux. Sur le plan politique, nous ne devons pas nous laisser diviser par les différences entre les pays de la zone euro et ceux qui n'en font pas partie, entre ceux du centre et ceux de la périphérie, entre ceux du nord et ceux du sud, ou entre ceux de l'est et ceux de l'ouest. L'Union européenne doit rester un projet pour tous ses membres, une communauté de membres égaux. Sur le plan économique, l'Europe a toujours contribué à réduire les écarts entre les pays, les régions et les peuples. Et cela doit continuer. Nous ne pouvons pas faire le travail des États membres à leur place. Cette responsabilité reste la leur. Mais nous pouvons et nous devons la compléter par la responsabilité et la solidarité européennes. C'est pourquoi le renforcement de la dimension sociale, avec l'aide de nos partenaires sociaux, sera une priorité dans les mois à venir. Le 2 octobre, la Commission présentera sa communication sur la dimension sociale de l'Union économique et monétaire. La solidarité est l'un des éléments qui donnent tout son sens à l'Europe, et dont il y a lieu d'être fier. La sauvegarde de ses valeurs, telles que l'État de droit, a toujours été la raison d'être de l'Union européenne, depuis ses commencements jusqu'aux dernières étapes de son élargissement. Dans le discours sur l'état de l'Union de l'an dernier, à un moment où l'État de droit était mis en cause au sein même de nos États membres, j'ai souligné la nécessité de trouver une voie médiane entre, d'une part, la persuasion politique et les procédures d'infraction ciblées, et, d'autre part, ce que j'ai appelé l'option «nucléaire» prévue à l'article 7 du traité, à savoir la suspension des droits d'un État membre. L'expérience a confirmé toute l'utilité de la Commission dans son rôle d'arbitre indépendant et impartial. Nous devons consolider cette expérience en adoptant un cadre plus général, fondé sur le principe d'égalité entre États membres, et qui ne serait activé, en fonction de critères prédéfinis, que dans les situations où une menace grave et systémique planerait sur l'État de droit. La Commission va présenter une communication à ce sujet. Je pense qu'il s'agit d'un débat essentiel pour notre vision de l'Europe. La souveraineté nationale et la démocratie n'en seront pas amoindries pour la cause. Mais nous avons vraiment besoin d'un mécanisme européen robuste qui fasse bouger les lignes lorsque des principes fondamentaux communs sont en jeu. Il est des valeurs non négociables que l'Union et ses États membres doivent toujours défendre et défendront toujours. Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, La polarisation que la crise a entraînée est une menace pour nous tous et pour le projet européen. Nous, les représentants politiques légitimes de l'Union européenne, pouvons inverser la tendance. Vous, les représentants démocratiques d'Europe, directement élus, serez aux avantpostes du débat politique. Ma question est la suivante: quelle image de l'Europe sera présentée aux électeurs? La version sincère, ou la version caricaturale? Les mythes ou les faits? La version honnête et raisonnable, ou la version extrême et populiste? La différence est importante. Je sais qu'il y aura des gens pour dire que c'est l'Europe qui est responsable de la crise et des dures épreuves qu'elle a engendrées. Mais nous pouvons rappeler que ce n'est pas l'Europe qui est à l'origine de cette crise: celleci a été provoquée par la mauvaise gestion des finances publiques par les gouvernements nationaux et par des comportements irresponsables sur les marchés financiers. Nous pouvons expliquer comment l'Europe a travaillé à résoudre la crise. Ce que nous aurions perdu si nous n'étions pas parvenus à maintenir le marché unique, qui était menacé, et la monnaie commune, dont certains prédisaient la fin. Ou si nous n'avions pas coordonné les efforts de relance et les initiatives pour l'emploi. Certains diront que l'Europe force les gouvernements à réduire les dépenses. Toutefois, nous pouvons rappeler aux électeurs que les dettes publiques avaient déjà largement dérapé avant la crise, non pas à cause de l'Europe, mais malgré elle. Nous pouvons ajouter que si nous relâchons nos efforts maintenant, ce seront les personnes les plus fragiles de nos sociétés, ainsi que nos enfants, qui finiront par en payer le prix. La vérité, c'est que les pays de la zone euro comme ceux qui n'en font pas partie, les pays d'Europe comme ceux du reste du monde, font des efforts pour réduire le lourd fardeau qui pèse sur leurs finances publiques. Certains feront campagne en disant que nous avons donné trop d'argent aux pays vulnérables. Certains feront campagne en disant que nous leur en avons donné trop peu. Toutefois, chacun d'entre nous pourra expliquer ce que nous avons fait et pourquoi nous l'avons fait: il y a un lien direct entre les emprunts d'un pays et les banques d'un autre, entre les investissements d'un pays et les entreprises d'un autre, entre les travailleurs d'un pays et les sociétés d'un autre. Cette interdépendance fait que seules les solutions européennes sont efficaces. Mon propos est le suivant: lorsqu'on est dans un même bateau, on ne peut pas dire: «le bateau coule de ton côté». Nous étions dans le même bateau quand la situation était favorable, et nous y sommes toujours maintenant qu'elle est difficile. Certains pourraient faire campagne en disant que l'Europe s'est arrogé trop de pouvoir. D'autres prétendront que l'Europe fait toujours trop peu, trop tard. Il est intéressant de relever que ce sont parfois les mêmes qui disent que l'Europe n'en fait pas assez et qui refusent de lui donner les moyens nécessaires. Mais nous pouvons expliquer que l'Europe s'est vu confier ses tâches et ses compétences par les États membres. L'Union européenne n'est pas une puissance étrangère. Elle résulte de décisions démocratiques prises par les institutions européennes et les États membres. Cependant, nous devons reconnaître que dans certains domaines, l'Europe n'a toujours pas le pouvoir de faire ce qu'on lui demande. Ceux et ils sont nombreux qui aiment attribuer les échecs à l'Europe et les succès aux États nationaux l'oublient bien trop facilement. Au bout du compte, ce que nous avons, tout comme ce que nous n'avons pas, est le fruit d'un processus décisionnel démocratique. Et je pense que nous devons le rappeler aux citoyens. Mesdames, Messieurs, Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, J'ose croire que le Parlement européen relèvera ce défi avec tout l'idéalisme qui l'anime, et avec autant de réalisme et de détermination que les circonstances actuelles l'exigent. Les arguments sont connus. Les faits sont connus. L'ordre du jour a été exposé. Dans 8 mois, les électeurs décideront. Aujourd'hui, c'est à nous qu'il appartient de plaider pour l'Europe. Nous pouvons le faire en utilisant les huit mois qui viennent pour prendre autant de mesures que possible. Il nous reste beaucoup à faire. Nous devons notamment adopter et mettre en œuvre le budget européen, le cadre financier pluriannuel, crucial pour les investissements dans toutes les régions d'Europe. C'est indispensable pour affronter la première de nos priorités: la lutte contre le chômage, et en particulier contre le chômage des jeunes. Nous devons également faire progresser et mettre en œuvre l'union bancaire. C'est essentiel pour régler le problème du financement des entreprises et des PME. Voici nos priorités claires: l'emploi et la croissance. Notre travail n'est pas terminé. Il entre dans une phase décisive. En effet, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, l'enjeu des élections ne sera pas seulement le Parlement européen. Ni la Commission. Ni le Conseil. Ni telle ou telle personnalité. C'est l'Europe ellemême qui sera au cœur de ce scrutin. C'est ensemble que nous serons jugés. Dès lors, travaillons ensemble pour l'Europe. Avec passion et détermination. Ne l'oublions pas: il y a 100 ans, l'Europe s'est laissée entraîner dans l'abîme de la guerre de 1914. L'an prochain, en 2014, j'espère la voir sortir de la crise plus unie, plus forte et plus ouverte. Merci pour votre attention. Président de la Commission européenne Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les membres du Parlement européen, C'est aujourd'hui la première fois que, dans le cadre de mon mandat de Président de la Commission européenne, j'ai l'honneur de m'adresser à cette assemblée sur l'état de l'Union européenne. Je voudrais donc vous rappeler l'importance politique de ce moment institutionnel très particulier. Le discours sur l’état de l’Union est explicitement prévu par l'accordcadre sur les relations entre le Parlement européen et la Commission européenne. Cet accord prévoit que «[c]haque année au cours de la première période de session de septembre, a lieu un débat sur l'état de l'Union à l'occasion duquel le Président de la Commission prononce une allocution dans laquelle il dresse le bilan de l'année en cours et esquisse les priorités pour les années suivantes. À cette fin, le Président de la Commission précisera parallèlement par écrit au Parlement les éléments clés présidant à l'élaboration du programme de travail de la Commission pour l'année suivante.» Le discours sur l'état de l'Union exige donc du Président de la Commission qu'il fasse le point sur la situation actuelle de notre Union européenne et définisse les priorités de travail pour l'avenir. Il lance aussi le processus interinstitutionnel menant au nouveau programme de travail de la Commission pour l'année prochaine. Avec Frans Timmermans, mon premier viceprésident, j'ai envoyé ce matin une lettre aux présidents des deux bras du pouvoir législatif européen, au président Martin Schulz et au Premier ministre du Luxembourg Xavier Bettel, qui assure en ce moment la présidence tournante du Conseil. Cette lettre présente en détail les nombreuses actions que la Commission entend prendre, par voie législative ou autre, d'ici à la fin de 2016. Nous proposons un programme législatif ambitieux, ciblé et dense, qui demandera à ce que la Commission, le Parlement et le Conseil coopèrent de façon étroite et efficace. Je n’entrerai pas maintenant dans les détails de notre programme législatif. Nous aurons avec le Parlement et le Conseil un dialogue structuré à ce sujet dans les semaines à venir. Mais je pense qu’aujourd’hui, ce n'est pas le moment de parler de tout cela. Je suis le premier président de la Commission dont la nomination et l’élection ont découlé directement du résultat des élections au Parlement européen, en mai 2014. Ayant fait campagne en tant que tête de liste pour ces élections, j’avais la possibilité d’être un Président plus politique. Ce rôle politique est prévu par les traités, en vertu desquels les États membres ont fait de la Commission le promoteur de l’intérêt général de l’Union. Mais les années de crise ont mis à mal cette compréhension du rôle de la Commission. C’est pourquoi j’avais déclaré devant cette assemblée, en septembre dernier, que je souhaitais présider une Commission politique. Une Commission très politique. J'ai dit cela, non pas parce que je pense que nous pouvons et devons tout politiser. Je l’ai dit parce que j'ai la conviction que les immenses défis auxquels l’Europe est actuellement confrontée — tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur — ne nous laissent pas d’autre choix que d'y faire face dans une perspective très politique, de manière très politique et en ayant bien à l’esprit les conséquences politiques de nos décisions. Les événements récents ont confirmé l’urgente nécessité d'une telle approche politique dans l’Union européenne. Ce n'est pas le moment d'utiliser les recettes habituelles. Ce n'est pas le moment de cocher des listes ou de vérifier si telle ou telle initiative sectorielle a trouvé sa place dans le discours sur l’état de l’Union. Ce n'est pas le moment de compter combien de fois les mots «social», «économique» ou «durable» figurent dans ce discours. C'est le moment, en revanche, de l’honnêteté. C'est le moment de parler franchement des grands problèmes de l’Union européenne. Parce que notre Union européenne ne va pas bien. Il n’y a pas assez d’Europe dans cette Union. Et il n’y a pas assez d’Union dans cette Union. Nous devons changer cela, et c'est maintenant que nous devons le faire. La crise des réfugiés: l'impératif d’agir en tant qu’Union Quoi qu'en disent les programmes de travail ou législatifs, la priorité absolue, aujourd’hui, est et doit être de répondre à la crise des réfugiés. Depuis le début de l’année, près de 500 000 personnes ont gagné l'Europe. La plupart d’entre elles fuient la guerre en Syrie, la terreur instaurée par l’État islamique en Libye ou la dictature en Érythrée. Les États membres les plus touchés sont la Grèce, avec plus de 213 000 réfugiés, la Hongrie, avec plus de 145 000 et l’Italie, avec plus de 115 000. Ces chiffres sont impressionnants. Pour certains, ils sont effrayants. Mais ce n'est pas le moment de laisser la peur s'exprimer. L'heure est à une action audacieuse, déterminée et concertée de l’Union européenne, de ses institutions et de tous ses États membres. C'est tout d'abord une question d’humanité et de dignité humaine. Pour l’Europe, c'est aussi une question de justice au regard de l'Histoire. Nous, Européens, devons nous souvenir que l’Europe est un continent où presque chacun a un jour été un réfugié. Notre histoire commune est marquée par ces millions d’Européens qui ont fui les persécutions religieuses ou politiques, la guerre, la dictature ou l’oppression. Les Huguenots qui ont fui la France au 17e siècle. Les Juifs, les Sintis, les Roms, et bien d'autres qui ont fui l'Allemagne dans les années 1930 et 1940 pour échapper à l’horreur nazie. Les républicains espagnols qui ont fui pour trouver refuge dans des camps au sud de la France à la fin des années 1930, après leur défaite dans la guerre civile. Les révolutionnaires hongrois qui ont fui vers l’Autriche après que leur soulèvement contre le régime communiste a été écrasé par les chars soviétiques en 1956. Les citoyens tchèques et slovaques qui ont cherché asile dans d’autres pays d'Europe après la répression du printemps de Prague en 1968. Les centaines, les milliers de personnes forcées d'abandonner leur foyer après les guerres dans l'exYougoslavie. Avonsnous oublié pourquoi il y a plus de personnes portant le nom de McDonald et vivant aux ÉtatsUnis qu'il y en a en Ecosse ? Pourquoi il y a plus de O’Neill et de Murphy vivant aux ÉtatsUnis qu'en Irlande ? Avonsnous oublié que 20 millions de personnes d’origine polonaise vivent hors de Pologne, du fait des mouvements d’émigration politique et économique provoqués par les nombreux déplacements de frontières, les expulsions forcées et les réinstallations qui ont marqué l’histoire, souvent douloureuse, de la Pologne ? Avonsnous vraiment oublié qu'après les ravages de la seconde guerre mondiale, 60 millions de personnes étaient des réfugiés en Europe ? Qu’après cette expérience terrible vécue par l'Europe, un système de protection mondial, la convention de Genève de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés, a été créé pour accorder un refuge à ceux qui, en Europe, devaient sauter pardessus les murs pour échapper aux guerres et à l’oppression totalitaire ? Nous, Européens, devrions savoir, et ne jamais oublier, la raison pour laquelle il est si important d'accueillir les réfugiés et de respecter ce droit fondamental qu'est le droit d’asile. J’ai dit dans le passé que nous étions trop rarement fiers de notre héritage européen et de notre projet européen. Pourtant, malgré notre fragilité, malgré ce que nous percevons comme nos faiblesses, c'est l’Europe qui, aujourd'hui, est vue comme une terre de refuge et d’asile. C'est l’Europe qui, aujourd’hui, aux yeux des femmes et des hommes du MoyenOrient et d'Afrique, représente l’espoir, un havre de stabilité. Nous devrions en être fiers et non pas en avoir peur. L’Europe d’aujourd’hui, malgré toutes les différences qui existent entre ses États membres, est de loin le continent au monde le plus prospère et le plus stable. Nous avons les moyens d’aider ceux qui fuient la guerre, la terreur et l’oppression. Je le sais, beaucoup aimeraient me dire que tout cela est bien, mais que l’Europe ne peut pas accueillir tout le monde. C'est vrai que l’Europe ne peut accueillir toute la misère du monde. Mais soyons honnêtes, et remettons les choses en perspective. Il est certain que l'Europe voit en ce moment affluer un nombre de réfugiés important et sans précédent. Mais ils ne représentent jamais que 0,11 % de la population totale de l’UE. Au Liban, les réfugiés représentent 25 % de la population. Et cela, dans un pays où les gens sont cinq fois moins riches que dans l’Union européenne. Nous devons aussi parler un langage clair et honnête à nos citoyens, souvent inquiets: tant que la guerre durera en Syrie et que la terreur règnera en Libye, la crise des réfugiés ne pourra se résoudre d'ellemême. Nous pouvons construire des murs, nous pouvons ériger des clôtures. Mais imaginez un instant que ce soit vous qui vous trouviez dans cette situation, votre enfant dans les bras, et tout votre univers quotidien qui s'écroule. Il n'y a pas de prix que vous ne seriez prêt à payer, pas de mur, de mer ou de frontière que vous ne seriez prêt à franchir pour fuir la guerre ou la barbarie du soidisant «État islamique». Il est donc grand temps d’agir pour gérer la crise des réfugiés. Il n’y a pas d’alternative. On s'est beaucoup montré du doigt ces dernières semaines. Les États membres se sont accusés mutuellement de ne pas en faire assez ou de mal faire. Et plus d'une fois, c'est Bruxelles qui a été montrée du doigt par les capitales nationales. Ce jeu de reproches mutuels pourrait nous mettre en colère. Mais je me demande qui y gagnerait. Etre en colère n'aide personne. Et en tentant de rejeter la faute sur les autres, les femmes et hommes politiques ne font souvent que montrer qu'ils sont dépassés par des évènements imprévus. Nous devrions plutôt rappeler ce sur quoi nous nous sommes déjà mis d'accord et qui peut nous aider à faire face à la situation actuelle. Il est temps de voir ce qui est déjà sur la table et d'avancer rapidement. Nous ne partons pas de zéro. Depuis le début des années 2000, la Commission a présenté initiative législative sur initiative législative pour bâtir un système européen commun d'asile. Et le Parlement européen et le Conseil ont adopté ces propositions, l'une après l'autre. La dernière pièce de cet édifice législatif est entré en vigueur en juillet 2015. Nous avons aujourd'hui dans toute l'Europe des normes communes pour l'accueil des demandeurs d'asile dans le respect de leur dignité, et pour le traitement de leurs demandes d'asile et nous avons des critères communs que nos systèmes judiciaires indépendants utilisent pour déterminer si une personne a droit à une protection internationale. Mais il faut que ces critères soient appliqués et respectés dans la pratique. Clairement, ce n'est pas encore le cas, nous le voyons chaque jour à la télévision. Avant l'été, la Commission a dû lancer une première série de 32 procédures d'infraction pour rappeler les États membres à leurs engagements. Et une deuxième série suivra dans les jours qui viennent. Tous les États membres doivent appliquer la législation européenne. Cela doit aller de soi dans une Union fondée sur l'État de droit. L'existence de normes communes en matière d'asile est une condition importante mais pas suffisante pour répondre à la crise actuelle des réfugiés. La Commission, le Parlement et le Conseil l'ont dit au printemps. En mai, la Commission a présenté un programme européen global en matière de migration. Et il serait malhonnête de dire que depuis, rien ne s’est passé. Nous avons triplé notre présence en mer. Plus de 122 000 vies ont pu être sauvées depuis. Chaque vie perdue est une de trop, mais beaucoup plus de vies ont été sauvées que cela aurait été le cas autrement – une augmentation de 250 %. 29 États membres de l’Union et pays associés à l’espace Schengen participent aux opérations conjointes coordonnées par Frontex en Italie, en Grèce et en Hongrie. 102 officiers invités provenant de 20 pays; 31 navires; 3 hélicoptères; 4 avions; 8 véhicules de patrouille, 6 véhicules avec caméra thermique et 4 véhicules de transport – c'est une première mesure de ce qu'est la solidarité européenne en action, même s'il faut faire encore bien plus. Nous avons redoublé d’efforts pour empêcher les passeurs de nuire et démanteler les organisations de traite des êtres humains. Comme il est devenu plus difficile de se procurer des navires bon marché, moins de personnes risquent leur vie sur des embarcations de fortune impropres à la navigation en mer. Grâce à ces mesures, le nombre de migrants ayant emprunté la voie de la Méditerranée centrale s’est stabilisé autour de 115 000 sur le mois d’août, soit le même nombre que l’an dernier. Nous devons à présent stabiliser de la même manière le passage par les Balkans, qui a été manifestement négligé par tous les responsables politiques. L’Union européenne est également le premier donateur dans le cadre des efforts internationaux faits pour répondre à la crise des réfugiés syriens. La Commission et les États membres ont mobilisé quelque 4 milliards d'euros pour l'assistance humanitaire, l'aide au développement, l'assistance économique et de stabilisation aux Syriens dans leur pays ainsi qu'aux réfugiés et aux communautés qui les ont accueillis dans les pays voisins: le Liban, la Jordanie, l’Iraq, la Turquie et l’Égypte. Aujourd’hui même, nous avons lancé deux nouveaux projets pour la scolarisation et la sécurité alimentaire en faveur de 240 000 réfugiés syriens en Turquie. Par solidarité avec nos voisins, nous nous sommes collectivement engagés à permettre à plus de 22 000 personnes originaires de pays non européens de s'installer dans l'Union l'an prochain. Cette contribution reste évidemment très modeste par rapport aux efforts titanesques déployés par la Turquie, la Jordanie et le Liban, qui accueillent plus de 4 millions de réfugiés syriens. Je me réjouis de constater que certains États membres ont exprimé leur volonté d'intensifier l'effort européen en matière de réinstallation. Cela nous permettra de proposer prochainement un système structuré pour mettre en commun plus systématiquement les efforts européens de réinstallation. Là où l’Europe n'est pas à la hauteur, c'est sur notre solidarité collective à l’égard des réfugiés arrivés sur notre territoire. Pour moi, il ne fait pas de doute que les États membres où le plus grand nombre de réfugiés arrivent en premier dans l'Union en ce moment il s'agit de l’Italie, la Grèce et la Hongrie ne peuvent pas être abandonnés à leur sort et gérer seuls ce défi. C'est pourquoi la Commission a déjà proposé dès le mois de mai un premier mécanisme d’urgence pour la relocalisation de 40 000 personnes sollicitant une protection internationale et se trouvant actuellement en Italie et en Grèce. C’est pour la même raison que nous proposons aujourd’hui un deuxième mécanisme d’urgence pour la relocalisation de 120 000 personnes se trouvant en Italie, en Grèce et en Hongrie. Cela suppose un effort considérable de solidarité européenne. Avant l’été, nous n’avions pas obtenu des États membres l'appui que j’avais espéré. Mais je constate que l'état d'esprit évolue. Et je pense qu’il en est grand temps. J’invite les États membres à adopter, lors de la réunion extraordinaire du Conseil des ministres de l’Intérieur du 14 septembre, les propositions de la Commission sur la relocalisation d’urgence de 160 000 réfugiés. Maintenant, nous avons besoin d'une action immédiate. Nous ne pouvons pas laisser l’Italie, la Grèce et la Hongrie se débrouiller seules. Tout comme nous ne laisserions aucun autre État membre de l’Union livré à luimême. Car si aujourd'hui les réfugiés viennent de Syrie ou de Libye, demain, ils pourraient tout aussi bien venir d'Ukraine. L'Europe a fait l'erreur dans le passé de faire la distinction entre juifs, chrétiens, musulmans. Il n'y a pas de religion, pas de croyance, pas de philosophie quand il s'agit de réfugiés. Ne sousestimons pas l’urgence de la situation. Ne sousestimons pas notre devoir d'agir. L’hiver approche. Pensons à ces familles qui dorment dans les parcs et les gares à Budapest, sous des tentes à Traiskirchen ou sur les rivages de l'île de Kos. Que leur arriveratil dans le froid des nuits d’hiver? Bien sûr, la relocalisation seule ne résout pas le problème. Nous devons aussi établir une distinction plus nette entre les personnes qui ont clairement besoin d'une protection internationale, dont la demande d'asile a de fortes chances d'aboutir, et celles qui quittent leur pays pour d'autres raisons et ne peuvent donc pas prétendre à l'asile. C’est la raison pour laquelle la Commission propose aujourd’hui une liste commune de l’UE des pays d’origine sûrs. Cette liste permettra aux États membres d’accélérer les procédures d’asile pour les ressortissants des pays présumés sûrs. Nous considérons que cette présomption de sûreté doit s’appliquer en toute hypothèse à tous les pays dont le Conseil européen a décidé à l’unanimité qu'ils satisfont aux critères de Copenhague pour l’adhésion à l’Union européenne, notamment en ce qui concerne la démocratie, l’État de droit et le respect des droits fondamentaux. Elle devrait également s’appliquer aux autres pays candidats potentiels des Balkans occidentaux, compte tenu des progrès qu'ils ont réalisés pour accéder au statut de pays candidats. Bien évidemment, je n'ignore pas que la liste des pays sûrs n'est qu’une simplification de procédure. Elle ne saurait porter atteinte au droit fondamental à l’asile des demandeurs d’asile venant d’Albanie, de BosnieHerzégovine, de l’ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine, du Kosovo, du Monténégro, de Serbie et de Turquie. Mais elle permet aux autorités nationales de se concentrer sur les réfugiés qui ont le plus de chances de se voir accorder l’asile, notamment ceux qui viennent de Syrie. Ceci est particulièrement nécessaire dans la situation actuelle. Je pense également qu’en plus des mesures immédiates à prendre pour traiter les situations d’urgence, il est temps de préparer un changement plus fondamental dans notre gestion des demandes d’asile, et notamment dans le système de Dublin, qui exige que les demandes d’asile soient traitées par le premier pays d’entrée. Il nous faut plus d'Europe dans notre politique d'asile. Il nous faut plus d'Union dans notre politique des réfugiés. Une véritable politique européenne en matière de réfugiés et d’asile suppose que la solidarité soit ancrée durablement dans notre approche politique et dans nos règles. C'est pourquoi, aujourd'hui, la Commission propose un mécanisme de relocalisation permanent, qui nous permettra à l’avenir de faire face plus rapidement aux situations de crise. Une politique commune en matière de réfugiés et d’asile nécessite une harmonisation plus poussée des politiques d’asile après l'octroi du statut de réfugié. Les États membres doivent reconsidérer leurs politiques d'aide à l'intégration et l'inclusion des réfugiés. La Commission est prête à étudier comment les fonds de l’Union peuvent soutenir ces efforts. Et je suis très fortement favorable à autoriser les demandeurs d’asile à travailler et gagner de l'argent pendant que leur demande est à l'étude. Une politique unie en matière de réfugiés et d’asile exige également un renforcement des efforts conjoints de protection de nos frontières extérieures. Nous avons heureusement abandonné les contrôles aux frontières entre États membres de l’espace Schengen pour garantir la libre circulation des personnes, ce symbole par excellence de l’intégration européenne. Mais en contrepartie, la libre circulation nous impose de coopérer encore plus étroitement pour gérer nos frontières extérieures. C’est ce qu'attendent nos concitoyens. La Commission l'a réaffirmé en mai et je l'avais dit lors de ma campagne électorale: nous devons renforcer Frontex de manière significative pour le faire évoluer vers un système européen de gardefrontières et de gardecôtes qui soit pleinement opérationnel. C'est tout à fait réalisable. Mais cela aura un coût. La Commission estime que c’est de l’argent bien investi. C'est pourquoi nous proposerons avant la fin de l’année des mesures ambitieuses en vue de mettre en place un corps européen de gardefrontières et de gardecôtes. Une politique migratoire européenne réellement unie signifie également que nous devons étudier l’ouverture de canaux légaux de migration. Disonsle clairement: cela ne permettra pas de résoudre la crise actuelle des réfugiés. Mais avec davantage de routes sûres et contrôlées ouvertes sur l’Europe, nous pourrons mieux gérer la migration et rendre moins attrayante l'activité illégale des trafiquants d’êtres humains. N’oublions pas que nous sommes un continent vieillissant qui connaît un déclin démographique. Nous allons avoir besoin de talents. La migration doit peu à peu cesser d'être un problème à résoudre pour devenir une opportunité bien gérée. À cette fin, la Commission présentera au début de l’année 2016 un paquet de mesures bien calibrées sur la migration légale. Une solution durable ne pourra intervenir que si nous nous attaquons aux causes profondes, aux raisons pour lesquelles nous sommes actuellement confrontés à cette vaste crise des réfugiés. Notre politique étrangère européenne doit être plus affirmée. Nous ne pouvons plus nous permettre d'être indifférents ou désunis face à la guerre ou à l'instabilité qui sévit à nos portes. En Libye, l’Union et ses États membres doivent redoubler d’efforts pour dialoguer avec les partenaires régionaux afin qu'un gouvernement d'entente nationale puisse bientôt être mis en place. Avec tous les instruments dont dispose l’Union, nous devons être prêts à aider ce gouvernement à assurer, dès son installation, la sécurité de la population et la fourniture des services nécessaires. L'aide humanitaire et l'aide au développement de l’Union devront être immédiates et de grande ampleur. Je voudrais aussi souligner que nous entrons dans la cinquième année de la crise syrienne, sans qu’aucune fin ne soit en vue. Jusqu’à présent, la communauté internationale a manqué à ses obligations envers le peuple syrien. L’Europe aussi a manqué à ses obligations envers le peuple syrien. J'appelle aujourd'hui à lancer une offensive diplomatique européenne en réponse aux crises syrienne et libyenne. Nous avons besoin d'une Europe plus forte en matière de politique étrangère. Je me félicite donc de la détermination de Federica Mogherini, notre Haute Représentante, qui, grâce à ses succès diplomatiques lors des négociations sur le dossier nucléaire iranien, a préparé le terrain pour une telle initiative, et qui se tient prête à collaborer étroitement avec nos États membres afin de ramener la paix et la stabilité en Syrie et en Lybie. Pour lui faciliter la tâche, la Commission propose aujourd'hui de mettre en place un fonds d'affectation spéciale d'urgence, doté initialement de 1,8 milliard d'euros provenant des moyens financiers de l'Union, afin de résoudre les crises qui frappent les régions du Sahel et du lac Tchad, la Corne de l'Afrique et l'Afrique du Nord. Nous voulons aider à ramener durablement la stabilité, par exemple en créant des possibilités d'emploi dans les communautés locales, et ainsi résoudre les causes profondes de l'instabilité, des déplacements forcés et de la migration clandestine. Je compte sur la contribution de tous les États membres et espère qu'ils seront à la hauteur de nos ambitions. Je ne voudrais pas laisser croire que la crise des réfugiés sera vite résolue, car ce n'est pas le cas. Mais refouler les bateaux qui arrivent dans nos ports, mettre le feu aux camps de réfugiés ou ignorer des gens qui sont dans la misère et livrés à euxmêmes: ce n'est pas cela, l'Europe. L’Europe, c'est ce boulanger de Kos qui fait cadeau de son pain à ces hommes et femmes affamés et épuisés. L'Europe, ce sont ces étudiants à Munich et à Passau qui apportent des vêtements aux nouveaux arrivants, à la gare. L’Europe, c'est ce policier, en Autriche, qui souhaite la bienvenue aux réfugiés exténués lorsqu'ils franchissent la frontière. C’est dans cette Europe que je veux vivre. Cette crise est grave et le chemin est encore long. Je compte sur vous, dans ce Parlement, et sur tous les États membres pour montrer que l'Europe a le courage d'avancer, dans le respect de nos valeurs communes et de notre histoire. Un nouveau départ pour la Grèce, pour la zone euro et pour l’économie européenne Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, J’ai dit que je voulais parler aujourd'hui des grands problèmes. C’est pourquoi ce discours sur l’état de l’Union doit aborder la question de la situation en Grèce, ainsi que, plus généralement, des enseignements tirés de la crise grecque, qui est maintenant dans sa cinquième année, et dont l’impact continue de se faire sentir dans la zone euro et dans l'ensemble de l’économie et de la société européennes. Depuis le début de l’année, les négociations sur le dossier grec ont mis notre patience à l'épreuve. Beaucoup de temps et de confiance ont été perdus. Des ponts ont été brûlés. Certaines paroles ont été dites qu'il est difficile d'effacer. Nous avons assisté à des gesticulations politiques, des querelles, des insultes lancées de manière inconsidérée. Trop souvent, nous avons vu certains vouloir imposer leur point de vue sans aucune considération pour celui des autres. Nous avons vu des démocraties de la zone euro montées les unes contre les autres. Au cours de ces mois, la reprise économique et la création d’emplois qui avaient été observées l’an dernier en Grèce ont été réduites à néant. Nous nous sommes collectivement approchés du gouffre. Et une fois de plus, ce n'est qu'une fois au bord du précipice que nous sommes parvenus à prendre conscience de toute l'ampleur de l'enjeu et à assumer nos responsabilités. Un accord a finalement été conclu, des engagements ont été pris et mis en œuvre. La confiance commence à être restaurée, même si elle demeure très fragile. Je ne suis pas fier de tous les aspects des résultats obtenus. Mais je suis fier des équipes de la Commission européenne qui, jusque tard en août, ont travaillé jour et nuit, sans relâche, pour rapprocher des positions diamétralement opposées et apporter des solutions qui soient dans l'intérêt de l’Europe et du peuple grec. Je sais que tout le monde n'a pas été satisfait de ce que la Commission a fait. De nombreux hommes politiques grecs n'ont pas apprécié que nous insistions pour que la Grèce mène des réformes, notamment de son système de retraite non viable et de son régime fiscal inéquitable. De nombreux autres responsables politiques européens ne parvenaient pas à comprendre pourquoi la Commission continuait de négocier. Certains ne comprenaient pas pourquoi nous ne laissions pas tout simplement l'ensemble des discussions aux techniciens du Fonds monétaire international, ou pourquoi nous parlions aussi de la dimension sociale des engagements pris au titre du programme, et pourquoi nous voulions qu'ils soient modifiés pour prendre en compte leurs conséquences sur les personnes les plus vulnérables dans la société. Ou que j'ose personnellement répéter, encore et encore, que l’euro et l'appartenance à l’euro se doivent d'être irréversibles. Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, Le mandat de la Commission lors des négociations avec un pays sous programme, tel que la Grèce, a une base juridique très claire: il s'agit du traité sur l'Union européenne, qui charge la Commission de promouvoir l'intérêt général de l'Union et de faire respecter le droit de l'Union. Ce droit comprend cette clause des traités approuvée par tous les États membres et qualifiant l’appartenance à l’euro d'irrévocable. Tant que les États membres n’auront pas modifié les traités, je pense que la Commission et toutes les autres institutions européennes disposeront d’un mandat clair et du devoir de tout mettre en œuvre pour préserver l’intégrité de la zone euro. En outre, le traité instituant le mécanisme européen de stabilité (MES), qui a été ratifié par tous les États membres de la zone euro, confie expressément à la Commission la conduite des négociations avec un État membre sur le programme dont il fait l'objet. Elle doit le faire en liaison avec la Banque centrale européenne et, lorsque cela est possible, avec le Fonds monétaire international. Mais nous avons été clairement mandatés pour cela. Lorsque les traités parlent de la Commission, je comprends que cela veut dire la Commission en tant qu'une institution qui est politiquement dirigée par le président et le collège des commissaires. C’est pourquoi je n’ai pas laissé les négociations avec la Grèce entièrement entre les mains de la bureaucratie de la Commission, en dépit de sa grande expertise et de son ardeur au travail. J'ai, de façon régulière, discuté personnellement avec nos experts, souvent plusieurs fois par jour, pour les orienter ou pour guider leurs travaux. J’ai également veillé à ce que chaque semaine, l'état des négociations sur la Grèce fasse l'objet de discussions approfondies et très politiques lors des réunions du collège. Parce que déterminer si l'augmentation de la TVA doit concerner uniquement la restauration ou également les produits alimentaires transformés, ce n'est pas une question technique, c'est une question politique et sociale. Ce n'est pas une question technique, mais une question profondément politique de savoir s'il faut relever la TVA sur les médicaments dans un pays où 30 % de la population n'est plus couverte par le système de santé public à cause de la crise. Ou de savoir s'il faut plutôt réduire les dépenses militaires, dans un pays où elles restent parmi les plus élevées de l’UE. Ce n’est certainement pas une question technique de savoir s'il faut réduire les retraites des plus démunis ou le salaire minimum; ou s'il faut plutôt lever un impôt sur les armateurs grecs. Évidemment, il fallait bien qu'au final, les comptes tombent juste pour ce troisième programme grec. Mais nous y sommes parvenus en gardant l’équité sociale à l’esprit. J’ai lu très attentivement le rapport du Parlement européen sur la Troïka. J’espère que vous avez constaté que nous en avons tiré les enseignements; nous avons pour la première fois réalisé une étude d'impact social du programme. Même si je dois admettre avec franchise que la Commission a également dû parfois faire des compromis lors de ces négociations. Ce qui compte pour moi, c'est qu'au final, nous ayons pu trouver un compromis qui puisse être accepté par chacun des 19 États membres de la zone euro, y compris la Grèce. Après des semaines de discussions, de petites avancées, de revers répétés, de nombreux moments de crise, et avec souvent une bonne dose de drame, nous sommes parvenus, le 19 août, à signer un nouveau programme de soutien à la stabilité en faveur de la Grèce. Maintenant que le nouveau programme est en place, je veux qu’il soit un nouveau départ, pour la Grèce comme pour l'ensemble de la zone euro. Soyons très honnêtes; nous ne sommes qu’au tout début d’un nouveau et long chemin. Pour la Grèce, l'essentiel, maintenant, c'est de mettre en œuvre ce qui a été convenu. Il faut pour cela qu'il y ait une large appropriation politique. Avant que l'accord final ne soit conclu, j'ai reçu dans mon bureau les dirigeants des principaux groupes politiques grecs. Ils ont tous promis de soutenir l'accord et ils ont donné une première preuve de leur engagement lorsqu'ils ont voté, au Parlement grec, en faveur du nouveau programme et des trois premières vagues de réformes. J'attends d'eux qu'ils tiennent parole et respectent l'accord, quel que soit le gouvernement à la tête du pays. Ce dont la Grèce a besoin, c'est que les réformes soient largement soutenues et rapidement mises en œuvre, afin de rétablir la confiance des citoyens grecs et aussi la confiance dans l’économie grecque. Le programme est une chose, mais ce n'est pas suffisant pour remettre la Grèce sur une trajectoire de croissance durable. La Commission se tiendra aux côtés de la Grèce pour veiller à ce que les réformes se réalisent. Et nous allons aider le pays à développer une stratégie de croissance qui soit pleinement de la responsabilité grecque. Qu'il s'agisse de la modernisation de l’administration publique ou de l’indépendance des autorités fiscales, la Commission fournira une assistance technique sur mesure, avec l’aide des partenaires européens et internationaux. Ce sera la mission principale du nouveau service d’appui à la réforme structurelle que j’ai mis en place en juillet. Le 15 juillet, la Commission a aussi présenté une proposition visant à limiter le cofinancement national en Grèce et à accélérer le financement de projets d’investissement à court de liquidités: une enveloppe de 35 milliards d’euros pour la croissance. C'est urgent pour favoriser la reprise, après des mois de pressions financières. Ce sont des fonds qui atteindront l’économie réelle de la Grèce, et permettront aux entreprises et aux pouvoirs publics d'investir et de recruter. La Commission a travaillé sans relâche pour élaborer cette proposition. Les parlements nationaux se sont réunis plusieurs fois pendant le mois d’août. J’espère donc que le Parlement européen jouera lui aussi son rôle, conformément aux engagements qu'il a pris précédemment. Notre programme pour la croissance en Grèce est sur la table du Parlement depuis deux mois. S’il est adopté, il faudra encore plusieurs semaines avant que le premier euro n'atteigne l’économie réelle de la Grèce. Je vous invite à suivre l'exemple du Conseil, qui se mettra d'accord sur ce programme de croissance d'ici la fin du mois. Le Parlement européen devrait être au moins aussi rapide que le Conseil sur ce dossier. J’ai dit que je souhaitais que le nouveau programme soit un nouveau départ non seulement pour la Grèce mais aussi pour toute la zone euro, car nous avons d’importantes leçons à tirer de cette crise qui nous hante depuis beaucoup trop longtemps. La situation économique et sociale parle d'ellemême: il y a encore aujourd'hui dans l'Union européenne plus de 23 millions de personnes au chômage, dont plus de la moitié sont sans emploi depuis au moins un an. Dans la seule zone euro, plus de 17,5 millions de personnes sont au chômage. La reprise de notre économie est entravée par les incertitudes au niveau mondial. La dette publique dans l'UE atteint en moyenne plus de 88 % du PIB, et près de 93 % dans la zone euro. La crise n'est pas encore derrière nous. Elle a simplement marqué une pause. Cela ne veut pas dire que rien ne se passe: les chiffres du chômage s’améliorent, le PIB croît à son rythme le plus élevé depuis des années, et les conditions de financement des ménages et des entreprises se sont sensiblement améliorées. Et plusieurs États membres, comme la Lettonie, l’Irlande, l’Espagne et le Portugal, qui avaient été durement touchés et avaient bénéficié d’une assistance financière européenne, connaissent aujourd’hui une croissance constante et progressent dans l'assainissement de leur économie. Ce sont des progrès, mais la reprise est trop lente, trop fragile et trop dépendante de nos partenaires extérieurs. Plus fondamentalement, la crise a creusé de très grands écarts à l'intérieur de la zone euro comme de l’UE dans son ensemble. Elle a altéré notre potentiel de croissance. Elle a accentué la tendance existante sur le long terme à la montée des inégalités. Tout cela a nourri des doutes quant au progrès social, à la valeur du changement et aux mérites d'une appartenance à un destin commun. Ce dont nous avons besoin, c’est de réamorcer un processus de convergence, à la fois entre les États membres et au sein de nos sociétés, avec à son cœur la productivité, la création d’emplois et l’équité sociale. Il faut plus d'Union dans notre Europe. Pour l’Union européenne et pour ma Commission en particulier, cela veut dire deux choses: premièrement, investir dans les sources d'emplois et de croissance en Europe notamment dans notre marché unique, et, deuxièmement, compléter notre Union économique et monétaire afin de créer les conditions d’une reprise durable. Nous agissons sur ces deux fronts. Avec vous et avec les États membres, nous avons lancé le plan d’investissement pour l'Europe de 315 milliards d’euros, avec un nouveau Fonds européen pour les investissements stratégiques (FEIS). Moins d’un an après que j’ai annoncé ce plan, nous en sommes maintenant au stade où plusieurs des premiers projets ont démarré: 40 000 ménages dans toute la France verront baisser leur facture énergétique et 6 000 emplois seront créés grâce à une amélioration de l’efficacité énergétique des bâtiments financée par le Fonds. Dans les cliniques de Barcelone, les patients bénéficieront d'un traitement plus efficace faisant appel à des thérapies dérivées du plasma, financées là encore par le Fonds. À Limerick et dans d'autres régions d'Irlande, les familles auront un meilleur accès aux soins de santé et aux services sociaux primaires grâce à la construction de quatorze nouveaux centres de soins de santé primaires. Ce n'est qu'un début. De nombreux autres projets de ce type suivront. En même temps que nous déployons notre plan d’investissement, nous améliorons notre marché intérieur afin de créer davantage d’opportunités pour les citoyens et les entreprises dans l’ensemble des 28 États membres. Grâce aux initiatives de la Commission pour un marché unique numérique, une Union des marchés de capitaux et une Union de l’énergie, nous réduisons les obstacles aux activités transfrontières et mettons à profit la taille de notre continent pour stimuler l'innovation, connecter les talents et offrir un choix plus large de produits et de services. Mais nos efforts pour davantage de prospérité resteront vains si nous n'apprenons pas une leçon douloureuse, à savoir que nous n’avons pas encore convaincu les citoyens de l’Europe et le reste du monde que notre Union n’est pas vouée à seulement survivre, mais qu'elle peut aussi s’épanouir et prospérer. Il ne faut pas se leurrer: notre incapacité collective à apporter une réponse claire et rapide à la crise grecque au cours des derniers mois nous a tous affaiblis. Elle a abîmé la confiance dans notre monnaie unique et la réputation de l’UE dans le monde. 'Nul vent fait pour celui qui n'a point de port destiné' — nous devons savoir vers où nous faisons route. C’est l’essence même du rapport que j’ai présenté en juin dernier avec les autres présidents des institutions européennes concernant l’achèvement de notre Union économique et monétaire. Il allait de soi pour moi que le président Schulz devait être associé à ce travail important. Après tout, le Parlement est le cœur de la démocratie au niveau de l’Union, tout comme les parlements nationaux sont le cœur de la démocratie au niveau national. Le Parlement européen est et doit rester le Parlement de la zone euro. Et le Parlement européen, dans son rôle de colégislateur, sera chargé de se prononcer sur les nouvelles initiatives que la Commission proposera dans les mois à venir afin d’approfondir notre Union économique et monétaire. Je suis donc heureux que, pour la première fois, nous ayons rédigé un «rapport des cinq présidents», et non pas «des quatre présidents». En dépit de mois de discussions jusque tard dans la nuit pour trouver un accord sur la Grèce, nous avons rédigé ce rapport en mai et juin afin de fixer le cap vers un avenir plus solide. Les cinq présidents des principales institutions de l’UE ont approuvé une feuille de route qui devrait nous permettre de stabiliser et de consolider la zone euro d'ici le début de l’année 2017, puis, sur la base d'une convergence restaurée de nos économies, de réaliser des réformes plus profondes et de passer, là où nous le pouvons, d'une résilience à la crise à de nouvelles perspectives de croissance. Comme nous l’avions prévu, le rapport des cinq présidents a suscité un débat animé dans toute l’Europe. Certains plaident pour un gouvernement de la zone euro. D'autres disent que nous avons besoin de plus de discipline et de respect des règles. Je suis d’accord avec les deux: nous avons besoin de responsabilité collective, d'un sens accru de l’intérêt commun et aussi du respect et d'une mise en œuvre intégrale de tout ce qui a été convenu collectivement. Mais je ne suis pas d'accord pour dire que cela implique de multiplier les institutions ou de mettre l’euro sur pilote automatique, comme si de nouvelles institutions ou des règles miracles pouvaient faire plus ou mieux. Une monnaie unique ne se pilote pas sur la seule base de règles et de statistiques. Cela requiert un jugement politique constant, sur lequel fonder de nouveaux choix de politiques économiques, budgétaires et sociales. Le rapport des cinq présidents représente un programme de travail complet pour les années à venir, et je souhaite que nous avancions rapidement sur tous les fronts — économique, financier, budgétaire et politique. Certains efforts devront se concentrer sur la zone euro, tandis que d’autres devraient être ouverts à l’ensemble des 28 États membres du fait de leur interaction étroite avec notre marché unique. Permettezmoi de souligner cinq domaines dans lesquels la Commission présentera sans tarder des propositions ambitieuses et sur lesquelles nous attendons des progrès dès cet automne. Premièrement: les cinq présidents sont d’accord sur le fait que nous avons besoin d’un système commun garantissant aux citoyens que leur épargne bancaire sera toujours protégée, jusqu’à concurrence de 100 000 euros par personne et par compte. C'est la partie manquante de notre Union bancaire. Aujourd’hui, de tels dispositifs de protection existent, mais ils sont tous nationaux. Il nous faut un système plus européen, détaché des comptes publics, afin que les citoyens puissent être absolument sûrs que leurs économies sont en sécurité. Nous avons tous vu ce qui s’est passé en Grèce durant l’été. Les citoyens, qui avaient perdu confiance dans la capacité financière de l'État à soutenir son système bancaire, ont retiré leur épargne, de façon bien compréhensible. Cela doit changer. Un système davantage commun de garantie des dépôts s'impose d'urgence, et la Commission présentera avant la fin de l’année une proposition législative sur de premières mesures en ce sens. Je suis bien entendu pleinement conscient qu’il n'y a pas encore de consensus à ce sujet. Mais je sais également que beaucoup d’entre vous sont aussi convaincus que moi de la nécessité d’aller de l’avant. À ceux qui sont plus sceptiques, je dis ceci: la Commission n'ignore rien des différences qui existent actuellement entre les États membres. Certains d’entre eux ont déjà mis au point un système national de garantie des dépôts et assuré son financement. D'autres y travaillent encore. Nous devons tenir compte de ces différences. C’est la raison pour laquelle le rapport des cinq présidents ne préconise pas une mutualisation complète, mais une approche nouvelle consistant en un système de réassurance. Nous présenterons plus de détails à ce sujet dans les semaines à venir. Deuxièmement: nous avons besoin d’une représentation plus forte de l’euro sur la scène mondiale. Comment estil possible que la zone euro, qui a la deuxième monnaie du monde, ne parvienne toujours pas à parler d’une seule voix sur les questions économiques dans les institutions financières internationales? Imaginezvous un instant le travail quotidien au Fonds monétaire international. Nous connaissons bien l'importance du FMI. Pourtant, au lieu de s'exprimer d'une seule voix au nom de la zone euro, la Belgique et le Luxembourg doivent s'entendre sur leur position de vote avec l'Arménie et Israël, tandis que l’Espagne est incluse dans un groupe conjoint avec des pays d’Amérique latine. Comment se faitil que nous, Européens, qui sommes conjointement des actionnaires majeurs d'institutions mondiales telles que le FMI et la Banque mondiale, nous nous retrouvions malgré tout à agir en position de minorité? Comment estil possible que lorsqu’une nouvelle banque d’investissement dans les infrastructures d'importance stratégique est créée en Asie, les gouvernements européens, plutôt que de coordonner leurs efforts, se lancent dans une course pour en être membre avant les autres? Il est temps de grandir et de placer nos intérêts communs avant nos intérêts nationaux. À mon sens, le président de l’Eurogroupe devrait être le porteparole naturel de la zone euro dans les institutions financières internationales telles que le FMI. Troisièmement: nous avons besoin d’un système de surveillance économique et budgétaire à la fois plus efficace et plus démocratique. Je souhaite que le Parlement européen, les parlements nationaux, ainsi que les partenaires sociaux à tous les niveaux, soient des acteurs clés de ce processus. Je tiens également à ce que l’intérêt de la zone euro dans son ensemble soit mieux pris en compte dès le départ dans les politiques européennes et nationales: l’intérêt de l’ensemble est plus que la somme des parties. Cela sera reflété dans nos propositions visant à simplifier et renforcer encore davantage le semestre européen de coordination des politiques économiques. À l’avenir, je ne veux plus que nos recommandations sur l’orientation économique de la zone euro soient des paroles creuses. Je tiens à ce qu’elles donnent une direction réelle, notamment en ce qui concerne l'orientation budgétaire de la zone euro dans son ensemble. Quatrièmement: nous avons besoin de rendre nos politiques fiscales plus justes. Cela exige à la fois plus de transparence et plus d'équité, pour les citoyens et pour les entreprises. Nous avons présenté en juin un plan d’action, dont la substance est la suivante: le pays où l’entreprise réalise ses bénéfices doit aussi être le pays d’imposition. Notre travail sur une assiette commune consolidée pour l'impôt sur les sociétés constitue un pas en ce sens. Cette simplification rendra plus difficile la fraude fiscale. Nous travaillons également sans relâche avec le Conseil pour conclure, d’ici à la fin de l’année, un accord sur l’échange automatique d’informations sur les rescrits fiscaux («tax rulings»). Parallèlement, nous nous attendons à ce que nos enquêtes sur les différents régimes nationaux produisent des résultats très prochainement. Et nous ne ménageons aucun effort pour que les États membres adoptent les modalités d’une taxe sur les transactions financières d’ici à la fin de l’année. Nous avons besoin de plus d’Europe, de plus d’Union et de plus d’équité dans notre politique fiscale. Cinquièmement: nous devons intensifier notre action en faveur d'un marché du travail équitable et véritablement paneuropéen. L'équité, dans ce contexte, ça veut dire promouvoir et sauvegarder la libre circulation des citoyens, droit fondamental de notre Union, tout en évitant les abus et les risques de dumping social. La mobilité de la maind'œuvre est souhaitable et nécessaire pour la prospérité de la zone euro et du marché unique, mais elle doit être fondée sur des règles et des principes clairs. Le principe clef doit être d'assurer un même salaire pour un même emploi au même endroit. Dans le cadre de ces efforts, je souhaite développer un socle européen des droits sociaux qui tienne compte de l'évolution des sociétés européennes et du monde du travail. Et qui puisse servir de boussole pour le retour à la convergence dans la zone euro. Ce socle européen des droits sociaux devrait compléter ce que nous avons déjà fait en matière de protection des travailleurs dans l'Union européenne; identifier les éléments fondamentaux, communs à tous, relatifs aux conditions de travail, à la santé et à la sécurité au travail, à l'égalité de traitement entre femmes et hommes, aux situations de chômage et, plus généralement, aux conditions sociales et à l'accès aux systèmes de protection sociale. J'espère que les partenaires sociaux joueront un rôle central dans ce processus. Je pense que nous faisons bien de commencer cette initiative au sein de la zone euro, tout en permettant à d'autres États membres de l'Union de s'y joindre s'ils le souhaitent. Comme cela est dit dans le rapport des cinq présidents, il nous faudra également envisager d'autres étapes plus fondamentales en ce qui concerne la zone euro. La Commission présentera un livre blanc à ce sujet au printemps 2017. Oui, il nous faudra, à terme, mettre en place un Trésor de la zone euro, qui soit responsable au niveau européen. Je pense que ce Trésor devrait s’appuyer sur le Mécanisme européen de stabilité (MES) que nous avons créé pendant la crise et qui, avec une capacité de prêt de 500 milliards d’euros, dispose d'une force de frappe aussi importante que le FMI. Le MES devrait assumer progressivement une fonction de stabilisation macroéconomique plus large afin de mieux faire face aux chocs qui ne peuvent pas être gérés uniquement au seul niveau national. Nous préparerons le terrain pour que cela se fasse au cours de la seconde moitié de ce mandat. L'Union européenne est un projet dynamique. Un projet au service des citoyens. Il n’y a ni gagnants ni perdants. Nous recevons tous plus que nous ne donnons. C'est un projet unique et d'ensemble. Cela se veut aussi un message à nos partenaires britanniques, auxquels je pense lorsque je considère les grands défis politiques des mois à venir. Un accord équitable pour le RoyaumeUni Depuis mon entrée en fonction, la situation concernant le RoyaumeUni est devenue plus claire: avant la fin de l'année 2017, il y aura un référendum pour savoir s'il reste dans l'Union ou non. La décision appartiendra bien évidemment aux électeurs du RoyaumeUni. Mais il ne serait pas honnête ni réaliste de prétendre qu'elle sera sans importance stratégique pour l'Union dans son ensemble. J’ai toujours dit que je veux que le RoyaumeUni reste dans l’Union européenne. Et que je veux travailler avec le gouvernement britannique afin de trouver un accord équitable pour le RoyaumeUni. Les Britanniques posent des questions fondamentales à l'Union, sur l'essence même de l'Union. L'Union apportetelle la prospérité à ses citoyens ? Concentretelle son action sur les domaines où elle peut produire des résultats ? L'Union estelle ouverte sur le reste du monde ? Ce sont autant de questions auxquelles l’UE a des réponses, non pas uniquement pour le RoyaumeUni. Tous les 28 États membres souhaitent que l'Union européenne soit moderne et agisse de façon ciblée dans l'intérêt de tous ses citoyens. Nous sommes tous d'accord pour dire que l’Union doit s’adapter et évoluer face aux grands défis et à la crise auxquels elle est confrontée en ce moment. C’est la raison pour laquelle nous parachevons le marché unique, supprimons les lourdeurs administratives et améliorons les conditions d'investissement pour les petites entreprises. C’est la raison pour laquelle nous créons un marché unique numérique – afin que, où que vous soyez dans l'UE, vous puissiez payer le même prix pour une location de voiture sur Internet. Nous modernisons les règles de l'Union en matière de droits d'auteur – afin d’améliorer l’accès des citoyens aux contenus culturels en ligne tout en garantissant à leurs auteurs une rémunération équitable. Et il y a tout juste deux mois, l’UE s’est engagée à supprimer les frais d’itinérance à partir de l’été 2017, mesure que bon nombre de touristes et de voyageurs, notamment britanniques, ont appelée de leurs vœux depuis des années. C’est la raison pour laquelle nous négocions des accords commerciaux avec des pays de premier plan à l'instar du Partenariat transatlantique de commerce et d'investissement. C'est pourquoi nous ouvrons des marchés et levons les barrières pour les entreprises et les travailleurs dans l'ensemble des 28 États membres de l’UE. Je me suis engagé personnellement à améliorer la façon dont l'Union travaille avec les parlements nationaux. J’ai inscrit dans la lettre de mission de tous les membres de ma Commission l'obligation d’interagir plus étroitement avec les parlements nationaux. Je suis convaincu que renforcer nos relations avec les parlements nationaux rapprochera l'Union de ses citoyens. Je sais que le premier ministre David Cameron partage lui aussi cette ambition et je ne doute pas que nous trouvions une réponse commune. Il y a plus d’un an, lorsque je faisais campagne pour la présidence de la Commission, j'ai promis qu'une fois président, je m’efforcerais de rechercher une solution équitable pour le RoyaumeUni. Équitable non seulement pour lui, mais aussi pour les 27 autres États membres. Je veux préserver l’intégrité des quatre libertés du marché unique tout en cherchant les moyens d'approfondir l’intégration de la zone euro pour renforcer l’Union économique et monétaire. Pour que l'accord trouvé soit équitable pour le RoyaumeUni, une partie de la solution consistera à admettre cette réalité selon laquelle tous les États membres ne participent pas à tous les domaines politiques de l’UE. Des protocoles spécifiques définissent la position du RoyaumeUni, par exemple en ce qui concerne l'euro et la justice et les affaires intérieures. Afin d'être équitables pour les autres États membres, les choix du RoyaumeUni ne doivent pas les empêcher d'aller vers davantage d'intégration dans les domaines où ils le jugent opportun. Je m'efforcerai de trouver un accord équitable pour le RoyaumeUni. Et je le ferai pour une seule et unique raison: parce que j'ai la conviction que l'UE se porte mieux avec le RoyaumeUni et que le RoyaumeUni se porte mieux en étant dans l'UE. Dans les domaines clés, nous pouvons obtenir beaucoup plus de résultats en agissant collectivement qu'en agissant chacun de son côté. Cela vaut en particulier pour les immenses défis auxquels l’Europe est actuellement confrontée sur le plan de la politique étrangère et que je vais maintenant évoquer. Unis aux côtés de l'Ukraine L’Europe n'est qu'une petite partie du monde, mais si nous avons quelque chose à offrir, c'est bien notre savoir et notre force d'entraînement. Il y a un siècle environ, un habitant de la planète sur cinq vivait en Europe; aujourd'hui, c'est un sur neuf et dans cent ans, ce sera un sur vingtcinq. Je suis convaincu que nous, Européens, pouvons et devons jouer le rôle qui nous revient sur la scène internationale, non par vanité, mais parce que nous avons vraiment quelque chose à offrir. Nous pouvons montrer au monde la force que nous tirons de notre unité et l’intérêt stratégique qu'il y a à agir ensemble. Il n’a jamais été aussi urgent et important de le faire. Il y a actuellement plus de 40 conflits dans le monde. Alors que ces conflits font rage, que des familles sont brisées et que des maisons sont dévastées, je ne peux pas me présenter devant vous, près de 60 ans après la naissance de l’Union européenne, pour vous parler de paix. Parce que le monde n’est pas en paix. Si nous voulons promouvoir un monde où la paix règne, nous avons besoin de plus d’Europe et de plus d'Union dans notre politique étrangère. La situation en Ukraine est la plus pressante. Le défi d'aider l'Ukraine à survivre, à se réformer et à prospérer est un défi européen. Car, en fin de compte, le rêve des Ukrainiens, le rêve de la place Maïdan, c'est un rêve européen: celui de vivre dans un pays moderne, à l'économie stable et au système politique solide et équitable. Ces douze derniers mois, j’ai appris à bien connaître le président Porochenko, que ce soit à l'occasion d'un sommet, d'un dîner chez lui ou bien encore au cours de nombreuses réunions et d'innombrables appels téléphoniques. Il a engagé la transformation de son pays. Il se bat pour la paix. Il mérite notre soutien. Nous avons déjà beaucoup fait, en débloquant un prêt de 3,41 milliards d’euros dans le cadre de trois programmes d’assistance macrofinancière, en facilitant la conclusion d'un accord qui garantira l’approvisionnement en gaz de l’Ukraine cet hiver et en fournissant des conseils sur la réforme de l’appareil judiciaire. Si nous voulons réussir, l’UE et tous ses États membres doivent contribuer à cet effort. Il nous faut également préserver notre unité. Nous devons être unis quand il s'agit de la sécurité de nos états membres à l'Est, notamment les pays baltes. La sécurité et les frontières des Etats membres de l'Union européenne sont inviolables. Je veux que Moscou le comprenne clairement. Nous devons être unis lorsqu'il s'agit des sanctions. Les sanctions que l’Union européenne a imposées à la Russie ont un coût pour chacune de nos économies, et elles ont des répercussions sur des secteurs importants, tels que l’agriculture. Mais les sanctions sont un moyen puissant en réponse à l'agression et la violation du droit international. Elles devront être maintenues aussi longtemps que les accords de Minsk ne seront pas pleinement respectés. Il nous faut conserver notre sangfroid et notre unité. Mais nous devons aussi continuer à chercher des solutions. Au sommet du G20 à Brisbane, je me suis entretenu avec le président Poutine lors d’une réunion bilatérale qui s'est poursuivie toute la nuit et ne s'est achevée qu'au petit matin. Nous nous sommes rappelés que nous nous connaissions depuis longtemps et que depuis les temps avaient bien changé. L'esprit de coopération entre l’UE et la Russie a cédé la place à la suspicion et à la méfiance. L’UE doit montrer à la Russie que la confrontation a un coût, mais elle doit aussi lui montrer clairement qu'elle est prête à s'engager. Je ne veux pas d'une Europe qui se contente d'être spectatrice de l'histoire. Je veux une Europe qui joue un rôle moteur. Lorsque l'Union européenne agit unie, elle peut changer le monde. Une Europe unie à la pointe de la lutte contre les changements climatiques L'action relative aux changements climatiques offre un exemple de domaine où l'Europe joue déjà un rôle de premier plan. En Europe, nous savons tous, et depuis longtermps, que les changements climatiques constituent un enjeu planétaire majeur. La planète que nous partageons, y compris son atmosphère et la stabilité de son climat, ne peuvent résister à l'usage que l'humanité en fait actuellement. Certaines parties du monde vivent audessus de leurs moyens, accumulant une dette carbone sans intention de la diminuer. Or, comme la science économique et la gestion des crises nous l'ont appris, vivre audessus de ses moyens n'est pas un comportement tenable à long terme. La nature ne tardera pas à nous présenter la facture. Dans certaines régions du monde, les changements climatiques modifient les sources de conflit – le contrôle d’un barrage ou d’un lac peut se révéler plus stratégique que celui d'une raffinerie de pétrole. Les changements climatiques sont même l'une des causes profondes d’un nouveau phénomène migratoire. Si nous n'agissons pas rapidement, nous serons confrontés à un nouveau défi: celui des réfugiés climatiques. Dans 90 jours, les responsables mondiaux se réuniront à Paris pour s'entendre sur les mesures à prendre pour atteindre un objectif: faire en sorte que l'augmentation de la température du globe reste inférieure à 2 degrés Celsius. L'UE est sur la bonne voie et a pris un engagement clair dès le mois de mars: un objectif contraignant, couvrant l'ensemble de son économie, d'au moins 40 % de réduction des émissions d'ici à 2030 par rapport aux niveaux de 1990. Il s’agit de la contribution la plus ambitieuse présentée à ce jour. D’autres suivent, certains seulement à contrecœur. Que nos partenaires internationaux ne se méprennent pas: l'UE ne signera pas n'importe quel accord. Ma priorité, la priorité de l’Europe, est d’adopter un accord mondial sur le climat qui soit ambitieux, solide et contraignant. C'est pourquoi la Commission et moimême avons passé une partie de cette première année à mobiliser les soutiens en faveur d'un accord ambitieux à Paris. En mai dernier, je me suis rendu à Tokyo, où j'ai mis au défi le premier ministre Shinzo Abe de coopérer avec nous pour que Paris soit le digne successeur de Kyoto. En juin, lors du sommet du G7, les dirigeants se sont mis d'accord pour élaborer des stratégies de long terme sobres en carbone et pour abandonner l'utilisation des combustibles fossiles d'ici à la fin du siècle. Par la suite, j'ai rencontré le Premier ministre chinois Li Keqiang en vue de préparer le sommet de Paris et de lancer un partenariat dont le but est de s'assurer que les villes d'aujourd'hui sont conçues de manière à répondre aux besoins futurs en matière d'énergie et de climat. Enfin, en coordination avec la Haute Représentante, les membres du Collège ont pris part aux efforts diplomatiques en matière de climat. Aujourd’hui, le commissaire Arias Cañete est en Papouasie–NouvelleGuinée pour discuter des plans en vue du sommet de Paris avec les dirigeants du Forum des îles du Pacifique. Si des mesures correctives ne sont pas prises pour s'attaquer aux changements climatiques, la tendance actuelle va s'aggraver et le destin de ces îles préfigurera la catastrophe planétaire. En revanche, si un accord est conclu à Paris, l'humanité disposera pour la première fois d'un régime international pour combattre efficacement les changements climatiques. Paris sera la prochaine étape, mais pas la dernière. S'il y a une route vers Paris, il y en a aussi une qui partira de Paris. Ma Commission fera tout pour que l'Europe reste à la pointe de la lutte contre les changements climatiques. Nous mettrons en pratique ce que nous nous prêchons. Certes, nous n'avons pas de solution miracle pour lutter contre les changements climatiques. Mais nos outils réglementaires, tels que le système d’échange de quotas d’émissions de l’UE, et les actions que nous avons déjà engagées nous ont permis de réduire les émissions de carbone tout en préservant notre économie. Notre politique climatique tournée vers l'avenir nous aidera aussi à obtenir des résultats bien nécessaires par rapport aux objectifs fixés par l'Union de l'énergie: elle nous assure une place de leader mondial dans le secteur des énergies renouvelables, qui emploie actuellement plus d’un million de personnes dans l’Union et génère un chiffre d’affaires de 130 milliards d’euros, dont 35 milliards d’euros d’exportations. Des entreprises européennes détiennent aujourd'hui 40 % de tous les brevets dans le domaine des énergies renouvelables, et le rythme de l'évolution technologique augmente le potentiel des échanges commerciaux mondiaux en matière de technologies vertes. C’est la raison pour laquelle l'innovation et l’interconnexion de nos marchés occupent une place stratégique dans la mise en œuvre de l'Union de l'énergie. La lutte contre les changements climatiques ne sera pas gagnée ou perdue lors des débats diplomatiques à Bruxelles ou à Paris. Elle le sera sur le terrain et dans les villes où la plupart des Européens vivent, travaillent et consomment environ 80 % de l'énergie produite en Europe. C’est la raison pour laquelle j’ai demandé au président Schulz d'accueillir la réunion du 'Pacte des maires' au Parlement le mois prochain. Elle rassemblera plus de 5 000 maires européens qui se sont tous engagés à atteindre l’objectif de réduction des émissions de CO2 fixé par l’UE. J’espère que tous les membres de cette Assemblée apporteront leur appui à l’action menée par les collectivités locales dans l'ensemble de l'Europe pour faire en sorte que le sommet de Paris et son suivi soient un succès. Conclusion Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les Députés, il y a bien d'autres aspects que je n'ai pas évoqués et ne pourrai pas évoquer aujourd'hui. J'aurais souhaité par exemple vous parler de Chypre et de mon espoir, mon ambition et mon souhait de voir l'île unifiée l'année prochaine. Après le long entretien que j'ai eu en juillet avec les présidents Nikos Anastasiades et Mustafa Akinci, sur la ligne de démarcation, je suis convaincu que si les deux dirigeants font preuve de la vision et de la volonté politique nécessaires, cette réunification est réalisable dans les conditions actuelles et moyennant le maintien d'une bonne coordination dans les efforts déployés par les Nations unies et l'Union européenne. Je donnerai tout mon appui et toute mon assistance pour aider à la réalisation de cet objectif, car je crois qu'il n'y a pas de place pour les murs et les barrières dans un État membre de l'UE. Je n'ai pas évoqué les agriculteurs européens qui ont manifesté à Bruxelles cette semaine. Je suis d'accord avec eux, il y quelque chose qui ne fonctionne pas correctement dans le marché si un litre de lait coûte un tiers du prix d'un litre d'eau. Je ne pense pourtant pas que nous pouvons ou nous devons microgérer le marché du lait depuis Bruxelles. Nous devons compenser les agriculteurs qui souffrent des effets des sanctions contre la Russie. C'est la raison pour laquelle la Commission a mis sur la table un paquet de solidarité de 500 millions d'euros pour les agriculteurs. Les autorités de concurrence européennes et nationales devraient étudier de près la structure du marché. Quelque chose a tourné dans le marché du lait. Mon impression est que nous devrons briser quelques oligopoles dans le secteur de la distribution. Il y a encore beaucoup d'autres choses à dire mais, en abordant les grands problèmes et les principaux enjeux auxquels nous sommes confrontés aujourd’hui, une chose m'apparaît clairement: qu'il s'agisse de la crise des réfugiés, de l'économie ou de la politique étrangère, nous ne pouvons réussir que si nous sommes une Union. Quelle estelle, cette Union qui représente les 507 millions de citoyens de l'Europe? L'Union, ce n'est pas seulement Bruxelles ou Strasbourg. L’Union, ce sont les institutions européennes. L'Union, ce sont aussi les États membres. Ce sont les gouvernements et les parlements nationaux. Il suffit qu'un seul d'entre nous manque à ses responsabilités pour que nous trébuchions tous. L’Europe et l’Union doivent être à la hauteur. Tout en étant un ardent défenseur de la méthode communautaire en temps normal, je ne suis pas un puriste en temps de crise — je n'attache pas d'importance à la manière dont nous gérons une crise, que ce soit par des solutions intergouvernementales ou par des processus d'inspiration communautaire. À condition que nous trouvions des solutions et que nous obtenions des résultats dans l’intérêt des citoyens européens. En revanche, lorsque nous constatons qu'une méthode présente des faiblesses, nous devons modifier notre approche. Prenons l'exemple du mécanisme de relocalisation pour les réfugiés que nous avons présenté pour la Grèce et l'Italie en mai: la Commission a proposé un système de solidarité communautaire contraignant. Les États membres ont opté à la place pour une approche volontaire. Résultat: le chiffre de 40 000 personnes n'a jamais été atteint. Pas une seule personne ayant besoin de protection n'a encore été relocalisée, l'Italie et la Grèce restant seules pour faire face à la situation. C'est tout simplement insuffisant. Regardez les solutions intergouvernementales telles que le pacte budgétaire de 2011 destiné à renforcer la discipline budgétaire, ou l’accord de 2014 sur la création d’un fonds commun de résolution des défaillances bancaires. Nous constatons aujourd'hui qu'aucun État membre n'a intégralement mis en œuvre le pacte budgétaire, et que seulement 4 États membres sur 19 ont ratifié l'accord sur le fonds de résolution des défaillances bancaires, dont le lancement est censé intervenir le 1er janvier 2016. C'est tout simplement insuffisant pour relever les immenses défis qui sont aujourd'hui les nôtres. Nous devons changer notre façon de travailler. Nous devons agir plus rapidement. Nous devons être plus européens dans notre méthode. Non pas parce que nous voulons concentrer le pouvoir au niveau européen, mais parce que nous avons un urgent besoin de produire des résultats meilleurs et plus rapides. Il faut plus d'Europe dans notre Union. Il faut plus d'Union dans notre Union. Toute ma vie, j’ai cru en l’Europe. J'ai pour cela des raisons dont certaines, je le sais bien, j'en suis soulagé, n'évoquent rien aux générations d'aujourd'hui. Lorsque j'ai pris mes fonctions, j'ai dit que je voulais reconstruire des ponts qui commençaient à s'effondrer. Là où les joints de la solidarité avaient commencé à s'effriter. Là où les vieux démons cherchaient à refaire surface. Nous avons encore un long chemin à parcourir. Mais lorsque, dans quelques générations, les gens liront dans les manuels d'histoire européenne les passages concernant la période que nous traversons, puissentils lire que nous avons été solidaires, faisant preuve de compassion, et avons ouvert nos foyers à ceux qui avaient besoin de notre protection. Que nous avons joint nos forces pour relever les défis mondiaux, protéger nos valeurs et résoudre les conflits. Que nous avons fait en sorte que les contribuables n'aient plus jamais à payer pour l'avarice des spéculateurs financiers. Que, main dans la main, nous avons assuré la croissance et la prospérité de nos économies, dans l'intérêt de nos entreprises et avant tout de nos enfants. Puissentils lire que nous avons forgé une Union plus forte que jamais. Puissentils lire qu'ensemble, nous avons fait l’histoire européenne. Une histoire que nos petitsenfants raconteront avec fierté. Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les membres du Parlement européen, Il y a un an, je me trouvais ici devant vous, et je vous disais que l'état de notre Union n'était pas bon. Je vous disais qu'il n'y avait pas assez d'Europe dans cette Union. Et pas assez d'Union dans cette Union. Aujourd'hui, je ne viens pas me présenter devant vous pour vous dire que dorénavant tout va bien. Non, ce n'est pas le cas. Soyons tous très honnêtes dans notre diagnostic. Notre Union européenne traverse, du moins en partie, une crise existentielle. Pendant l'été, j'ai écouté attentivement des membres de ce Parlement, des représentants des gouvernements nationaux, de nombreux parlementaires nationaux et des citoyens européens, qui m'ont fait part de leur sentiment. J'ai été le témoin de plusieurs décennies d'intégration européenne. Il y a eu bon nombre de moments forts. Il y a eu aussi beaucoup de moments difficiles, et des moments de crise. Mais, jamais encore, je n'avais vu un terrain d'entente aussi réduit entre nos États membres. Un nombre aussi réduit de domaines dans lesquels ils acceptent de travailler ensemble. Jamais encore, je n'avais entendu autant de dirigeants ne parler que de leurs problèmes nationaux, et ne citer l'Europe qu'en passant, pour autant qu'ils la citent. Jamais encore, je n'avais vu des représentants des institutions de l'Union fixer des priorités aussi différentes, parfois en opposition directe avec les gouvernements et les parlements nationaux. C'est comme s'il n'y avait quasiment plus de point de rencontre entre l'Union et ses capitales nationales. Jamais encore, je n'avais vu des gouvernements nationaux aussi affaiblis par les forces populistes et paralysés par le risque de perdre les prochaines élections. Jamais encore, je n'avais vu une telle fragmentation, et aussi peu de convergence dans notre Union. Nous avons maintenant un choix très important à faire. Cédonsnous à un sentiment bien naturel de frustration? Nous permettonsnous de sombrer dans une dépression collective? Voulonsnous laisser notre Union se décomposer sous nos yeux? Ou bien pensonsnous qu'il est temps de nous reprendre, de remonter nos manches et de doubler, voire tripler, nos efforts? N'estce pas maintenant que l'Europe a besoin de dirigeants plus déterminés que jamais, plutôt que de politiciens qui abandonnent le navire? Nos premières réflexions sur l'état de l'Union doivent être posées avec réalisme et avec une grande honnêteté. Premièrement, nous devons admettre qu'il y a beaucoup de problèmes non résolus en Europe. Cela ne peut faire aucun doute. A commencer par le chômage élevé et les profondes inégalités sociales, l'amoncellement des dettes publiques et l'énorme défi de l'intégration des réfugiés jusqu'aux menaces bien réelles pour notre sécurité intérieure et extérieure; chaque État membre de l'Union est en proie aux crises incessantes de notre temps. Nous faisons même face à la triste perspective de voir un membre quitter nos rangs. Deuxièmement, nous devons être conscients que le monde entier nous regarde. Je rentre tout juste du sommet du G20 en Chine. L'Europe occupe 7 sièges à la table de cet important forum mondial. Malgré la taille de notre représentation, les questions étaient bien plus nombreuses que les réponses communes que nous avions à offrir. L'Europe seratelle encore capable de conclure des accords commerciaux et de proposer au monde des normes économiques, sociales et environnementales? L'économie de l'Europe connaîtratelle enfin une reprise, ou resteratelle engluée dans une croissance faible et une inflation basse pendant la prochaine décennie? L'Europe resteratelle à la pointe du combat en faveur des droits humains et des valeurs fondamentales? L'Europe parleratelle d'une seule voix quand l'intégrité territoriale d'un pays sera menacée, en violation du droit international? Ou l'Europe disparaîtratelle de la scène internationale en laissant à d'autres le soin de façonner le monde? Je sais que dans cette assemblée, vous n'aimeriez que trop donner des réponses claires à ces questions. Mais nos paroles doivent être suivies par une action commune. Sans cela, elles resteront ce qu'elles sont: rien que des mots. Et avec de simples mots, on ne peut pas peser sur les affaires internationales. Troisièmement, nous devons admettre que nous ne pourrons pas résoudre tous nos problèmes avec un discours de plus. Ni avec un sommet de plus. Nous ne sommes pas les EtatsUnis d'Amérique, où le président prononce son discours sur l'état de l'Union devant les deux chambres du Congrès, pendant que des millions de citoyens écoutent attentivement chacun de ses mots, en direct à la télévision. En comparaison, ce moment de l'état de l'Union ici en Europe montre très clairement la nature incomplète de notre Union. Aujourd'hui, je m'adresse au Parlement européen. Et ensuite, vendredi, je rencontrerai les dirigeants nationaux à Bratislava. Mon discours ne se mesure pas uniquement à l'aune de vos applaudissements, ignorant ce que les dirigeants nationaux diront vendredi. Je ne peux pas non plus aller à Bratislava avec un message autre que celui que je vous apporte aujourd'hui. Je dois tenir compte des deux niveaux de démocratie de notre Union, qui sont d'importance égale. Nous ne sommes pas les ÉtatsUnis d'Europe. Notre Union européenne est beaucoup plus complexe. Ignorer cette complexité serait une erreur, et nous conduirait à adopter les mauvaises solutions. L'Europe ne peut fonctionner que si les discours défendant notre projet commun sont tenus, non seulement devant cette honorable assemblée, mais aussi devant les parlements de tous nos États membres. L'Europe ne peut fonctionner que si nous travaillons tous en faveur de ce qui nous unit et nous rapproche, en laissant de côté les conflits de compétences et les rivalités entre institutions. Alors seulement, l'Europe sera plus que la somme de ses parties. Alors seulement, l'Europe pourra être plus forte et meilleure qu'elle ne l'est aujourd'hui. Alors seulement, les dirigeants des institutions de l'Union et les gouvernements nationaux pourront redonner confiance aux citoyens européens dans notre projet commun. Car les Européens sont fatigués des disputes, des querelles et des chamailleries sans fin. Les Européens veulent des solutions concrètes aux problèmes très pertinents auxquels notre Union fait face. Et ils attendent mieux que des promesses, des résolutions et des conclusions de sommets. Ils en ont trop vu et trop entendu. Les Européens veulent des décisions communes qui soient appliquées rapidement et efficacement. Oui, il nous faut une vision à long terme. Et la Commission dessinera cette vision pour l'avenir dans un Livre blanc qu'elle publiera en mars 2017, à l'occasion du 60ème anniversaire des traités de Rome. Nous y examinerons les moyens de renforcer et de réformer notre Union économique et monétaire. Et nous tiendrons également compte des défis politiques et démocratiques que notre Union à 27 devra relever dans le futur. Et, bien entendu, le Parlement européen sera étroitement associé au processus, de même que les parlements nationaux. Mais le simple fait d'avoir une vision ne suffira pas. Ce dont nos citoyens ont bien plus besoin, c'est que quelqu'un gouverne. Que quelqu'un réponde aux défis de notre temps. L'Europe est comme une corde composée de multiples fils – elle ne fonctionne que lorsque nous tirons tous dans la même direction: institutions de l'UE, gouvernements nationaux et parlement nationaux, ensemble. Et nous devons montrer à nouveau que c'est possible, dans un certain nombre de domaines où le besoin de solutions communes est le plus pressant. Je propose donc un programme positif d'actions européennes concrètes, à réaliser dans les douze prochains mois. Parce que je crois que ces douze prochains mois seront décisifs, si nous voulons ressouder notre Union. Si nous voulons surmonter les tragiques divisions qui sont apparues entre l'Est et l'Ouest au cours des derniers mois. Si nous voulons montrer que nous pouvons agir rapidement et résolument quand cela compte vraiment. Si nous voulons montrer au monde que l'Europe est encore une force capable d'une action commune. Nous devons nous mettre au travail. J'ai envoyé ce matin au Président Schulz et au Premier ministre Fico une lettre contenant ce même message. Les douze prochains mois seront cruciaux pour construire une Europe meilleure: une Europe qui protège; une Europe qui préserve notre mode de vie européen; une Europe qui donne le pouvoir à nos citoyens; une Europe qui défend, à l'intérieur comme à l'extérieur; et une Europe qui prend ses responsabilités. UNE EUROPE QUI PRÉSERVE NOTRE MODE DE VIE Je suis convaincu que le mode de vie européen est une chose qui vaut la peine d'être préservée. J'ai l'impression que beaucoup ont oublié ce que cela signifie d'être européen. Ce que cela signifie de faire partie de cette Union d'Européens – ce que le fermier de Lituanie a en commun avec la mère célibataire de Zagreb, l'infirmière maltaise ou l'étudiant de Maastricht. Il faut se rappeler pourquoi les nations d'Europe ont choisi de travailler ensemble. Il faut se rappeler pourquoi la foule a fêté la solidarité dans les rues de Varsovie le 1er mai 2004. Il faut se rappeler pourquoi le drapeau européen a flotté fièrement sur la Puerta del Sol le 1er janvier 1986. Il faut se rappeler que l'Europe est un moteur qui peut contribuer à l'unification de Chypre – entreprise pour laquelle les deux dirigeants chypriotes ont tout mon soutien. Surtout, l'Europe est synonyme de paix. Ce n'est pas une coïncidence si la plus longue période de paix de l'Histoire en Europe a commencé avec la formation des Communautés européennes. 70 ans de paix ininterrompue en Europe. Dans un monde où l'on dénombre 40 conflits armés actifs, qui chaque année coûtent la vie à 170 000 personnes. Bien sûr, nous ne sommes pas toujours d'accord. Oui, des sujets de controverse nous opposent souvent. Et parfois, nous nous affrontons. Mais nous nous affrontons avec des mots. Et nous réglons nos conflits autour d'une table, pas dans des tranchées. Une partie intégrante de notre mode de vie européen est constituée de nos valeurs. Les valeurs de liberté, de démocratie, l'état de droit. Les valeurs défendues des siècles durant sur les champs de bataille et sur des tribunes improvisées. Nous, Européens, nous ne pourrons jamais accepter que des travailleurs polonais soient harcelés, roués de coups ou même assassinés dans les rues d'Harlow. La libre circulation des travailleurs fait tout autant partie de nos valeurs européennes communes que la lutte contre la discrimination et le racisme. Nous, Européens, nous sommes fermement opposés à la peine de mort. Car nous croyons dans la valeur de la vie humaine et nous la respectons. Nous, Européens, nous croyons aussi dans l'indépendance et l'efficacité des systèmes judiciaires. Destribunaux indépendants sont un contrepoids au pouvoir des gouvernements, des entreprises et des personnes. Des systèmes judiciaires efficaces soutiennent la croissance économique et défendent les droits fondamentaux. C'est la raison pour laquelle l'Europe promeut et défend l'état de droit. Être européen, c'est aussi être ouvert et faire du commerce avec ses voisins, au lieu de leur faire la guerre. C'est faire partie du plus grand bloc commercial au monde, avec des accords commerciaux conclus ou en cours de négociation avec plus de 140 partenaires dans le monde. Le commerce est synonyme d'emplois – chaque milliard d'euros d'exportations représente 14 000 emplois supplémentaires créés dans l'UE. Et plus de 30 millions d'emplois, soit 1 emploi sur 7 dans l'UE, dépendent maintenant de nos exportations vers le reste du monde. C'est pourquoi l'Europe s'efforce d'obtenir l'ouverture des marchés avec le Canada – l'un de nos plus proches partenaires, qui partage aussi nos intérêts, nos valeurs, notre respect de l'état de droit et notre conception de la diversité culturelle. L'accord commercial entre l'UE et le Canada est le meilleur accord, et le plus progressiste, jamais négocié par l'UE. Et je travaillerai avec vous, et avec tous les États membres, pour que cet accord soit ratifié le plus rapidement possible. Être européen, c'est avoir le droit de voir ses données à caractère personnel protégées par une législation forte, une législation européenne. Car les Européens n'aiment pas que des drones planent audessus de leur tête pour enregistrer leur moindre geste, ni que des entreprises consignent chacun de leurs clics de souris. C'est pourquoi le Parlement, le Conseil et la Commission se sont entendus en mai dernier sur un règlement européen commun sur la protection des données. Cette législation européenne stricte s'applique aux entreprises, où qu'elles se trouvent, à chaque fois qu'elles traitent nos données. Car en Europe, la vie privée n'est pas un vain mot. C'est une question de dignité humaine. Être européen, c'est aussi être soumis à des règles équitables. Cela signifie que les travailleurs doivent recevoir le même salaire pour le même travail au même endroit. C'est une question de justice sociale. Et c'est pourquoi la Commission soutient la proposition de directive sur le détachement des travailleurs. Le marché intérieur n'est pas un endroit où les travailleurs d'Europe de l'Est peuvent être exploités ou soumis à des normes sociales moins strictes. L'Europe n'est pas le Far West, c'est une économie sociale de marché. Des règles équitables, cela veut aussi dire qu'en Europe, les consommateurs sont protégés des ententes entre grandes entreprises et de leurs pratiques abusives. Et que chaque entreprise, quelle que soit sa taille, doit payer des impôts là où elle fait des bénéfices. Cela s'applique aussi à des géants comme Apple, et ce, même si leur valeur boursière dépasse le PIB de 165 pays dans le monde. En Europe, nous n'acceptons pas que de puissantes sociétés obtiennent secrètement des accords illégaux sur leurs impôts. Le niveau d'imposition d'un pays comme l'Irlande n'est pas en question ici. L'Irlande a le droit souverain de fixer comme elle l'entend son niveau d'imposition. Mais il n'est pas juste qu'une entreprise puisse se soustraire à un impôt dont le produit aurait pu bénéficier à des familles, à des entreprises, à des écoles et à des hôpitaux irlandais. La Commission est garante de cette équité. C'est l'aspect social du droit de la concurrence. Et c'est ce que défend l'Europe. Être européen, cela correspond aussi, dans un environnement de plus en plus mondialisé, à une culture de protection de nos travailleurs et de nos industries. Citons le cas des milliers de personnes qui risquent de perdre leur emploi à Gosselies, en Belgique – c'est grâce à la législation européenne que l'entreprise en question va maintenant devoir s'engager dans un véritable dialogue social. Et les travailleurs comme les autorités locales peuvent compter sur la solidarité européenne et le soutien des fonds de l'Union européenne. Être européen, cela signifie également défendre notre industrie sidérurgique. Nous avons déjà pris 37 mesures antidumping et antisubventions pour protéger notre sidérurgie de la concurrence déloyale. Mais nous devons faire plus, car la surproduction dans certaines parties du monde est en train d'évincer les producteurs européens. C'est pourquoi je me suis rendu deux fois en Chine cette année en vue de régler ce problème de surcapacité. C'est aussi la raison pour laquelle la Commission a proposé de modifier la règle du droit moindre. Les ÉtatsUnis imposent à l'acier chinois un droit à l'importation de 265 %, tandis qu'ici, en Europe, certains gouvernements ont insisté pendant des années pour que nous abaissions les droits sur cette marchandise. J'en appelle à tous les États membres et à ce Parlement pour qu'ils soutiennent la Commission dans le renforcement de nos instruments de défense commerciale. Nous ne devons pas être des partisans naïfs du libreéchange, mais être capables de réagir au dumping avec la même fermeté que les ÉtatsUnis. Un élément essentiel de notre mode de vie européen, que je tiens à préserver, est notre secteur agricole. La Commission sera toujours présente aux côtés de nos agriculteurs, surtout lorsqu'ils traversent des moments difficiles comme c'est actuellement le cas. L'an dernier, le secteur laitier a été frappé par l'embargo imposé par la Russie. La Commission a donc mobilisé 1 milliard d'euros au profit des producteurs laitiers, afin de les aider à se redresser. Car je n'accepterai pas que le lait soit moins cher que l'eau. Être européen, pour la plupart d'entre nous, c'est aussi d'avoir l'euro. Pendant la crise financière mondiale, l'euro est resté fort et nous a protégés d'une instabilité plus grande encore. L'euro est l'une des principales monnaies internationales et apporte des avantages économiques énormes, quoique souvent invisibles. Les pays de la zone euro ont ainsi économisé 50 milliards d'euros cette année en paiements d'intérêts, grâce à la politique monétaire de la Banque centrale européenne. 50 milliards d'euros supplémentaires, que nos ministres des finances peuvent et sont censés investir dans l'économie. Le président de la BCE, Mario Draghi, veille à la stabilité de notre monnaie. Et il contribue davantage à l'emploi et à la croissance que beaucoup de nos États membres. Oui, nous, Européens, nous avons souffert d'une crise financière et de la dette historique. Mais la vérité est que les déficits publics, qui en 2009 se chiffraient à 6,3 % en moyenne dans la zone euro, sont aujourd'hui inférieurs à 2 %. Sur les trois dernières années, près de 8 millions de personnes supplémentaires ont trouvé un emploi. Un million d'entre elles rien qu'en Espagne, un pays qui continue de se relever de la crise à un rythme impressionnant. Je souhaiterais que tout cela soit rappelé plus souvent – partout en Europe où des politiciens élus prennent la parole. Parce que dans notre Union incomplète, il n'est pas d'autorité européenne qui puisse se substituer aux autorités nationales. Les nations européennes doivent défendre les arguments en faveur de l'unité. Nul ne peut le faire à leur place. Elles en sont capables. Nous pouvons être unis en dépit de notre diversité. Les grandes nations démocratiques d'Europe ne doivent pas ployer sous le vent du populisme. L'Europe ne doit pas se laisser impressionner par le terrorisme. Non. Et les États membres doivent construire une Europe qui protège. Et nous, les institutions européennes, nous devons les aider à tenir cette promesse. UNE EUROPE QUI DONNE LES MOYENS D'AGIR L'Union européenne devrait non seulement préserver notre mode de vie européen mais aussi donner les moyens d'agir à ceux qui le vivent. Nous devons travailler pour une Europe qui donne les moyens d'agir à ses citoyens et à son économie. Et aujourd'hui, citoyens et économie sont entrés dans l'ère du numérique. Les technologies numériques et les communications numériques sont présentes dans les moindres aspects de notre vie. Tout ce dont nous avons besoin, c'est d'un accès à l'Internet haut débit. Nous avons besoin d'être connectés. Notre économie en a besoin. Tout le monde en a besoin. Et nous devons investir dans cette connectivité maintenant. C'est pourquoi la Commission propose aujourd'hui de réformer les marchés des télécommunications européens. Nous voulons créer un nouveau cadre juridique qui attire et qui permette les investissements dans la connectivité. Les entreprises devraient pouvoir planifier leurs investissements en Europe sur les 20 prochaines années. Parce que si nous investissons dans de nouveaux réseaux et services, ce sont au moins 1,3 million de nouveaux emplois qui seront créés au cours de la prochaine décennie. La connectivité devrait profiter à chacun. C'est pourquoi, aujourd'hui, la Commission propose de déployer pleinement la 5G, la cinquième génération de systèmes de communication mobile, dans toute l'Union européenne d'ici à 2025. Cela peut générer deux millions d'emplois supplémentaires dans l'UE. Puisque la connectivité doit profiter à tous, alors peu importe le lieu de résidence ou le niveau de salaire. Nous proposons dès lors aujourd'hui d'équiper chaque village et chaque ville d'Europe d'un accès internet sans fil gratuit autour des principaux centres de la vie publique d'ici à 2020. À l'heure du tout numérique, nous devons également donner les moyens d'agir à nos artistes et à nos créateurs et protéger leurs œuvres. Les artistes et les créateurs sont les joyaux de l'Europe. La création de contenu n'est pas un passetemps. C'est un métier. Et elle fait partie de notre culture européenne. Je veux que journalistes, éditeurs et auteurs soient rémunérés équitablement pour leur travail, peu importe que celuici soit réalisé dans un studio ou dans un salon, diffusé hors ligne ou en ligne, publié via un photocopieur ou relié à un hyperlien sur Internet. C'est précisément ce que permet la refonte des règles européennes du droit d'auteur que nous proposons aujourd'hui. Donner les moyens à notre économie, cela veut dire investir dans la connectivité, mais aussi dans la création d'emplois. C'est pourquoi l'Europe doit investir résolument dans sa jeunesse, dans ses demandeurs d'emploi et dans ses startup. Le plan d'investissement pour l'Europe de 315 milliards d'euros, dont nous sommes convenus ensemble, ici même, il y a tout juste douze mois, a déjà mobilisé 116 milliards d'euros d'investissements, depuis la Lettonie jusqu'au Luxembourg, dans sa première année d'application. Plus de 200 000 petites entreprises et startup dans toute l'Europe ont obtenu un prêt. Et plus de 100 000 personnes ont bénéficié d'un nouvel emploi. Et ce, grâce au nouveau Fonds européen pour les investissements stratégiques que j'ai proposé, que ma Commission a élaboré, et que vous ici, au Parlement européen, avez soutenu et adopté en un temps record. Et nous irons maintenant encore plus loin. Aujourd'hui, nous proposons de doubler la durée du Fonds et de doubler sa capacité financière. Avec votre soutien, nous veillerons à ce que notre Fonds européen d'investissement fournisse un financement total d'au moins 500 milliards d'euros d'ici à 2020. Et nous irons audelà de cet objectif pour atteindre 630 milliards d'euros d'ici à 2022. Bien sûr, avec le concours des États membres, nous pourrons y arriver encore plus vite. En plus des efforts déployés pour attirer l'investissement privé, nous devons également créer l'environnement propice à cet investissement. Les banques européennes sont en bien meilleure forme qu'il y a deux ans, grâce à nos efforts conjoints européens. Et l'Europe a besoin de ses banques. Mais une économie presque totalement dépendante du crédit bancaire est mauvaise pour la stabilité financière. C'est également mauvais pour les entreprises, comme nous l'avons vu pendant la crise financière. C'est pourquoi il est maintenant urgent d'accélérer nos travaux concernant l'Union des marchés des capitaux. La Commission vous présente aujourd'hui une feuille de route concrète en ce sens. Une Union des marchés des capitaux rendra notre système financier plus résilient. Elle donnera aux entreprises un accès plus facile à des sources de financement plus variées. Imaginez une startup finlandaise qui ne peut obtenir de prêt bancaire. Aujourd'hui, les options sont très limitées. L'Union des marchés des capitaux offrira des sources de financement alternatives et d'importance vitale pour aider les startup à démarrer – «business angels», capitalrisque, financement par le marché. Pour ne citer qu'un seul exemple – il y a presque un an, nous avons mis sur la table une proposition pour faciliter l'octroi de prêts bancaires. Cette proposition est susceptible de libérer jusqu'à 100 milliards d'euros de financements supplémentaires pour les entreprises de l'UE. Alors, s'il vous plaît, accélérons son adoption. Notre plan d'investissement pour l'Europe a fonctionné mieux que quiconque ne l'avait prévu en Europe, et nous allons maintenant l'ouvrir au reste du monde. Comme beaucoup d'entre vous, et d'États membres, l'ont demandé. Aujourd'hui, nous lançons un plan d'investissement ambitieux pour l'Afrique et les pays du voisinage, susceptible de mobiliser 44 milliards d'euros d'investissements. C'est un montant qui peut aller jusqu'à 88 milliards d'euros si les États membres y contribuent. La logique est celle qui a fait ses preuves pour le plan d'investissement intérieur: nous utiliserons des fonds publics comme garantie pour attirer l'investissement public et privé et créer des emplois. Ainsi, nous compléterons notre aide au développement et nous nous attaquerons à l'une des causes profondes de la migration. Avec une croissance économique au plus bas depuis 2003 dans les pays en développement, c'est absolument nécessaire. Le nouveau plan apportera une aide vitale à ceux qui, autrement, seraient contraints d'entreprendre un voyage périlleux dans l'espoir d'une vie meilleure. Nous investissons pour améliorer les conditions à l'étranger, certes, mais nous devons aussi investir pour répondre aux crises humanitaires chez nous. Et plus que tout, nous devons investir dans notre jeunesse. Je ne peux pas accepter, et je n'accepterai jamais, que l'Europe soit et reste le continent du chômage des jeunes. Je ne peux pas accepter, et je n'accepterai jamais, que la génération du millénaire – la génération Y – devienne, pour la première fois en 70 ans, plus pauvre que celle de ses parents. Bien sûr, cette responsabilité incombe essentiellement aux gouvernements nationaux. Mais l'Union européenne peut soutenir leurs efforts. C'est ce que nous faisons avec la garantie pour la jeunesse de l'UE, lancée il y a trois ans. Ma Commission a renforcé l'efficacité de la garantie pour la jeunesse et en a accéléré la mise en œuvre. Plus de 9 millions de jeunes ont déjà bénéficié de ce programme. Ce sont 9 millions de jeunes qui ont trouvé un emploi, un stage ou un apprentissage grâce à l'Union européenne. Et nous continuerons à déployer la garantie pour la jeunesse dans toute l'Europe; ainsi, nous améliorerons la palette de compétences des Européens et nous tendrons la main aux régions et aux jeunes qui en ont le plus besoin. Nous faisons ceci aussi avec les programmes Erasmus dont 5 millions d'étudiants ont déjà bénéficié. Les jeunes se déplacent, voyagent, travaillent, étudient et se forment dans les pays de toute l'Union grâce à Erasmus. Et 1 étudiant Erasmus+ sur 3 s'est vu offrir un emploi dans l'entreprise dans laquelle il a effectué sa formation. Mais nous pouvons faire plus. Il y a de nombreux jeunes qui souhaitent s'engager en Europe; ils sont prêts à apporter une contribution significative à la société et à faire preuve de solidarité. Nous pouvons leur en donner les moyens. L'Union européenne peut aussi aider à créer plus d'opportunités pour les jeunes. L'Europe compte de nombreux jeunes qui souhaitent s'engager, contribuer utilement à la société et montrer leur solidarité. La solidarité est le ciment de notre Union. Le mot «solidarité» apparaît 16 fois dans les traités que tous nos États membres ont approuvés et ratifiés. Notre budget européen est une preuve concrète de solidarité financière. Il existe une solidarité impressionnante quand il s'agit par exemple d'appliquer conjointement des sanctions européennes lorsque la Russie viole le droit international. L'euro est l'expression de la solidarité. Notre politique de développement est un signe fort de solidarité envers le reste du monde. Et, dans la gestion de la crise des réfugiés, nous commençons à percevoir une certaine solidarité. J'ai la conviction qu'une solidarité beaucoup plus grande est nécessaire. Mais je sais aussi que la solidarité est un acte volontaire. Elle doit venir du cœur. Elle ne peut pas être imposée. Souvent, nous nous montrons plus volontiers solidaires dans les situations d'urgence. Quand des collines brûlaient au Portugal, ce sont des avions italiens qui ont éteint les flammes. Quand des inondations ont privé d'électricité une partie de la Roumanie, la lumière a été rétablie à l'aide de générateurs suédois. Quand des milliers de réfugiés ont débarqué sur les plages grecques, ce sont des tentes slovaques qui leur ont servi d'abri. C'est dans ce même esprit que la Commission propose aujourd'hui de créer un corps européen de solidarité. Les jeunes de toute l'Union pourront proposer leur aide là où elle sera le plus utile, pour répondre aux situations de crise, comme la crise des réfugiés ou les récents tremblements de terre en Italie. Je veux que ce corps européen de solidarité soit opérationnel avant la fin de l'année. Et je veux voir les 100 000 premiers jeunes volontaires à l'œuvre d'ici 2020. En rejoignant volontairement le corps européen de solidarité, ces jeunes pourront développer leurs compétences, avoir un travail et aussi vivre une expérience humaine de grande valeur. UNE EUROPE QUI DÉFEND Une Europe qui protège est une Europe qui défend, tant sur son territoire qu'à l'extérieur de celuici. Nous devons nous défendre contre le terrorisme. Depuis l'attentat de Madrid en 2004, l'Europe a connu plus de 30 attaques terroristes, dont 14 au cours de l'année écoulée. Plus de 600 innocents ont perdu la vie dans des villes comme Paris, Bruxelles, Nice ou Ansbach. Tout comme nous sommes restés solidaires dans le deuil, nous devons rester unis dans notre réponse. Ces actes barbares nous ont à nouveau montré ce pour quoi nous nous battons: pour notre mode de vie européen. Face à ce que l'Homme peut faire de pire, nous devons rester fidèles à nos valeurs, à nousmêmes. Et ce que nous sommes, ce sont des sociétés démocratiques, plurielles, ouvertes et tolérantes. Mais cette tolérance ne peut se faire au détriment de notre sécurité. C'est pourquoi ma Commission a donné la priorité à la sécurité dès le premier jour: nous avons érigé en infraction pénale le terrorisme et le retour de combattants étrangers dans toute l'UE, nous avons pris des mesures rigoureuses contre l'utilisation des armes à feu et le financement du terrorisme, nous avons travaillé avec les entreprises de l'internet pour retirer du web les contenus de propagande terroriste et nous avons lutté contre la radicalisation dans les écoles et les prisons en Europe. Mais il y a encore du travail. Nous devons savoir qui franchit nos frontières. C'est pourquoi nous défendrons nos frontières avec l'aide de la nouvelle agence européenne de gardesfrontières et de gardescôtes, qui est en voie d'être formalisée par le Parlement et le Conseil, tout juste neuf mois après que la Commission ait proposé sa création. Frontex dispose déjà de plus de 600 agents postés en Grèce aux frontières avec la Turquie et de plus de 100 agents en Bulgarie. À présent, les institutions de l'UE et les États membres devraient collaborer très étroitement pour contribuer rapidement à la mise en place de la nouvelle agence. Je veux voir le déploiement, dès le mois d'octobre, d'au moins 200 gardesfrontières et 50 véhicules supplémentaires aux frontières extérieures de la Bulgarie. Nous défendrons aussi nos frontières par un contrôle strict de tous ceux qui les franchiront, selon des modalités qui seront adoptées d'ici à la fin de l'année. Chaque fois qu'une personne entrera dans l'UE ou quittera son territoire, il y aura un enregistrement de la date, du lieu et du motif. D'ici au mois de novembre, nous proposerons un système européen d'informations de voyage, à savoir un système automatisé visant à déterminer qui sera autorisé à voyager à destination de l'Europe. De cette manière, nous saurons qui voyage vers l'Europe avant même que cette personne n'arrive. Et nous avons tous besoin de ces informations. Combien de fois ces derniers mois n'avonsnous pas entendu que les informations existaient dans une base de données dans un pays, mais qu'elles n'étaient jamais parvenues aux autorités d'un autre pays alors qu'elles auraient pu modifier le cours des choses? La sécurité des frontières implique également de donner la priorité à l'échange d'informations et de renseignements. À cette fin, nous renforcerons Europol, notre agence européenne d'appui aux services répressifs nationaux, en lui donnant un meilleur accès aux bases de données et en lui octroyant des ressources supplémentaires. Une unité de lutte contre le terrorisme qui dispose actuellement d'un effectif de 60 personnes ne peut pas fournir l'appui nécessaire 24 heures sur 24, 7 jours sur 7. Une Europe qui protège doit aussi défendre nos intérêts audelà de nos frontières. Les faits sont très clairs: le monde devient plus grand. Et nous devenons plus petits. Aujourd'hui, nous, Européens, nous représentons 8% de la population mondiale — en 2050, nous n'en représenterons plus que 5%. D'ici là, vous ne verrez plus un seul pays membre de l'UE parmi les premières économies mondiales. Mais qu'en seratil de l'UE dans son ensemble? Nous figurerons encore en haut du palmarès. Nos ennemis voudraient que nous nous séparions. Nos adversaires tireraient profit de notre division. Ce n'est qu'ensemble que nous sommes, et que nous resterons, une force incontournable. Pourtant, même si l'Europe est fière d'être une puissance douce qui revêt une importance mondiale, nous ne devons pas être naïfs. La puissance douce ne suffit pas dans un voisinage de plus en plus dangereux. Prenez l'exemple du conflit impitoyable qui sévit en Syrie. Ses conséquences pour l'Europe sont immédiates. Ce sont des attaques perpétrées dans nos villes par des terroristes formés dans les camps de Daech. Mais où est l'Union, où sont ses États membres, dans les négociations en vue d'un règlement du conflit? Federica Mogherini, notre haute représentante et ma viceprésidente, fait un travail fantastique. Mais elle doit devenir notre ministre européenne des affaires étrangères, celle qui rassemblera tous les corps diplomatiques, tant des petits que des grands pays, pour pouvoir peser dans les négociations internationales. C'est pourquoi j'appelle aujourd'hui à développer une stratégie européenne pour la Syrie. Federica devrait disposer d'un siège à la table des discussions sur l'avenir de la Syrie. Pour que l'Europe puisse contribuer à la reconstruction d'une nation syrienne pacifique et d'une société civile pluraliste et tolérante en Syrie. L'Europe doit s'affirmer davantage. Cela est particulièrement vrai pour notre politique de défense. L'Europe ne peut plus se permettre de dépendre de la puissance militaire d'autres pays ou de laisser la France défendre seule son honneur au Mali. Nous devons prendre en charge la protection de nos intérêts et de notre mode de vie européen. Au cours des dix dernières années, nous avons participé à plus de 30 missions civiles et militaires de l'UE au départ de l'Afrique vers l'Afghanistan. Mais sans structure permanente, nous ne pouvons pas agir de manière efficace. Les opérations urgentes sont retardées. Nous avons des sièges distincts pour des missions parallèles, même lorsqu'elles se déroulent dans le même pays ou dans la même ville. Il est temps que nous ayons un siège unique pour ces opérations. Nous devrions également nous orienter vers des ressources militaires communes qui, dans certains cas, appartiendraient à l'Union. Et, bien entendu, en pleine complémentarité avec l'OTAN. Sur le plan économique, cela se justifie clairement. Le manque de coopération en matière de défense coûte à l'Europe entre 25 et 100 milliards d'euros par an, en fonction des domaines concernés. Nous pourrions utiliser cet argent pour accomplir tellement plus de choses chaque année. Nous pouvons y parvenir. Nous sommes en train de constituer une flotte multinationale d'avions citernes. Reproduisons cet exemple. Pour garantir la solidité de la défense européenne, l'industrie européenne de la défense doit faire preuve d'innovation. C'est pourquoi nous proposerons, avant la fin de l'année, la création d'un Fonds européen de la défense, pour stimuler activement la recherche et l'innovation. Le traité de Lisbonne permet aux États membres qui le souhaitent de mettre en commun leurs capacités de défense sous la forme d'une coopération structurée permanente. Je pense que l'heure est venue de faire usage de cette possibilité. Et j'espère que notre réunion à 27 à Bratislava dans quelques jours, constituera le premier pas politique dans cette direction. Car c'est seulement si nous travaillons tous ensemble que l'Europe pourra se défendre sur son territoire comme à l'extérieur. UNE EUROPE QUI PREND SES RESPONSABILITÉS Le dernier point que je veux aborder avec vous concerne la responsabilité. Il nous faut prendre la responsabilité de construire cette Europe qui protège. J'appelle toutes les institutions de l'UE et chacun de nos États membres à assumer cette responsabilité. Nous devons en finir avec cette vieille rengaine selon laquelle le succès est national, et l'échec européen. Sans quoi notre projet commun ne survivra pas. Nous devons nous rappeler ce à quoi aspire notre Union. J'appelle donc chacun des 27 dirigeants en route vers Bratislava à réfléchir à trois raisons pour lesquelles nous avons besoin de l'Union européenne. Trois choses à défendre pour lesquelles ils sont prêts à prendre leurs responsabilités. Et qu'ils sont prêts à réaliser rapidement. Tarder à tenir les promesses faites est un phénomène qui risque de plus en plus de saper la crédibilité de l'Union. Prenez l'accord de Paris. Nous, Européens, nous sommes les leaders mondiaux de l'action en faveur du climat. C'est l'Europe qui a conduit les négociations pour le premier accord climatique juridiquement contraignant jamais conclu au niveau mondial. C'est l'Europe qui a formé la coalition de l'ambition rendant possible l'accord de Paris. Pourtant l'Europe peine aujourd'hui à montrer la voie et à faire partie des premiers à ratifier notre accord.Seules la France, l'Autriche et la Hongrie l'ont ratifié à ce stade. J'appelle donc tous les États membres, ainsi que ce Parlement, à jouer leur rôle dans les prochaines semaines, pas dans les prochains mois. Nous devrions être plus rapides. Ratifions maintenant l'accord de Paris. C'est possible. C'est une question de volonté politique. Et d'influence de l'Europe dans le monde. Les institutions européennes doivent, elles aussi, prendre leurs responsabilités. J'ai demandé à chacun de mes commissaires d'être prêt à débattre, dans les quinze jours qui viennent, de l'état de notre Union au sein des Parlements nationaux des pays que chacun d'entre eux connaît le mieux. Depuis le début de mon mandat, mes commissaires se sont rendus plus de 350 fois dans les Parlements nationaux. Et je veux qu'ils le fassent encore davantage maintenant. Car l'Europe ne peut se construire qu'avec les États membres, jamais contre eux. Nous devons aussi prendre nos responsabilités en reconnaissant qu'il ne nous appartient pas de prendre certaines décisions. Ce n'est pas juste, lorsque les pays de l'UE ne peuvent se mettre d'accord sur l'interdiction ou non d'utiliser du glyphosate dans les herbicides, que le Parlement ou le Conseil force la Commission à prendre une décision. Nous allons donc changer ces règles – car ce n'est pas cela la démocratie. La Commission doit prendre la responsabilité d'être politique, et pas technocrate. Une Commission politique, c'est une Commission à l'écoute du Parlement européen, à l'écoute de tous les États membres, et à l'écoute des citoyens. Et c'est notre écoute qui a motivé ma Commission à retirer 100 propositions au cours des deux premières années de notre mandat, à diminuer de 80 % le nombre d'initiatives présentées par rapport aux 5 années précédentes, et à lancer un réexamen en profondeur de l'ensemble de la législation en vigueur. Parce que ce n'est qu'en ciblant les domaines dans lesquels l'Europe peut apporter une véritable valeur ajoutée, et obtenir des résultats, que nous serons capables de faire de l'Europe un endroit meilleur et plus digne de confiance. Être politique signifie aussi corriger les erreurs technocratiques dès qu'elles se produisent. La Commission, le Parlement et le Conseil ont décidé conjointement de supprimer les frais d'itinérance pour les téléphones mobiles. C'est une promesse que nous tiendrons. Pas seulement pour les personnes qui partent en voyage d'affaires de deux jours. Pas seulement pour les vacanciers qui vont passer deux semaines au soleil. Mais aussi pour nos travailleurs transfrontaliers. Et pour les millions d'étudiants Erasmus qui séjournent un ou deux semestres à l'étranger pour leurs études. C'est ainsi que j'ai retiré un projet rédigé cet été. Ce projet partait d'une bonne intention. Il était correct sur le plan technique. Mais il ne correspondait pas aux promesses qui avaient été faites. Et dès la semaine prochaine vous verrez un nouveau projet, bien meilleur. Lorsque vous voyagez dans l'Union européenne avec votre téléphone mobile, cela devrait être comme si vous restiez chez vous. Être politique, c'est également ce qui nous permet de mettre le pacte de stabilité et de croissance en œuvre avec bon sens. Le pacte a été créé sur la base de la théorie. Beaucoup ont commencé à l'appliquer comme une doctrine. Et aujourd'hui certains en ont fait un dogme. En théorie, la dette d'un pays est punissable si elle dépasse les 60 pour cent d'une seule décimale. Mais dans la réalité, il faut examiner les raisons de cette dette. Nous devrions essayer de soutenir les efforts de réforme en cours, au lieu de les punir. Pour cela nous avons besoin de politiciens responsables. Et nous continuerons à appliquer le pacte non pas de manière dogmatique, mais avec bon sens et avec la flexibilité que nous avons eu la sagesse d'intégrer dans les règles. Enfin, prendre nos responsabilités signifie aussi répondre de nos actes devant les électeurs. C'est pourquoi nous allons proposer de changer la règle absurde obligeant les commissaires à renoncer à leurs fonctions s'ils veulent se présenter aux élections européennes. La Chancelière allemande, le premier ministre tchèque, danois ou estonien ne quittent pas leur poste lorsqu'ils se représentent aux élections suivantes. Les commissaires ne devraient pas le faire non plus. Si nous voulons une Commission qui réponde aux attentes du monde réel, nous devrions encourager les commissaires à prendre rendezvous comme il se doit avec la démocratie. Et non pas l'empêcher. CONCLUSION Mesdames et Messieurs les membres du Parlement européen, Je suis aussi jeune que le projet européen qui fêtera ses 60 ans l'an prochain, en mars 2017. Je l'ai vécu, je m'y suis consacré, toute ma vie. Mon père croyait en l'Europe car il croyait dans la stabilité, dans les droits des travailleurs et le progrès social. Parce qu'il avait compris à quel point la paix en Europe était précieuse – et fragile. Je crois en l'Europe parce que mon père m'a inculqué ces mêmes valeurs. Mais que transmettonsnous à nos enfants en ce moment? Qu'allonsnous leur laisser en héritage? Une Union qui s'effiloche dans la désunion? Une Union qui a oublié son passé et n'a aucune vision pour l'avenir? Nos enfants méritent mieux. Ils méritent une Europe qui préserve leur mode de vie. Ils méritent une Europe qui leur donne les moyens d'agir et qui les défend. Ils méritent une Europe qui protège. Il est temps que nous – les institutions, les gouvernements, les citoyens – prenions tous la responsabilité de construire cette Europe. Ensemble. M. le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les membres du Parlement européen, Lorsque je me suis présenté devant vous l'an dernier à la même période, ma tâche était, d'une certaine façon, plus facile. Il était clair pour tout le monde que l'état de notre Union était pour le moins préoccupant. L'Europe comptait ses blessures et ses égratignures, après une année qui l'avait ébranlée jusque dans ses fondements. Nous n'avions le choix qu'entre deux possibilités. Soit se rassembler autour d'un programme européen positif, soit se replier chacun sur soi en ignorant les autres. Face à ce choix, j'ai plaidé pour l'unité. J'ai proposé un programme positif pour, comme je l'ai dit l'année dernière, contribuer à créer une Europe qui protège, une Europe qui donne les moyens d'agir, une Europe qui défend. Au cours des douze derniers mois, le Parlement européen a contribué à donner vie à ce programme. Chaque jour qui passe, nous continuons à faire des progrès. Pas plus tard qu'hier soir, vous avez encore travaillé à un accord sur les instruments de défense commerciale et le doublement de notre capacité d'investissement européenne. Et vous y êtes parvenus. Je vous en remercie. Je voudrais aussi remercier les 27 dirigeants de nos États membres. Quelques jours après mon discours de l'an dernier, ils ont approuvé mon programme lors de leur sommet de Bratislava. Ils ont ainsi choisi l'unité. Ils ont choisi de se rassembler autour de nos intérêts communs. Ensemble, nous avons montré que l'Europe peut obtenir des résultats concrets pour ses citoyens, quand et là où c'est nécessaire. Depuis lors, nous avons réussi des avancées parfois lentes mais irréversibles. L'amélioration des perspectives économiques a joué en notre faveur. Nous entrons à présent dans la cinquième année d'une reprise économique qui se fait réellement sentir dans chacun des États membres. Ces deux dernières années, la croissance a été plus forte dans l'Union européenne qu'aux ÉtatsUnis. Elle se chiffre maintenant à plus de 2 % pour toute l'Union et à 2,2 % pour la zone monétaire. Le chômage est au plus bas depuis neuf ans. Depuis le début de notre mandat, près de 8 millions d'emplois ont été créés. Et le taux d'emploi dans l'Union européenne est plus élevé qu'il ne le fut jamais. Nous avons 235 millions de personnes qui ont un travail. La Commission européenne ne peut pas s'en attribuer seule tout le mérite. Cela dit, je suis sûr que, si 8 millions d'emplois avaient été détruits, pour beaucoup c'eût été notre faute. En réalité les institutions de l'Europe ont joué leur rôle en contribuant à faire en sorte que le vent tourne. Nous pouvons nous attribuer le mérite de notre plan d'investissement pour l'Europe, qui a généré jusqu'à présent 225 milliards d'euros d'investissements. Il a accordé des prêts à 450 000 petites entreprises et à plus de 270 projets d'infrastructure. Nous pouvons nous attribuer le mérite d'une action déterminée, grâce à laquelle les banques européennes ont de nouveau la force de frappe financière nécessaire pour prêter aux entreprises et leur permettre de croître et de créer des emplois. Et nous avons eu le mérite d'avoir contribué à la baisse des déficits publics, qui sont passés d'un niveau de 6,6 % à un niveau de 1,6 %. Nous le devons à une application intelligente du Pacte de stabilité et de croissance. Nous exigeons une discipline budgétaire mais nous veillons à ce qu'elle ne nuise pas à la croissance. Cela fonctionne en fait très bien dans toute l'Union européenne en dépit des critiques. Dix ans après le déclenchement de la crise, l'Europe connaît enfin un rebond économique. Et avec lui, un regain de confiance. Nos 27 dirigeants, le Parlement et la Commission sont en train de remettre le projet européen au cœur de notre Union. L'an dernier, à Rome, nous avons vu les 27 dirigeants gravir un à un la colline du Capitole pour renouveler leurs vœux d'engagement mutuel et envers l'Union. Tout cela m'incite à y croire: l'Europe a de nouveau le vent en poupe. De nouvelles opportunités s'ouvrent à nous, mais elles ne resteront pas ouvertes éternellement. Mettons cet élan à profit, profitons de ces vents favorables. Et pour cela nous devons faire deux choses: Premièrement, nous devons tenir le cap fixé l'an dernier. Il nous reste encore 16 mois durant lesquels le Parlement, le Conseil et la Commission peuvent accomplir de véritables progrès. Nous devons profiter de cette période pour terminer ce que nous avons commencé à Bratislava, et mettre en œuvre notre propre programme constructif. Deuxièmement, nous devons nous fixer un objectif ambitieux pour l'avenir. Comme l'a écrit Mark Twain (je cite), quand les années auront passé, nous serons plus déçus par les choses que nous n'aurons pas faites que par celles que nous aurons faites. Le moment est venu de bâtir une Europe plus unie, plus forte, plus démocratique d'ici à 2025. TENIR LE CAP Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Alors que nous regardons vers l'avenir, nous ne pouvons pas nous laisser dévier de notre cap. Ensemble, nous nous sommes fixés comme objectif de parachever une union de l'énergie, une union de la sécurité, une union des marchés des capitaux, une union bancaire et un marché unique numérique. Ensemble, nous avons déjà fait bien du chemin. Comme l'a confirmé le Parlement, la Commission a déjà présenté 80% des propositions promises en début de mandat. Nous devons maintenant travailler ensemble pour que ces propositions deviennent des actes législatifs, et que ces actes se concrétisent dans la pratique. Comme toujours, certaines concessions devront être faites. Les propositions présentées par la Commission pour réformer notre système d'asile commun ou pour établir de nouvelles règles plus solides sur le détachement des travailleurs sont des sujets, je le sais, controversés. Nous obtiendrons de bons résultats si chacun bâtit sa partie du pont pour que les positions puissent se rejoindre. Et je voudrais dire que la Commission sera ouverte au compromis, du moment que le résultat final est le bon pour l'Union et équitable pour tous ses États membres. Nous sommes maintenant prêts à soumettre les 20% d'initiatives restantes d'ici à mai 2018. Ce matin, j'ai adressé au Président du Parlement et au Premier ministre estonien, dont je voudrais ici saluer l'action forte qu'il est en train de déployer pour ce qui est de l'Europe, une lettre d'intention précisant les priorités pour l'année à venir. Je ne vais pas et je ne peux pas vous énumérer ici toutes ces propositions, mais permettezmoi d'en mentionner cinq qui sont particulièrement importantes. Premièrement, je voudrais que nous renforcions encore notre programme commercial européen. L'Europe est ouverte au commerce, oui. Mais réciprocité il doit y avoir. Il faudra que nous obtenions autant que ce que nous donnons. Le commerce n'est pas un concept abstrait. Le commerce, ce sont des emplois, ce sont de nouvelles opportunités pour les entreprises européennes, grandes ou petites. Chaque milliard d'exportations en plus représente 14 000 emplois supplémentaires en Europe. Le commerce, c'est l'exportation de nos normes sociales et environnementales, et de nos normes en matière de protection des données ou de sécurité alimentaire. L'Europe a toujours été un espace économique attirant. Mais depuis l'an dernier, j'observe que nos partenaires du monde entier se pressent à notre porte pour conclure des accords commerciaux avec nous. Grâce à l'aide de votre Parlement, nous venons de conclure avec le Canada un accord commercial qui s'appliquera de manière provisoire à compter de la semaine prochaine. Nous avons trouvé un accord politique avec le Japon sur un futur partenariat économique. Et, d'ici la fin de l'année, nous avons de bonnes chances de faire de même avec le Mexique et les pays d'Amérique du Sud. Aujourd'hui, nous proposons d'ouvrir des négociations commerciales avec l'Australie et la NouvelleZélande. Je voudrais que tous ces accords soient finalisés d'ici la fin de ce mandat. Et je tiens à ce qu'ils soient négociés dans la plus grande transparence. L'ouverture aux échanges doit aller de pair avec une transparence accrue de nos processus décisionnels. Le Parlement européen aura le dernier mot sur l'ensemble des accords commerciaux. Donc, ses membres tout comme les parlements nationaux et régionaux doivent être tenus parfaitement informés dès le premier jour des négociations. La Commission y veillera. Dorénavant, la Commission publiera l'intégralité des projets de mandats de négociation qu'elle présentera au Conseil. Les citoyens ont le droit de savoir ce que propose la Commission. Fini le manque de transparence, finis les rumeurs et les procès d'intention dont la Commission ne cesse de faire l'objet. J'invite le Conseil à faire de même. Je voudrais dire une fois pour toutes: nous ne sommes pas des partisans naïfs du libreéchange. L'Europe doit toujours défendre ses intérêts stratégiques. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous proposons aujourd'hui un nouveau cadre de l'UE sur l'examen des investissements – 'investment screening' en anglais. Si une entreprise publique étrangère veut acquérir un port européen stratégique, une partie de notre infrastructure énergétique ou une de nos sociétés dans le domaine des technologies de défense, cela ne peut se faire que dans la transparence, à travers un examen approfondi et un débat. Il est de notre responsabilité politique de savoir ce qui se passe chez nous afin d'être en mesure, si besoin en était, de protéger notre sécurité collective. Deuxièmement, la Commission voudrait rendre notre industrie plus forte et plus compétitive. C'est en particulier vrai pour ce qui concerne notre base industrielle et les 32 millions de travailleurs qui en constituent la colonne vertébrale. Ce sont eux qui fabriquent les produits de toute première classe nos voitures, par exemple auxquels nous devons notre avance par rapport à d'autres. Je suis fier de notre industrie automobile. Mais je suis choqué quand clients et consommateurs sont sciemment et intentionnellement trompés. J'invite l'industrie automobile à faire amende honorable et à corriger le tir. Au lieu de chercher à tromper et à induire en erreur, les constructeurs devraient investir dans les voitures propres qui sont celles de demain. Nous présentons, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, aujourd'hui même une nouvelle stratégie industrielle qui permettra à notre industrie de rester ou de devenir le numéro un en matière d'innovation, de numérisation et de décarbonisation. Troisièmement, je voudrais que l'Europe soit à l'avantgarde de la lutte contre le changement climatique. L'année dernière, nous avons fixé des normes climatiques globales avec la ratification de l'accord de Paris ici même, dans cette assemblée. Face à l'affaissement des ambitions dont font preuve les ÉtatsUnis, l'Europe doit faire en sorte de rendre grande la planète, qui est la patrie indivisible de l'humanité toute entière. La Commission présentera sous peu une proposition de réduction des émissions de carbone dans le secteur des transports. Et quatrièmement: je voudrais que nous protégions mieux les Européens à l'ère du numérique. Au cours des dernières années, nous avons fait des progrès notables dans la sécurisation de l'internet. De nouvelles règles, proposées par la Commission, protégeront nos droits de propriété intellectuelle, notre diversité culturelle et nos données à caractère personnel. Nous avons intensifié la lutte contre la propagande terroriste et la radicalisation en ligne. Mais l'Europe reste mal équipée face aux cyberattaques. Les cyberattaques sont parfois plus dangereuses pour la stabilité des démocraties et des économies que les fusils et les chars. Rien que l'année dernière, on a enregistré plus de 4 000 attaques par rançongiciel et 80% des entreprises européennes ont connu au moins un incident lié à la cybersécurité. Les cyberattaques ne connaissent pas de frontières; elles n'épargnent personne. C'est pourquoi la Commission propose aujourd'hui de nouveaux outils, et notamment une Agence européenne de cybersécurité, pour mieux nous défendre contre ces attaques. Cinquièmement: la migrationdoit rester sur notre radar. Même si les questions gravitant autour de la migration ont souvent suscité débats et polémiques, nous sommes parvenus à faire de réels progrès sur de nombreux plans. Aujourd'hui, nous protégeons nos frontières extérieures de façon plus efficace. Plus de 1 700 officiers du nouveau corps de gardefrontières et gardecôtes soutiennent maintenant les 100 000 gardefrontières nationaux des États membres et patrouillent notamment en Grèce, en Italie, en Bulgarie et en Espagne. Nous avons des frontières communes mais les Etats qui sont en première ligne du fait de leur situation géographique ne doivent pas être les seuls responsables de leur protection. Frontières communes et protection commune doivent aller ensemble. Nous sommes parvenus à endiguer les flux de migrants irréguliers, sources de grande inquiétude dans de nombreux pays. Nous avons réduit de 97% le nombre des arrivées irrégulières en Méditerranée orientale grâce à l'accord que nous avons conclu avec la Turquie. Et, cet été, nous avons réussi à mieux contrôler la route de la Méditerranée centrale: les arrivées y ont diminué de 81% en août par rapport au même mois de l'année dernière. De cette manière, nous avons considérablement réduit le nombre des vies humaines perdues en Méditerranée. Je ne peux pas parler de migration sans rendre un hommage appuyé à l'Italie pour sa persévérance et sa générosité. Pendant les mois d'été, la Commission a travaillé en toute harmonie avec le Premier ministre italien, mon ami Paolo Gentiloni, et son gouvernement. Nous l'avons fait et nous continuerons à le faire parce que, en Méditerranée, l'Italie sauve l'honneur de l'Europe. Nous devons aussi et de toute urgence améliorer les conditions de vie des réfugiés en Libye. Je suis atterré par les conditions inhumaines qui prévalent dans les centres de rétention ou d'accueil. Ici, l'Europe a une responsabilité, mais une responsabilité collective, et la Commission agira de concert avec les Nations unies pour mettre fin à cette situation scandaleuse qui ne peut durer. Même si cela m'attriste de voir que tous nos États membres ne montrent pas le même degré de solidarité, l'Europe prise dans son ensemble a continué à faire preuve de solidarité. Rien que l'année passée, nos États membres ont accordé l'asile à plus de 720 000 réfugiés, ou ont pourvu à leur réinstallation. C'est trois fois plus que l'Australie, le Canada et les ÉtatsUnis pris ensemble. L'Europe, contrairement à ce qui est dit, n'est pas une forteresse et ne doit jamais le devenir. L'Europe est et restera le continent de la solidarité où doivent pouvoir trouver refuge ceux qui sont poursuivis pour des raisons inacceptables. Je suis particulièrement fier des jeunes Européens qui se portent volontaires pour donner des cours de langue aux réfugiés syriens ou de tous ces jeunes qui, par milliers, se sont mis au service de notre nouveau corps européen de solidarité. Ces jeuneslà donnent vie et couleur à la solidarité européenne. Mais nous devons redoubler d'efforts. À la fin du mois, la Commission présentera une nouvelle série de propositions centrées sur les retours, la solidarité avec l'Afrique et l'ouverture de voies de migration légales. Concernant plus particulièrement les retours, je voudrais répéter que les personnes qui ne sont pas en droit de séjourner en Europe doivent regagner leur pays d'origine. Alors que seulement 36% des migrants en situation irrégulière sont renvoyés, il est évident que nous devons considérablement intensifier notre effort et notre action en la matière. C'est seulement de cette manière que l'Europe pourra faire preuve de solidarité à l'égard des réfugiés qui ont réellement besoin de protection. La solidarité ne peut pas être une affaire exclusivement intraeuropéenne. Il s'agit aussi de mettre en place une plus grande solidarité avec l'Afrique: Afrique, berceau de l'humanité, continent noble, continent jeune. Notre fonds fiduciaire pour l'Afrique, doté d'une enveloppe de 2,7 milliards d'euros, ouvre des possibilités d'emploi partout sur le continent africain. Mais, alors que le budget de l'UE a assumé le gros du financement, la contribution de tous nos États membres réunis ne s'élève qu'à 150 millions d'euros. Le fonds atteint maintenant ses limites. Nous connaissons ou nous devrions connaître les risques d'une pénurie de financement: en 2015, de nombreux migrants ont voulu rejoindre l'Europe quand et parce que les fonds du Programme alimentaire mondial de l'ONU se sont épuisés. J'invite donc les États membres à joindre le geste à la parole et à veiller à ce que le fonds fiduciaire pour l'Afrique ne connaisse pas le même sort. Le risque est grand. Nous allons aussi travailler à l'ouverture de voies de migration légales. La migration irrégulière ne s'arrêtera que lorsque les migrants auront une autre option que d'entreprendre un voyage périlleux. Nous sommes sur le point de réinstaller 22 000 réfugiés venant de Turquie, de Jordanie et du Liban et je m'associe à l'appel lancé par le hautcommissaire des Nations unies pour les réfugiés pour réinstaller 40 000 autres réfugiés originaires de Libye et des pays voisins. Pour le reste, l'Europe est un continent qui vieillit, raison de plus pour le doter d'un système de migration légale qui est une nécessité incontournable. C'est la raison pour laquelle la Commission a fait des propositions pour faciliter l'accès des migrants à la carte bleue européenne, et je vous remercie le Parlement de son soutien à cet égard. HISSONS LES VOILES Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Je n'ai mentionné que quelquesunes des initiatives que nous souhaitons et devons mettre en place au cours des seize prochains mois. Mais cela ne suffira pas pour regagner le cœur et l'esprit des Européens. Nous devons maintenant fixer un cap pour l'avenir. En mars, la Commission a présenté son Livre blanc sur l'avenir de l'Europe, qui décline en cinq scénarii le visage que pourrait prendre l'Europe d'ici à 2025. Ces scénarii ont été débattus, parfois de manière superficielle, parfois avec virulence. Ils ont été analysés et même parfois complètement décortiqués. Je m'en félicite car c'était exactement le but recherché. J'ai voulu lancer ainsi un processus qui permette aux Européens de déterminer euxmêmes leur propre voie pour l'avenir. L'avenir de l'Europe ne peut pas être dicté par ses seuls dirigeants. Il ne peut être que l'aboutissement d'un débat démocratique débouchant sur un large consensus. Cette assemblée y a activement contribué avec ses trois ambitieuses résolutions sur l'avenir de l'Europe, dont je remercie tout particulièrement les rapporteurs. Mes remerciements vont également à tous les collègues qui ont participé aux plus de 2 000 événements publics que la Commission a organisés depuis mars un peu partout en Europe. Le moment est venu de tirer les premières conclusions de ce débat. Le moment est venu d'aborder la prochaine étape: passer de la réflexion à l'action, du débat à la décision. Je voudrais aujourd'hui vous présenter ma vision des choses: mon «sixième scénario» personnel, si vous voulez. Ce scénario est le fruit de dizaines d'années d'expérience personnelle. Toute ma vie, j'ai vécu, lutté et travaillé pour le projet européen. J'ai été témoin et acteur de bons et de mauvais moments. J'ai occupé bon nombre de sièges autour de la table de négociation: en tant que ministre, Premier ministre, président de l'Eurogroupe, et maintenant président de la Commission. J'étais là, à Maastricht, Amsterdam, Nice et Lisbonne, quand notre Union évoluait et s'élargissait. Je me suis toujours battu pour l'Europe. J'ai parfois souffert à cause de l'Europe. Et même désespéré de l'Europe. Avec l'Union européenne, j'ai aussi traversé des hauts et des bas, mais je n'ai jamais perdu cet amour de l'Europe. Car, c'est bien connu, il n'y pas d'amour sans déconvenue, en tout cas très rarement. Alors il faut aimer l'Europe, parce que dans ce monde troublé, l'Europe et l'Union européenne ont réussi une performance unique, imposer la paix à l'intérieur et la paix à l'extérieur de ses frontières. Et la prospérité si ce n'est pour tous, en tout cas pour un grand nombre. Nous devrions méditer sur cela à l'occasion de l'Année européenne du patrimoine culturel qui doit célébrer en 2018 notre diversité culturelle. UNE UNION DE VALEURS Être attaché aux mêmes valeurs, nous apporte un sentiment d'appartenance. Pour moi, l'Europe est un projet plus vaste que le marché unique, que la monnaie, que l'euro. Elle a toujours été une question de valeurs. C'est pourquoi mon sixième scénario repose sur trois piliers, trois principes inébranlables: la liberté, l'égalité et l'état de droit. L'Europe est d'abord une union de la liberté. De la liberté face à l'oppression et à la dictature que notre continent, surtout les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale, ont hélas trop bien connus. Je veux dire la liberté de faire entendre sa voix, en tant que citoyen et en tant que journaliste, cette liberté dont nous pensons bien trop souvent qu'elle relève de l'évidence. Ce sont des valeurs sur lesquelles s'est construite notre Union. Mais la liberté ne tombe pas du ciel. Nous devons nous battre pour qu'elle triomphe. En Europe et dans le monde. Deuxièmement, l'Europe doit être une union de l'égalité et une union entre égaux. Cela veut dire l'égalité entre ses membres, grands ou petits, de l'Est ou de l'Ouest, du Nord ou du Sud. L'Europe s'étend de Vigo à Varna, de l'Espagne à la Bulgarie. L'Europe doit respirer avec ses deux poumons, avec celui de l'est et avec celui de l'ouest. Sinon notre continent s'essouffle. Dans une Union où tous sont égaux, il ne peut y avoir de citoyens de seconde classe. Il est inacceptable qu'en 2017, des enfants meurent encore de maladies qui auraient dû être éradiquées depuis longtemps en Europe. Les enfants de Roumanie ou d'Italie doivent avoir le même accès aux vaccins contre la rougeole que les enfants d'autres pays européens. Pas de si, ni de mais qui tiennent. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous travaillons avec tous les États membres pour soutenir leurs efforts de vaccination sur le plan national. En Europe on ne peut pas accepter des morts quand elles peuvent être évitées. Dans une Union où tous sont égaux, il ne peut y avoir de travailleurs de seconde classe. Ceux qui font le même travail, sur un même lieu, doivent toucher le même salaire. Les propositions de la Commission sur le détachement des travailleurs visent à assurer cet objectif. Nous devrions faire en sorte que toutes les règles de l'UE en matière de mobilité des travailleurs soient mises en œuvre de manière juste, simple et efficace par un nouvel organisme européen d'inspection et d'application des règles. Il est absurde de disposer d'une Autorité bancaire pour faire appliquer les normes bancaires, mais pas d'une Autorité commune du travail pour veiller au respect de l'équité dans notre marché unique. Nous allons créer une telle autorité. Dans une Union où tous sont égaux, il ne peut pas non plus y avoir de consommateurs de seconde classe. Je ne peux accepter que dans certaines régions d'Europe, en Europe centrale et orientale, les gens se voient proposer des produits alimentaires de moindre qualité que dans d'autres pays, sous des marques et des emballages pourtant identiques. Les Slovaques ne méritent pas d'avoir moins de poisson dans leurs poissons panés, les Hongrois moins de viande dans leurs repas, ou les Tchèques moins de cacao dans leur chocolat. La réglementation de l'UE interdit déjà ce genre de pratiques. Il nous reste à renforcer les moyens dont disposent les autorités nationales pour réprimer ces pratiques illégales partout où elles sont constatées. Troisièmement : En Europe, la force du droit a remplacé la règle du plus fort. Cela signifie que l'autorité de la loi est garantie par un pouvoir judiciaire indépendant. Appartenir à une Union fondée sur l'état de droit, cela veut dire qu'il faut savoir accepter et respecter un jugement. Nos États membres ont accordé à la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne la compétence pour statuer en dernier ressort. Les jugements de la Cour de justice européenne doivent donc être respectés dans tous les cas. Ne pas le faire ou saper l'indépendance des juridictions nationales, revient à déposséder les citoyens de leurs droits fondamentaux. L'état de droit n'est pas une option dans l'Union européenne. C'est une obligation. Notre Union n'est pas un État mais elle doit être une communauté de droit. UNE UNION PLUS UNIE Ces trois principes, – liberté, égalité et état de droit – doivent rester les fondations sur lesquelles nous construirons une Union plus forte, plus unie et plus démocratique. Quand nous parlons de l'avenir, je sais d'expérience que de nouveaux traités et de nouvelles institutions ne sont pas les réponses attendues. Ce ne sont là que des moyens de parvenir à une fin – ni plus, ni moins. De nouveaux traités, de nouvelles institutions, cela nous parle, à nous, ici; à Strasbourg ou à Bruxelles. Ailleurs, ils ne veulent pas dire grandchose. Les réformes institutionnelles ne m'intéressent que si elles contribuent à rendre notre Union européenne plus efficace. Au lieu de se lancer tête baissée dans de futurs changements de traités, qui devront venir un jour ou l'autre, nous devrions tout d'abord nous défaire de l'idée qui voudrait qu'on ne puisse gagner que si d'autres perdent. La démocratie est une question de compromis. Et avec de bons compromis, tout le monde est gagnant à long terme. Dans l'Union européenne les compromis ne sont ni négatifs, ni diffamants, ils permettent, au contraire, de combler et de réconcilier les différences. Celui qui n'est pas capable de faire des compromis n'est pas mûr pour la démocratie ni pour l'Europe. Pour renforcer son unité, l'Union européenne doit aussi devenir plus inclusive. Si nous voulons protéger nos frontières extérieures et, à juste titre, les renforcer encore davantage, nous devons laisser la Bulgarie et la Roumanie rejoindre immédiatement l'espace Schengen.Nous devrions aussi permettre à la Croatie d'en devenir membre à part entière, une fois que tous les critères seront remplis. Si nous voulons que l'euro unisse notre continent plutôt que de le diviser, il faut qu'il soit plus que la monnaie de quelques. L'euro a vocation à devenir la monnaie unique de toute l'Union européenne. Tous nos États membres, sauf deux, ont le droit et l'obligation d'adopter l'euro dès qu'ils rempliront les conditions. Les Etats membres qui veulent intégrer la zone euro doivent aussi avoir la capacité de le faire. C'est la raison pour la laquelle je propose la création d'un instrument d'adhésion à l'euro, offrant une assistance de préadhésion technique et parfois financière. Si nous voulons que les banques soient soumises aux mêmes règles et à la même surveillance sur l'ensemble de notre continent, nous devons encourager tous les États membres à rejoindre l'union bancaire. Pour cela, il nous faut réduire les risques qui existent encore dans les systèmes bancaires de certains de nos États membres. L'union bancaire ne peut fonctionner que si la réduction et le partage de ces risques vont de pair. Pour y parvenir, comme chacun le sait, certaines conditions préalables doivent être remplies, comme la Commission l'a proposé en novembre 2015. Il ne pourra y avoir de garantie des dépôts commune qu'à partir du moment où chacun se sera mis en ordre sur le plan national. Et si nous voulons mettre fin à la fragmentation et au dumping social en Europe, les Etats membres devront se mettre d'accord sur le socle européen des droits sociaux aussi rapidement que possible, et au plus tard lors du sommet de Göteborg en novembre. Les systèmes sociaux nationaux resteront encore pour longtemps divers et distincts. Mais nous devrions au minimum nous mettre d'accord sur une union européenne des normes sociales, pour déterminer ensemble ce qui est juste et injuste dans notre marché intérieur. J'en reste convaincu: si l'Europe veut réussir, elle ne peut pas délaisser ses travailleurs. Mesdames et Messieurs, si nous voulons plus de stabilité dans notre voisinage, nous devons aussi offrir des perspectives d'élargissement crédibles aux Balkans occidentaux. Il n'y aura pas de nouveaux pays membres durant le mandat de cette Commission et de ce Parlement, parce que les critères d'adhésion ne sont pas remplis. Mais dans les années qui viennent l'Union européenne comptera plus de 27 membres. Pour tous les pays candidats à l'adhésion, une priorité absolue doit être donnée, dans les négociations, au respect de l'état de droit, de la justice et des droits fondamentaux. Cela exclut une adhésion de la Turquie à l'UE dans un avenir proche. Depuis un certain temps, la Turquie s'éloigne à pas de géants de l'Union européenne. La place des journalistes est dans les rédactions, là où règne la liberté d'expression. Leur place n'est pas dans les prisons. J'en appelle aux autorités turques: libérez les journalistes, et pas seulement les nôtres. Arrêtez d'insulter nos États membres et nos chefs d'état et de gouvernement en les traitant de fascistes ou de nazis. L'Europe est un continent composé de démocraties mûres. Mais celui qui offense délibérément se ferme la route vers notre Union. J'ai parfois le sentiment que la Turquie cherche à fermer ce chemin pour rendre ensuite l'Union européenne responsable d'un échec des négociations d'adhésion. De notre côté, nous garderons toujours la main tendue en direction du grand peuple turc et de tous ceux qui sont disposés à coopérer avec nous sur la base de nos valeurs. UNE UNION PLUS FORTE Mesdames et Messieurs, Je veux que notre Union soit plus forte, ce qui suppose un marché intérieur plus fort. Je voudrais que sur les questions importantes concernant ce marché les décisions puissent être plus souvent et plus facilement prises au Conseil à la majorité qualifiée avec une participation égale du Parlement européen. Il n'est pas nécessaire de modifier les traités pour cela. Il existe des clauses dites 'passerelles' dans les traités actuels qui nous permettent de passer au vote à la majorité qualifiée au lieu de l'unanimité dans certains cas, à condition que le Conseil européen le décide à l'unanimité. Je suis d'avis que nous devrions introduire le vote à la majorité qualifiée sur les décisions concernant l'assiette commune consolidée pour l'impôt des sociétés, la TVA, une fiscalité juste pour l'industrie numérique et la taxe sur les transactions financières. L'Europe doit être capable de décider plus rapidement et plus efficacement, et cela vaut aussi pour l'Union économique et monétaire. La zone euro est aujourd'hui plus robuste qu'elle ne l'a jamais été. Nous avons notamment créé un mécanisme européen de stabilité (MES). Je pense que le MES devrait maintenant évoluer progressivement vers un Fonds monétaire européen, qui doit toutefois être fermement ancré dans les règles et les compétences de l'Union européenne. La Commission fera des propositions concrètes en ce sens en décembre. Il nous faut un ministre européen de l'économie et des finances, qui encourage et accompagne les réformes structurelles dans nos États membres. Il pourra s'appuyer sur le travail mené par la Commission depuis 2015 dans le cadre de son service d'appui à la réforme structurelle. Ce ministre européen de l'économie et des finances devrait coordonner l'ensemble des instruments financiers de l'UE si un État membre entre en récession ou est frappé par une crise menaçant son économie. Je ne plaide pas pour la création d'une nouvelle fonction. Pour des raisons d'efficacité, je plaide pour que cette tâche soit confiée au commissaire européen en charge de l'économie et des finances – idéalement viceprésident de la Commission européenne – et président de l'Eurogroupe. Ce ministre européen de l'économie et des finances sera bien évidemment responsable devant ce Parlement européen. Nous n'avons pas besoin de structures parallèles. Par conséquent, nous n'avons pas besoin d'un budget de l'euro distinct, mais d'une ligne budgétaire conséquente dédiée à l'euro zone dans le cadre de notre budget de l'UE. Je n'ai pas de sympathie pour l'idée d'un Parlement spécifique de la zone euro. Le Parlement de la zone euro est le Parlement européen. L'Union européenne doit aussi être plus forte en matière de lutte contre le terrorisme. Ces trois dernières années, nous avons fait des progrès mais nous ne réagissons pas assez rapidement en cas de menaces terroristes transfrontalières. Je plaide pour la création d'une cellule européenne de renseignement chargée de veiller à ce que les données relatives aux terroristes et aux combattants étrangers soient automatiquement échangées entre les services de renseignement et la police. De même, il me paraît tout à fait indiqué de charger le nouveau parquet européen de poursuivre les auteurs d'infractions terroristes transfrontalières. L'Union européenne doit avoir aussi plus de poids sur la scène internationale. Et pour ce faire, elle doit être capable de prendre plus rapidement des décisions de politique étrangère. Je voudrais que les États membres examinent quelles sont les décisions de politique extérieure qui pourraient être adoptées non plus à l'unanimité, mais à la majorité qualifiée. Le traité le permet, si Conseil européen le décide à l'unanimité.Pour travailler efficacement, nous avons besoin de décisions prises à la majorité qualifiée dans le domaine de la politique extérieure. En matière de défense, des efforts supplémentaires sont nécessaires. La création d'un Fonds européen de la défense est à l'ordre du jour. La coopération structurée permanente dans le domaine de la défense est en bonne voie. D'ici à 2025, nous devrions disposer d'une union européenne de la défense opérationnelle. Nous en avons besoin. Et l'OTAN y est favorable. Enfin, et dans la droite ligne des efforts menés par la Commission ces dernières années, je voudrais que notre Union se concentre davantage sur ce qui compte réellement. Nous ne devons pas agacer les citoyens européens avec des règlements qui régissent les moindres détails de leurs vies. Nous devrions être visibles sur les grands enjeux. Nous ne devons pas proposer sans cesse de nouvelles initiatives ou chercher à assumer des compétences toujours plus vastes. Nous devrions rétrocéder des compétences aux États membres dans des domaines où cela fait du sens. C'est la raison pour laquelle cette Commission s'est efforcée d'être plus ambitieuse sur les grands enjeux, et plus discrète sur les dossiers de moindre importance. Elle a ainsi proposé moins de 25 initiatives nouvelles par an, alors que les Commissions précédentes en présentaient bien plus de 100. Afin de mener à bon terme le travail que nous avons entamé, nous allons créer d'ici la fin du mois une task force «Subsidiarité et proportionnalité» pour regarder de plus près toutes nos politiques, afin que l'Europe n'agisse que là où elle a une vraie valeur ajoutée. Le premier viceprésident, mon ami Frans Timmermans, qui a déjà mis toute son énergie dans le «mieux légiférer», présidera à cette taskforce. Cette taskforce Timmermans devrait comprendre des membres du Parlement européen ainsi que des parlements nationaux. Elle devrait présenter un rapport de ses travaux dans un an. UNE UNION PLUS DÉMOCRATIQUE Monsieur le Président, Mesdames, Messieurs, Notre Union a besoin d'un saut démocratique. Je souhaiterais que les partis politiques européens lancent leurs campagnes pour les prochaines élections européennes plus tôt que par le passé. Trop souvent, les campagnes électorales européennes ont été réduites à une simple addition des propositions électorales nationales. La démocratie européenne mérite mieux. Aujourd'hui, la Commission propose de nouvelles règles sur le financement des partis et des fondations politiques. Il s'agit de ne pas renflouer les caisses des extrémistes qui sont contre l'Europe. Il s'agit de permettre aux partis européens de mieux pouvoir s'articuler. Je n'ignore pas que l'idée est contestée par plus que quelquesuns, mais je dois vous dire que j'ai de la sympathie pour présenter des listes transnationales aux élections européennes. Et j'essaierai de convaincre le président de mon groupe parlementaire de me suivre dans cette ambition, qui ajoute de la démocratie et de la clarté à l'Europe. Je pense également qu'au cours des prochains mois, nous devrions associer les parlements nationaux et la société civile au niveau national, régional et local aux travaux sur l'avenir de l'Europe. Au cours des trois dernières années, comme nous l'avions promis, les membres de la Commission ont rendu visite aux parlements nationaux à plus de 650 reprises. Ils ont participé à plus de 300 dialogues avec les citoyens dans plus de 80 villes dans 27 États membres. C'est pourquoi je soutiens l'idée du président Macron d'organiser des conventions démocratiques dans toute l'Europe en 2018. À mesure que le débat se développera, j'accorderai une attention particulière à l'Estonie, à la Lettonie, à la Lituanie et à la Roumanie. 2018 est l'année où ces quatre pays célébreront leur 100e anniversaire. Ceux qui ont pour ambition de façonner l'avenir de notre continent doivent connaître et honorer notre histoire commune et donc l'histoire des quatre pays mentionnés, pays sans lesquels l'Union européenne ne serait pas complète. Le besoin de renforcer la démocratie et la transparence a également des conséquences pour la Commission européenne. Aujourd'hui, je transmets au Parlement européen un nouveau code de conduite des commissaires. Tout d'abord, ce nouveau code précise que les commissaires peuvent se présenter dans des conditions normales comme candidats aux élections européennes. Il est évident que le nouveau code renforcera les obligations des commissaires en matière d'intégrité, pendant et après leur mandat. Qui veut renforcer la démocratie européenne ne peut pas accepter que le petit progrès démocratique que constitua l'innovation des têtes de liste – 'Spitzenkandidaten' – ne soit pas renouvelé. Je voudrais que l'expérience soit poursuivie. Plus de démocratie veut dire plus d'efficacité. L'efficacité européenne gagnerait en force si nous pouvions fusionner les présidences du Conseil européen et de la Commission européenne. Cette proposition ne vise en rien mon excellent ami Donald, avec qui je collabore harmonieusement et en intimité de complicité depuis le début de notre mandat. Cette proposition ne vise ni Donald ni moimême. Le paysage européen serait tout simplement plus lisible et plus compréhensible si le navire européen était piloté par un seul capitaine. Le fait d'avoir un seul président refléterait mieux la véritable nature de notre Union européenne, à la fois comme Union des États et comme Union des citoyens. NOTRE FEUILLE DE ROUTE Mes chers collègues, La vision d'une Europe plus unie, plus forte et plus démocratique que je présente aujourd'hui associe des éléments de tous les scénarii que je vous ai exposés en mars dernier. Mais notre avenir ne peut pas rester un simple scénario, une esquisse, une idée parmi d'autres. C'est aujourd'hui que nous devons préparer l'Union de demain. J'ai envoyé ce matin au président Tajani, au président Tusk ainsi qu'aux futures présidences tournantes du Conseil d'ici à mars 2019, une feuille de route indiquant la direction que nous devrions suivre. Sont importantes à cet égard les propositions budgétaires que la Commission présentera en mai 2018. Là encore, nous avons le choix: soit nous cantonnons les ambitions de l'Union européenne dans le cadre stricte du budget actuel soit nous augmentons la capacité budgétaire de l'Union européenne pour qu'elle puisse mieux répondre à ses ambitions. Je suis pour la deuxième solution. Le 29 mars 2019, le RoyaumeUni quittera l'Union européenne. Ce sera à la fois un moment triste et tragique. Nous le regretterons toujours. Mais nous devons respecter la volonté du peuple britannique. Mais nous allons avancer, nous allons avancer parce que le Brexit n'est pas tout, parce que le Brexit ce n'est pas le futur de l'Europe. Le 30 mars 2019, nous serons une Union à 27. Je propose que nous nous y préparions bien. Les élections au Parlement européen auront lieu à peine quelques semaines plus tard, en mai 2019. Ce sera un rendezvous important avec la démocratie européenne. Il faudra que les citoyens européens se rendent aux urnes en ayant une vision claire de la manière dont l'Union européenne évoluera dans les années à venir. C'est pourquoi j'en appelle au président Tusk et à la Roumanie, qui exercera la présidence au cours du premier semestre de 2019, d'organiser un sommet spécial en Roumanie, le 30 mars 2019. Mon vœu serait que ce sommet se tienne dans la belle ville de Sibiu, également connue sous le nom de Hermannstadt. Cela devrait être le moment de nous réunir pour prendre les décisions nécessaires à la construction d'une Europe plus unie, plus forte et plus démocratique. Mon espoir est que, le 30 mars 2019, les Européens se réveilleront dans une Union où nous défendons toutes nos valeurs. Où tous les États membres respecteront sans nuances l'état de droit. Où être un membre à part entière de la zone euro, de l'union bancaire, et de l'espace Schengen soit devenu la norme pour tout un chacun. Où nous aurons consolidé les fondements de notre Union économique et monétaire afin de pouvoir défendre notre monnaie unique dans toutes les circonstances, bonnes ou mauvaises, sans avoir à recourir à une aide extérieure. Où notre marché unique sera plus équitable pour les travailleurs de l'est comme de l'ouest. Je voudrais que les Européens puissent se réveiller dans une Europe où nous aurons réussi à nous mettre d'accord sur un solide socle de normes sociales. Où les bénéfices seront imposés là où ils sont réalisés. Où les terroristes ne trouveront aucune faille à exploiter. Et où nous nous serons mis d'accord sur la création d'une véritable union européenne de la défense. Où un président unique conduira à terme les travaux de la Commission et du Conseil européen, après avoir été élu à l'issue d'une campagne électorale paneuropéenne démocratique. Monsieur le président, si, le 30 mars 2019, nos citoyens se réveillent dans cette Unionlà, l'Union européenne sera une union qui aura répondu à leurs attentes justifiées. CONCLUSION Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Helmut Kohl et Jacques Delors, que j'ai eu l'honneur de côtoyer, m'ont appris que l'Europe n'avance que quand elle fait preuve d'audace. Le marché unique, l'espace Schengen, la monnaie unique: voilà des idées et des projets qui ont été considérés, lorsqu'ils furent nés, comme des simples vues d'esprit. Pourtant, aujourd'hui ces trois réalisations majeures font partie de notre quotidien. Maintenant que l'Europe va mieux, on me dit de ne pas surcharger la barque européenne. Mais il ne faut pas, à l'heure où nous sommes, pécher par excès de prudence. Nous sommes en train de réparer le toit de l'Europe. Mais, aujourd'hui et demain, nous devons patiemment, étage par étage, moment après moment, inspiration après inspiration, continuer à ajouter des nouveaux étages à la maison Europe. Il faut parachever la maison Europe, maintenant qu'il fait beau, et tant qu'il fait beau. Parce que, quand les nuages se formeront à l'horizon – et ils vont se former un jour – il aura été trop tard. Alors, larguons les amarres. 'Leinen los', comme disent les Allemands Mettons les voiles. Et profitons des vents favorables. Je vous remercie de votre attention Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Chancelier, L'Union européenne est à la croisée des chemins. Un peu plus de 250 jours nous séparent des élections au Parlement européen qui auront lieu du 23 au 26 mai 2019, principal exercice de la démocratie à l’échelle de notre continent. Grâce aux efforts que nous avons fournis en commun au cours des dernières années, la crise financière et économique est maintenant derrière nous. Dix ans après la faillite de Lehman Brothers, l’Union européenne connaît aujourd'hui son 21e trimestre consécutif de croissance, et le chômage est revenu aux taux antérieurs à la crise, bien qu’il soit encore trop élevé dans plusieurs États membres. Cependant, si l’Union européenne a surmonté les conséquences financières et économiques de la crise, nos sociétés et nos démocraties en portent encore les stigmates. De surcroît, dans un contexte mondial de plus en plus instable, œuvrer en faveur d’une Union européenne qui protège, donne les moyens d’agir et défend ses citoyens est, plus que jamais, une nécessité. Nous ne pouvons donc nous accorder aucun répit dans la construction d'une Europe plus unie, plus forte et plus démocratique. Nous devons mettre les bouchées doubles dans les mois à venir et tout au long de 2019 pour progresser selon notre feuille de route pour Sibiu, qui a reçu le soutien sans réserve du Parlement européen et a été intégrée au programme des dirigeants. Nous devons maintenant concentrer nos efforts sur trois aspects: honorer nos engagements; surmonter les difficultés qui nous freinent encore; et donner à l’Union européenne une perspective pour l’avenir. La priorité essentielle pour les trois institutions Parlement européen, Conseil et Commission est de se mettre rapidement d’accord sur les propositions législatives en cours d’examen, et ce dans un délai suffisant avant les élections au Parlement européen. Ces propositions correspondent aux 10 priorités de notre programme pour l’emploi, la croissance, l’équité et le changement démocratique adopté en juillet 2014, fondé sur le programme stratégique pour l'Union à l'ère du changement adopté par le Conseil européen, qui a fait l’objet de discussions animées avec les groupes politiques au sein du Parlement européen et qui s’est progressivement étoffé depuis lors. La Commission a livré l’ensemble des propositions législatives qu’elle s’était engagée à élaborer concernant les 10 priorités. Ensemble, nous avons trouvé un accord sur 50 % de ces propositions et le processus législatif est bien avancé pour encore 20 % d’entre elles. Il est fondamental que nous honorions nos engagements communs avant les élections européennes, notamment en ce qui concerne l’achèvement du marché unique (y compris sa dimension sociale renforcée), le marché unique numérique, l’union de l’énergie dotée d’une politique d’avenir en matière de climat, l’union bancaire, l’union des marchés des capitaux et l’union de la sécurité. La Commission mobilisera ses ressources pour vous soutenir à chaque étape et nous ferons en sorte que des commissaires soient présents aux trilogues, chaque fois que cela sera possible. Pour permettre au Parlement européen et au Conseil de centrer entièrement leurs travaux sur ce qui leur a déjà été soumis, la Commission ne présente aujourd’hui qu’un nombre très restreint de nouvelles propositions. Ces ultimes propositions de notre mandat visent à renforcer, compléter ou adapter des domaines sur lesquels nous avons déjà 3 commencé à travailler. Compte tenu de leur valeur ajoutée européenne évidente, nous sommes convaincus qu’elles trouveront le soutien nécessaire au sein du Parlement européen et du Conseil, et pourront donc être adoptées rapidement. Par ailleurs, il reste plusieurs problèmes importants en suspens auxquels nous devons nous atteler collectivement et résolument. En dépit des divergences de vues, nous devons achever le travail entrepris dans le domaine de la migration en vue d’assurer, dès que possible, le bon fonctionnement du régime d’asile européen commun dans le respect des principes de responsabilité et de solidarité. Le renforcement de notre Union économique et monétaire réclame également des mesures concrètes. Ces mesures contribueront à accroître notre résilience au sein de l’Union européenne, et consolideront indirectement le rôle international de l’euro. Face à l’intensification des tensions dans le système commercial mondial, nous devons trouver des solutions qui préservent et renforcent le système international fondé sur des règles, au cœur duquel l’Union européenne entend bien rester; la ratification rapide de l’accord de partenariat économique entre l’UE et le Japon constituera un signal très fort de cet engagement. En outre, nous devons faire face aux atteintes répétées à l’état de droit dans certains États membres. Dernier point et non des moindres: nous voulons trouver un accord avec le RoyaumeUni en vue d’organiser son retrait ordonné de l’Union, le 29 mars 2019, tout en offrant la perspective claire d’un partenariat étroit avec un pays qui sera toujours notre voisin et allié proche. Pour donner à l’Union européenne une perspective pour l’avenir, il nous faut préparer minutieusement le sommet qui se tiendra à Sibiu le 9 mai 2019. Le sommet de Sibiu aura lieu six semaines après le Brexit, et deux semaines avant les élections au Parlement européen. Il s’agira donc, pour les dirigeants de l’UE, d’un moment décisif pour renouveler la confiance dans l’avenir d’une nouvelle Union à 27. C’est dans cette optique que la Commission a présenté, en mai dernier, une proposition moderne, juste et équilibrée pour le cadre financier pluriannuel de la future Union à 27. Nous proposons un budget plus simple, plus rationnel et plus souple qui traduit les priorités politiques consacrées dans la feuille de route de Bratislava et la déclaration de Rome. Un accord politique sur le cadre global avant les élections européennes constituera une déclaration d’intention forte. La Commission présentera également une initiative en vue de renforcer le rôle international de l’euro, de faire en sorte qu'il accomplisse la mission protectrice et unificatrice pour laquelle il a été conçu et de veiller à ce que notre monnaie unique ait une position plus ferme et cohérente sur la scène mondiale. Pour faire de l’Union un acteur efficace et souverain à l’échelle internationale, nous devons également doter notre politique étrangère et de sécurité commune des bons outils de prise de décision. C’est pourquoi la Commission propose aujourd'hui de recourir plus fréquemment au vote à la majorité qualifiée dans plusieurs domaines ciblés de l’action extérieure de l’Union. Parmi les initiatives visant à donner à l’Union européenne une perspective pour l’avenir, citons encore les travaux sur l’avenir de nos politiques en matière de climat et d'énergie et une nouvelle étape dans la consolidation des mécanismes permettant de protéger et de défendre l’état de droit dans tous nos États membres. La liste ciaprès détaille les propositions en cours d’examen qui devraient être adoptées rapidement, ainsi que les initiatives nouvelles et complémentaires qui sont présentées parallèlement ou donneront suite au discours sur l’état de l’Union en 2018. Comme par le passé, ces initiatives sont regroupées en fonction des 10 priorités de notre programme commun. Initiatives clés Priorité 1: un nouvel élan pour l’emploi, la croissance et l’investissement 4 Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Accord de principe lors du sommet de Sibiu du 9 mai 2019 sur la proposition d’ensemble relative au futur cadre financier pluriannuel pour l’après2020, et les plus grandes avancées envisageables et, si possible, accord des colégislateurs sur les propositions concernant la prochaine génération de programmes. Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions du paquet «économie circulaire» relatives à la réduction de l’impact de certains produits plastiques sur l’environnement; à la réutilisation des eaux usées; et à l’eau potable. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative aux exigences en matière d’accessibilité applicables à certains produits et services (acte européen sur l'accessibilité). Initiatives nouvelles Communication sur le plan d’investissement pour l’Europe: état des lieux et prochaines étapes. Communication mettant à jour la stratégie en faveur de la bioéconomie de 2012. Priorité 2: un marché unique numérique connecté Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions législatives restantes en vue de parachever le marché unique numérique, notamment: le train de mesures sur les droits d’auteur; les propositions sur la cybersécurité, notamment sur le renforcement de l’Agence de l’Union européenne chargée de la sécurité des réseaux et de l’information (ENISA); la directive sur la vie privée et les communications électroniques; la proposition sur les plateformes en ligne visant à garantir, dans l’économie en ligne, un environnement équitable, prévisible, durable et suscitant la confiance; les propositions sur les contrats de ventes en ligne et de toute autre vente à distance de biens et sur les contrats de fourniture de contenu numérique; les propositions sur l’établissement d’une entreprise commune pour le calcul à haute performance, sur la réutilisation des informations du secteur public et sur la mise en œuvre et le fonctionnement du nom de domaine de premier niveau .eu. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition établissant le Centre de compétences européen industriel, technologique et de recherche en matière de cybersécurité (présentée aujourd’hui). Initiatives nouvelles Plan coordonné sur le développement de l’intelligence artificielle en Europe. Plan d’action sur la désinformation. Recommandation de la Commission sur l’établissement d’un format européen d’échange des dossiers de santé informatisés. 5 Priorité 3: une Union résiliente sur le plan de l’énergie, dotée d’une politique visionnaire en matière de changement climatique Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions de la Commission relatives à la mise en œuvre de l’union de l’énergie et de la politique en matière de changement climatique, notamment: les propositions restantes du train de mesures intitulé «Une énergie propre pour tous les Européens»; la proposition relative à des règles communes pour les conduites de gaz entrant sur le marché gazier européen; le train de mesures intitulé «L’Europe en mouvement»; et le train de mesures intitulé «Mobilité et changement climatique». Initiatives nouvelles Stratégie pour une réduction à long terme des émissions de gaz à effet de serre dans l’UE conformément à l’accord de Paris (dans la perspective de la conférence sur les changements climatiques de Katowice du 3 au 14 décembre). 4e rapport sur l’état de l’union de l’énergie. Rapport sur le plan d’action stratégique sur les piles. Proposition visant à adapter à une Union à 27 les références aux objectifs d’efficacité énergétique au niveau de l’UE (exprimées en valeurs absolues) à l’horizon 2030 (acte législatif de préparation au Brexit). Autres initiatives visant à donner une perspective pour l’avenir de l’Union Document de réflexion «Vers une Europe durable d’ici à 2030» sur les suites à donner aux objectifs de développement durable des Nations unies, y compris l’accord de Paris sur le changement climatique. Vers un nouveau cadre institutionnel pour notre politique en matière d’énergie et de climat d’ici à 2025: options pour un recours accru au vote à la majorité qualifiée et pour une réforme du traité Euratom. Priorité 4: un marché intérieur plus approfondi et plus équitable, doté d’une base industrielle renforcée Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions portant sur la dimension sociale de l’Union européenne, notamment les propositions relatives: à l’Autorité européenne du travail; à la modernisation des règles en matière de coordination des systèmes de sécurité sociale; à la protection des travailleurs contre les risques liés à l’exposition à des agents cancérigènes ou mutagènes au travail (deuxième et troisième révisions); à l’amélioration de la transparence et de la prévisibilité juridique des contrats de travail (révision de la directive relative à la déclaration 6 écrite); à l’équilibre entre vie professionnelle et vie privée et à la révision des règlements fondateurs des agences tripartites (Eurofound, EUOSHA et Cedefop). Adoption des propositions concernant la justice fiscale dans l’économie numérique, l’assiette commune consolidée pour l’impôt sur les sociétés, et la création d’un régime définitif de TVA unique dans l’UE. Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions relatives à l’union des marchés des capitaux, notamment celles concernant: le produit paneuropéen d’épargneretraite individuelle; les modifications du règlement sur l’infrastructure du marché européen; la révision et le renforcement des missions, de la gouvernance et du financement des autorités européennes de surveillance; le financement durable; et la recommandation de la Banque centrale européenne visant à modifier l’article 22 des statuts du Système européen de banques centrales et de la Banque centrale européenne. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition portant modifications ciblées sur les aspects du blanchiment de capitaux des trois règlements instituant les autorités européennes de surveillance (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions restantes relevant de la stratégie pour le marché unique, notamment le paquet sur les biens et services et la proposition de modification du règlement sur les certificats complémentaires de protection. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition en matière d’insolvabilité, de restructuration et de seconde chance concernant les entreprises. Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions relatives à la fixation du siège de l’Autorité bancaire européenne et de l’Agence européenne des médicaments (acte législatif de préparation au Brexit). Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative à la réception UE par type pour les véhicules à moteur (acte législatif de préparation au Brexit). Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions définissant une nouvelle route maritime pour relier l’Irlande aux composantes continentales du corridor mer du NordMéditerranée du réseau transeuropéen de transport et pour retirer au RoyaumeUni la responsabilité de l’évaluation périodique des organismes chargés des inspections et des visites de navires agréés au niveau de l’Union par la Commission, pour la confier à un autre État membre de l’UE27 (acte législatif de préparation au Brexit). Initiatives nouvelles Communication sur le marché unique comprenant une évaluation des derniers obstacles et des pistes d’action pour y remédier (novembre 2018). Communication concernant un cadre de l’UE plus large sur les perturbateurs endocriniens. Autres initiatives visant à donner une perspective pour l’avenir de l’Union 7 Un processus plus efficace d’élaboration des textes législatifs dans le domaine fiscal: recensement de domaines en vue d’un passage au vote à la majorité qualifiée (janvier/février 2019). Un processus plus efficace d'élaboration des textes législatifs dans le domaine de la politique sociale: recensement de domaines en vue d’un recours accru au vote à la majorité qualifiée (janvier/février 2019). Priorité 5: une Union économique et monétaire plus approfondie et plus équitable Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions complétant l’union bancaire, notamment les propositions en matière de réduction des risques, le train de mesures relatives aux prêts non performants, et le système européen d’assurance des dépôts. Adoption des propositions dans le cadre du train de mesures sur l’Union économique et monétaire, notamment la transformation progressive du mécanisme européen de stabilité en un Fonds monétaire européen, la création d’une ligne budgétaire spécifique consacrée à la zone euro dans le budget de l'UE, prévoyant (1) une aide aux réformes structurelles s’appuyant sur le programme d’appui à la réforme structurelle de la Commission, (2) une fonction de stabilisation, (3) un filet de sécurité pour l’union bancaire, et (4) un instrument de convergence destiné à apporter une aide de préadhésion aux États membres faisant l’objet d’une dérogation pour ce qui est de l’adoption de la monnaie unique. Adoption de la proposition visant à établir progressivement une représentation unifiée de la zone euro au sein du Fonds monétaire international. Autres initiatives visant à donner une perspective pour l’avenir de l’Union Communication sur le renforcement du rôle international de l’euro (avant la fin de l’année). Priorité 6: commerce: une politique commerciale équilibrée et novatrice pour maîtriser la mondialisation Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Conclusion de l’accord de partenariat économique avec le Japon. Signature et conclusion de l’accord de libreéchange et de l’accord sur la protection des investissements avec Singapour. Signature et conclusion de l’accord global modernisé avec le Mexique. Signature de l’accord de libreéchange et de l’accord sur la protection des investissements avec le ViêtNam. 8 Achèvement des négociations sur un accord d'association avec le Mercosur et sur un accord d’association modernisé avec le Chili. Progrès rapides dans les négociations avec l’Australie et la NouvelleZélande. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative au contrôle des investissements étrangers directs dans l’UE et de la proposition modifiée relative à un instrument international sur les marchés publics. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative à la répartition des contingents tarifaires de la liste OMC de l’Union (acte législatif de préparation au Brexit). Priorité 7: un espace de justice et de droits fondamentaux basé sur la confiance mutuelle Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions destinées à mettre en œuvre le programme européen en matière de sécurité, notamment en ce qui concerne l’interopérabilité entre les systèmes d’information de l’UE concernant la sécurité, la gestion des frontières et des migrations; l’accès transfrontière des autorités répressives aux preuves électroniques; la commercialisation et l’utilisation des précurseurs d’explosifs; l’accès transfrontière des autorités répressives aux données financières et l’utilisation de cellesci par ces autorités; et la lutte contre la fraude et la contrefaçon des moyens de paiement autres que les espèces. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition de règlement relatif à la prévention de la diffusion en ligne de contenus à caractère terroriste (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par le Conseil européen de l’extension du mandat du Parquet européen au terrorisme transfrontière (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions concernant le système européen d'information sur les casiers judiciaires (ECRIS). Adoption par les colégislateurs du train de mesures intitulé «Une nouvelle donne pour les consommateurs», visant à faciliter la coordination et une action efficace des autorités nationales de protection des consommateurs à l’échelle de l’UE et à renforcer le contrôle public de l’application des mesures et une meilleure protection des droits du consommateur. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative à la protection des personnes signalant des violations du droit de l’Union («proposition sur la protection des lanceurs d’alerte»). Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative au mécanisme de protection civile de l’Union européenne (RescEU). Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition de règlement modifiant le règlement (UE, Euratom) nº 1141/2014 en ce qui concerne une procédure de vérification relative aux infractions aux règles en matière de protection des 9 données à caractère personnel dans le contexte des élections au Parlement européen (présentée aujourd’hui), accompagnée d’une recommandation de la Commission sur les réseaux de coopération électorale, la transparence en ligne et la protection contre les incidents de cybersécurité à l’occasion des élections au Parlement européen (présentée aujourd’hui); d’une communication relative à des élections européennes libres et équitables (présentée aujourd’hui); et d’un document d’orientation concernant l’application du droit de l’Union en matière de protection des données dans le contexte électoral (présenté aujourd’hui). Autres initiatives visant à donner une perspective pour l’avenir de l’Union Nouveau renforcement du cadre pour l'état de droit de 2014 Priorité 8: vers une nouvelle politique migratoire Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs de la réforme du système de Dublin et du règlement relatif aux procédures d'asile, ce qui devrait permettre de clore également les dossiers connexes (ayant fait l’objet d’un accord politique dans le cadre des trilogues), et en particulier: la création d’une nouvelle Agence pour l’asile; la réforme d’Eurodac; la révision de la directive relative aux conditions d’accueil et du règlement relatif aux conditions que doivent remplir les demandeurs d’asile, et la mise en œuvre du cadre de l’Union pour la réinstallation. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition visant à renforcer à nouveau les capacités de l’Agence européenne de gardefrontières et de gardecôtes, ce qui permettra à celleci de constituer un corps permanent de 10 000 gardefrontières de l’UE d’ici à 2020, de renforcer ses pouvoirs dans le domaine du retour et d’exercer des activités dans des pays partenaires en dehors de l’UE (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition visant à renforcer davantage l’Agence de l’Union européenne pour l’asile (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition visant à renforcer et à améliorer la cohérence et l’efficacité de la politique de retour, à garantir le retour rapide des personnes ne pouvant prétendre à une protection internationale et à réduire les incitations à la migration irrégulière (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition relative à l’entrée et au séjour des ressortissants de pays tiers aux fins d’un emploi nécessitant des compétences élevées («proposition relative à la carte bleue européenne»), compte tenu de la communication relative aux voies de migration légales (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions concernant la révision du code communautaire des visas, du système d’information sur les visas et du règlement relatif aux officiers de liaison «Immigration». 10 Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition de mise à jour du code frontières Schengen. Initiatives nouvelles Communication relative à la réciprocité en matière de visas. Proposition relative à l’inscription du RoyaumeUni sur la liste des pays dont les ressortissants doivent être munis d’un visa ou sur la liste pays dont les ressortissants sont exemptés de l’obligation de visa (acte législatif de préparation au Brexit). Priorité 9: une Union plus forte sur la scène internationale Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Suivi par le Conseil européen, le Parlement européen et le Conseil de l’initiative de la Commission appelant à un processus décisionnel plus efficace pour la politique étrangère et de sécurité commune de l’UE (présentée aujourd’hui). Communication relative à une nouvelle alliance AfriqueEurope pour l’investissement et l’emploi durables (présentée aujourd’hui). Communication intitulée «Vers une architecture plus efficiente pour les investissements hors de l’Union européenne» (présentée aujourd’hui). Initiatives nouvelles Stratégie de l’UE visant à relier l’Europe et l’Asie (dans la perspective du sommet AsieEurope). Priorité 10: une Union du changement démocratique Initiatives devant être adoptées avant les élections au Parlement européen Adoption par les colégislateurs de la réforme du règlement relatif à l’initiative citoyenne européenne. Adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition de réforme du règlement comitologie. Subsidiarité: adoption par les colégislateurs de la proposition de modification de la directive relative à l’heure d'été visant à supprimer l’obligation applicable à l'échelle de l’UE de changer d’heure deux fois par an, compte tenu du pouvoir des États membres de choisir leur fuseau horaire, d’une manière coordonnée entre États membres voisins (présentée aujourd’hui). Adoption par les colégislateurs des propositions relatives à l'alignement de la législation existante prévoyant le recours à la procédure de réglementation avec contrôle sur les articles 290 (actes délégués) et 291 du TFUE (actes d’exécution). Autres initiatives visant à donner une perspective pour l’avenir de l’Union 11 Communiquer sur l’Europe (Communication sur les moyens de rendre l’Union plus unie, plus forte et plus démocratique sur le plan de la communication). Le discours sur l’état de l’Union en 2018 et la présente lettre d’intention posent les bases d’un engagement commun résolu d’honorer nos promesses de la part de nos trois institutions. Cet engagement prouvera aux Européens la valeur ajoutée de l’Union européenne en cette période cruciale qui précède les élections au Parlement européen. Ce que nous avons présenté aujourd’hui tient compte des contributions que nous avons reçues du Parlement européen et du Conseil, et constitue le point de départ du dialogue interinstitutionnel prévu par l'accordcadre sur les relations entre le Parlement européen et la Commission et par l'accord interinstitutionnel «Mieux légiférer». Nous sommes très attachés à cette interaction importante avec le Parlement européen et le Conseil, ainsi qu’avec les parlements nationaux. Nous sommes convaincus que nos échanges établiront une base solide pour l'année décisive qui nous attend. Pour nous aider à honorer nos engagements, à relever plusieurs défis d’envergure qui subsistent et à offrir aux Européens une perspective de ce que sera l’avenir pour l’Union. La Commission est et demeurera fermement résolue à fonder son travail sur les principes d'amélioration de la réglementation. Nous voulons être visibles sur les grands enjeux et plus discrets sur les dossiers de moindre importance. Les principes de subsidiarité et de proportionnalité guideront l’ensemble de nos actions. Nous assiérons notre prise de décision sur des éléments concrets probants et sommes prêts à faire des choix politiques chaque fois que cela sera nécessaire. L'année 2019 sera déterminante pour l’Union et la place qu’elle occupe dans ce monde toujours plus incertain. Nous ne saurions relâcher, ne seraitce qu'un instant, les efforts déployés pour montrer à nos concitoyens que l’Union européenne est là pour les protéger, leur donner les moyens d'agir et les défendre. Qu’ensemble nous pouvons réaliser une Union plus unie, plus forte et plus démocratique. Qu’ensemble nous pouvons façonner le monde, exporter la stabilité, notamment dans les Balkans occidentaux, et défendre un ordre international fondé sur des règles ainsi que nos valeurs. Vous pouvez compter sur la Commission, en tant qu'institution politique forte d’une fonction publique particulièrement dévouée, pour servir de moteur en cette année capitale. Et nous comptons sur vous pour faire avec nous du sommet de Sibiu du 9 mai 2019 un moment d'accomplissement fort. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, L'un des esprits les plus courageux de notre époque, Andreï Sakharov un homme tant admiré par ce Parlement parlait toujours de sa foi inébranlable dans la force cachée de l'esprit humain. Au cours de ces six derniers mois, les Européens ont montré toute cette force. Nous l'avons vu avec les soignants qui ont emménagé dans les maisons de retraite pour s'occuper des malades et des personnes âgées. Avec les médecins et les infirmières qui sont devenus des membres de la famille pour les malades arrivés à leur dernier souffle. Avec tous les travailleurs de première ligne qui jour et nuit, semaine après semaine, ont pris des risques pour nous tous. Leur empathie, leur courage et leur sens du devoir nous inspirent. Et je voudrais commencer ce discours en leur rendant hommage. Leurs histoires sont aussi très révélatrices de l’état de notre monde et de l’état de notre Union. Elles témoignent de la puissance de l’humain et du sentiment de deuil qui subsisteront longtemps dans notre société. Et elles nous révèlent la fragilité de tout ce qui nous entoure. Un virus mille fois plus petit qu’un grain de sable nous a rappelé combien la vie peut être vulnérable. Ce virus a mis à nu les failles de nos systèmes de santé et les limites d’un modèle qui privilégie la richesse plutôt que le bienêtre. Il a mis en lumière la fragilité de notre planète, que nous constatons chaque jour avec la fonte des glaciers, les incendies de forêts et, aujourd’hui, une pandémie mondiale. Il a changé la façon même dont nous nous comportons et communiquons – en nous obligeant à garder nos distances, le visage derrière un masque. Il nous a montré à quel point notre communauté de valeurs est fragile en réalité — et la rapidité avec laquelle elle peut être remise en question dans le monde, et même ici, dans notre Union. Mais nos citoyens veulent sortir de ce monde du coronavirus, sortir de cette fragilité, sortir de l’incertitude. Ils sont prêts à changer et prêts à aller de l’avant. Et, pour l'Europe, le moment est venu d'agir. Pour l'Europe, le moment est venu de montrer la voie à suivre afin de sortir de cette fragilité pour acquérir une vitalité nouvelle. C’est de cela dont je veux parler aujourd’hui. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Si je tiens ces propos, c'est parce que, ces derniers mois, nous avons redécouvert la valeur de ce que nous avons en commun. En tant que personnes, nous avons tous sacrifié une part de notre liberté individuelle pour la sécurité des autres. Et en tant qu’Union, nous avons tous partagé une partie de notre souveraineté pour le bien commun. Nous avons transformé la peur et les divisions entre États membres en confiance dans notre Union. Nous avons montré ce qui est possible lorsque nous nous faisons confiance les uns aux autres et que nous faisons confiance à nos institutions européennes. Et ainsi, nous choisissons non seulement de réparer et de nous rétablir ici et maintenant, mais aussi de créer un mode de vie meilleur pour le monde de demain. C’est la raison d’être de l'instrument de relance NextGenerationEU. Nous avons maintenant l'occasion de façonner le changement plutôt que de le subir suite à une catastrophe ou à un diktat venu d’ailleurs. De sortir plus forts de l’épreuve en créant des perspectives pour le monde de demain, et non pas en établissant simplement des plans d’urgence pour le monde d'hier. Nous avons tout ce qui est nécessaire pour y parvenir. Nous avons balayé les vieilles excuses et les zones de confort qui nous ont toujours retenus. Nous avons la vision, nous avons le plan, nous avons les investissements. Il est désormais temps de nous mettre au travail. Ce matin, j’ai envoyé au président Sassoli et à la chancelière Merkel – qui représente la présidence allemande – une lettre d’intention décrivant les projets de la Commission pour l’année à venir. Je ne présenterai pas toutes les initiatives aujourd’hui, mais je souhaite aborder les points sur lesquels notre Union doit se concentrer au cours des douze prochains mois. SORTIR DE LA CRISE ENSEMBLE: TENIR LES PROMESSES DE L’EUROPE Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Les Européens souffrent encore. C’est une période de profonde anxiété pour des millions de citoyens qui s’inquiètent de la santé de leur famille, de l’avenir de leur emploi ou simplement de survivre jusqu’à la fin du mois. La pandémie – et l'incertitude qui l'accompagne – n'est pas terminée. Et la relance en est encore à ses débuts. Notre première priorité est donc de nous aider mutuellement à sortir de la crise. D’être là pour ceux qui en ont besoin. Grâce à notre économie sociale de marché sans égale, l'Europe est précisément à même de le faire. Il s’agit avant tout d’une économie humaine qui nous protège contre les grands risques de la vie – la maladie, les accidents de la vie, le chômage ou la pauvreté. Elle offre une stabilité et nous aide à mieux absorber les chocs. Elle crée des opportunités et de la prospérité en promouvant l’innovation, la croissance et des conditions de concurrence équitables. Jamais cette promesse durable de protection, de stabilité et d'opportunité n'a été plus importante qu'aujourd'hui. Permettezmoi de vous expliquer pourquoi. Premièrement, l’Europe doit continuer à protéger les vies et sauver les emplois. C’est d’autant plus important au milieu d’une pandémie qui ne montre aucun signe d’affaiblissement. Nous savons à quelle vitesse le nombre de cas peut augmenter et échapper à tout contrôle. Nous devons donc continuer à affronter cette pandémie avec la plus grande prudence, la plus grande responsabilité et la plus grande unité. Au cours des six derniers mois, nos systèmes de santé et nos travailleurs ont fait des miracles. Chaque pays s’est efforcé d’agir le mieux possible pour ses citoyens. Et l’Europe a fait davantage ensemble que jamais auparavant. Lorsque des États membres ont fermé leurs frontières, nous avons créé des voies réservées pour les marchandises. Lorsque plus de 600 000 citoyens de l’Union ont été bloqués dans toutes les parties du monde, l’UE les a rapatriés. Lorsque certains pays ont décrété des interdictions d’exportation pour des produits médicaux essentiels, nous y avons mis fin et nous avons veillé à ce que le matériel médical essentiel arrive là où il était nécessaire. Nous avons travaillé avec les industriels européens pour accroître la production de masques, de gants, de tests et de respirateurs. Notre mécanisme de protection civile a permis à des médecins roumains de traiter des patients en Italie ou à la Lettonie d’envoyer des masques à ses voisins baltes. Et nous avons réalisé tout cela sans disposer des pleines compétences. Pour moi, c’est une évidence: nous devons construire une Union européenne de la santé qui soit plus forte. Pour commencer à concrétiser cette idée, nous devons maintenant tirer les premiers enseignements de la crise sanitaire. Nous devons faire en sorte que notre nouveau programme «L’UE pour la santé» résiste à l’épreuve du temps. C’est pourquoi j’avais proposé d’augmenter les financements et je suis reconnaissante à ce Parlement d’être prêt à se battre pour obtenir davantage de fonds et pour remédier aux coupes budgétaires opérées par le Conseil européen. Nous devons aussi améliorer notre état de préparation et notre gestion des crises liées aux menaces sanitaires transfrontalières. Dans un premier temps, nous proposerons de renforcer le rôle et les pouvoirs de l’Agence européenne du médicament et de l’ECDC — notre centre de prévention et de contrôle des maladies. Dans un deuxième temps, nous créerons une agence de recherche et de développement biomédicaux avancés au niveau européen, comme cela existe aux ÉtatsUnis. Cette nouvelle agence appuiera notre capacité et notre préparation face aux menaces et aux situations d’urgence transfrontalières, qu’elles soient d’origine naturelle ou intentionnelle. Nous avons besoin de réserves stratégiques pour réduire la dépendance de notre chaîne d’approvisionnement, notamment pour les produits pharmaceutiques. Dans un troisième temps, il est plus manifeste que jamais que nous devons examiner la question des compétences en matière de santé. Et je pense qu’il s’agit là d’une tâche noble et urgente pour la Conférence sur l’avenir de l’Europe. Et puisque nous avons connu une crise mondiale, nous devons en tirer des enseignements pour le monde entier. C’est pourquoi, avec le Premier ministre Conte et la présidence italienne du G20, je convoquerai l’année prochaine un sommet mondial de la santé en Italie. Les Européens verront ainsi que notre Union est là pour protéger chacun d’entre nous. Et c’est exactement ce que nous avons fait en ce qui concerne les travailleurs. Lorsque j’ai pris mes fonctions, j’ai promis de créer un instrument pour protéger les travailleurs et les entreprises des chocs externes. Parce que mon expérience de ministre du travail et des affaires sociales m’avait appris que ces dispositifs sont efficaces. Grâce à eux, les personnes gardent leur emploi, les entreprises, leurs compétences, et les PME, leur activité. Ces PME sont le moteur de notre économie et elles seront le moteur de notre reprise. C’est la raison pour laquelle la Commission a créé le programme SURE. Je tiens d’ailleurs à remercier cette Assemblée d’avoir travaillé sur la proposition en un temps record. Si l’Europe a, jusqu’à présent, évité le chômage massif que l’on observe ailleurs, c’est en grande partie grâce aux dispositifs de chômage partiel dont près de 40 millions de personnes ont bénéficié. Cette rapidité et cet objectif commun permettront à 16 pays de recevoir bientôt quelque 90 milliards d’euros du programme SURE pour soutenir les travailleurs et les entreprises. De la Lituanie à l’Espagne, ces fonds apporteront un peu de tranquillité d’esprit aux familles qui ont besoin de ce revenu pour se nourrir ou pour payer leur loyer. Et ils contribueront à protéger des millions d’emplois, de revenus et d’entreprises dans toute notre Union. C’est la véritable solidarité européenne en action. Et cela traduit le fait que dans notre Union, la dignité du travail doit être sacrée. Mais la vérité est que, pour trop de personnes, le travail ne paie plus. Le dumping salarial détruit la dignité du travail, pénalise l’entrepreneur qui paie des salaires décents et fausse la concurrence loyale sur le marché unique. La Commission présentera donc une proposition législative en vue d’aider les États membres à mettre en place un cadre pour les salaires minimum. Chacun doit avoir accès à un salaire minimum, que ce soit au titre d’une convention collective ou d’un salaire minimum légal. Je suis une fervente partisane de la négociation collective et la proposition respectera pleinement les compétences et les traditions nationales. Nous avons vu dans nombre d’États membres comment un salaire minimum bien négocié assure l’emploi et l’équité, tant pour les travailleurs que pour les entreprises qui les apprécient vraiment. Le salaire minimum fonctionne – et il est temps que le travail paie. La deuxième promesse de l’économie sociale de marché est celle de la stabilité. L’Union européenne et ses États membres ont réagi à une crise inédite par une réponse sans précédent. En montrant qu’elle était unie et à la hauteur de la tâche, l’Europe a apporté la stabilité nécessaire à nos économies. La Commission a immédiatement déclenché la clause dérogatoire générale pour la première fois de notre histoire. Nous avons assoupli nos règles en matière de fonds européens et d’aides d’État. Nous avons autorisé plus de 3 trillions d’euros d’aide en faveur des entreprises et de l’industrie: des pêcheurs en Croatie et des agriculteurs en Grèce, aux PME en Italie et aux travailleurs indépendants au Danemark. La Banque centrale européenne a pris des mesures décisives dans le cadre de son programme d’achats d’urgence face à la pandémie, le PEPP. La Commission a proposé, en un temps record, NextGenerationEU et un budget remanié. Il combine investissements et réformes indispensables. Le Conseil l’a approuvé en un temps record. Cette Assemblée s’emploie à voter sur le projet avec la plus grande célérité. Pour la première fois – et pour des temps exceptionnels – l’Europe a mis en place ses propres instruments communs pour compléter les stabilisateurs budgétaires nationaux. C’est un moment d’unité remarquable pour notre Union. C’est là une réalisation qui devrait susciter notre fierté collective. Il nous faut désormais maintenir le cap. Nous avons tous vu les prévisions. Nous pouvons nous attendre à ce que nos économies redémarrent après une baisse de 12 % du PIB au deuxième trimestre. Mais, tout comme le virus, l’incertitude persiste – ici en Europe et dans le monde. Ce n’est donc sûrement pas le moment de retirer notre soutien. Une politique de soutien reste nécessaire à nos économies, et il nous faudra trouver un délicat équilibre entre appui financier et viabilité budgétaire. À plus long terme, un renforcement de l'Union économique et monétaire constitue le meilleur moyen d'assurer la stabilité et la compétitivité. La confiance dans l'euro n’a jamais été aussi grande. L’accord historique sur NextGenerationEU illustre le soutien politique dont celuici bénéficie. Nous devons maintenant profiter de cette occasion pour mener des réformes structurelles dans nos économies et parachever l’union des marchés des capitaux et l’union bancaire. Des marchés financiers profonds et liquides sont essentiels pour garantir l'accès des entreprises aux financements dont elles ont besoin pour se développer et investir dans la reprise et dans l’avenir. Et il s'agit également d'une condition préalable au renforcement du rôle international de l’euro. Alors mettonsnous au travail pour mener à son terme ce projet générationnel. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, la troisième promesse durable est la promesse d'opportunité. La pandémie nous a rappelé beaucoup de choses que nous avions peutêtre oubliées ou que nous tenions pour acquises. Elle nous a rappelé combien nos économies sont liées et combien un marché unique pleinement opérationnel est essentiel à notre prospérité et à notre capacité d'agir. Le marché unique est synonyme d'opportunité – il permet au consommateur d'en avoir pour son argent, à l’entreprise de vendre où elle veut en Europe et à l’industrie de renforcer sa compétitivité internationale. Et il offre à nous tous la possibilité de tirer le meilleur parti des libertés que nous, Européens, chérissons. Il offre à nos entreprises la possibilité d'atteindre la taille dont elles ont besoin pour prospérer et leur sert de refuge dans les périodes difficiles. Nous comptons chaque jour sur lui pour rendre nos vies plus faciles – et il nous est indispensable pour gérer la crise et recouvrer nos forces. Donnonslui un coup de pouce. Nous devons abattre les obstacles au marché unique. Nous devons alléger les formalités administratives. Nous devons accélérer la mise en œuvre et le contrôle de l’application des règles. Et nous devons rétablir les quatre libertés – dans leur intégralité et aussi vite que possible. Le bon fonctionnement de l'espace Schengen de libre circulation constitue un élément fondamental à cet égard. Nous travaillerons avec le Parlement et les États membres pour mettre cette question au premier rang de nos priorités politiques et nous proposerons une nouvelle stratégie pour l’avenir de Schengen. Grâce à un marché intérieur fort, l’industrie européenne a longtemps fait tourner notre économie, assurant des conditions d’existence stables à des millions de personnes et créant les mécanismes sociaux autour desquels nos communautés sont construites. Nous avons présenté notre nouvelle stratégie industrielle en mars pour faire en sorte que l’industrie puisse conduire la double transition écologique et numérique. Les six derniers mois n'ont fait qu'accélérer cette transformation, à un moment où le paysage concurrentiel mondial change radicalement. C’est pourquoi nous actualiserons notre stratégie industrielle au cours du premier semestre de l’année prochaine et nous adapterons notre cadre de concurrence, qui doit évoluer lui aussi. PROPULSER L’EUROPE VERS L'AVENIR: CONSTRUIRE LE MONDE DANS LEQUEL NOUS VOULONS VIVRE Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Toutes ces mesures permettront à l’Europe de se redresser. Mais alors même que nous progressons ensemble, nous devons aussi nous propulser vers le monde de demain. Il est d'autant plus urgent d'accélérer qu'il y va de l'avenir de notre fragile planète. Le gel d'une grande partie de l'activité mondiale durant les périodes de confinement n'a pas interrompu le réchauffement dangereux de notre planète. Tout autour de nous en témoigne: les évacuations de maisons causées par l’effondrement d'un glacier du Mont Blanc, les incendies qui ravagent l’Oregon, la sécheresse d'une exceptionnelle gravité qui détruit les cultures en Roumanie. Mais la nature a également fait son retour dans nos vies. Notre santé mentale et notre bienêtre physique avaient besoin d'espaces verts et d'air pur. Nous savons que le changement est nécessaire – et nous savons aussi qu'il est possible. Le pacte vert pour l'Europe est le projet qui nous permettra de mener à bien cette transformation. Il se concentre sur un objectif: faire de l'Europe le premier continent climatiquement neutre d’ici à 2050. Mais nous n’atteindrons cet objectif que si les choses changent – nous devons agir plus vite et mieux. Nous avons examiné en profondeur chaque secteur pour voir à quelle vitesse nous pourrions agir et comment nous pourrions le faire d’une manière responsable et fondée sur des données probantes. Nous avons organisé une vaste consultation publique et effectué une analyse d’impact approfondie. Sur cette base, la Commission européenne propose de porter l’objectif de réduction des émissions pour 2030 à au moins 55 %. Je reconnais que cette augmentation de 40 % à 55 % est trop importante pour certains et insuffisante pour d'autres. Mais notre analyse d’impact montre clairement que notre économie et notre industrie peuvent y faire face. Et ellesmêmes en ont la volonté. Pas plus tard qu'hier, j'ai reçu de 170 chefs d’entreprise et investisseurs – de PME mais aussi de quelquesuns des plus grands groupes mondiaux – une lettre appelant l’Europe à fixer un objectif d’au moins 55 %. Notre analyse d’impact montre clairement que la réalisation de cet objectif mettrait résolument l’UE sur la voie de la neutralité climatique d’ici à 2050 et du respect de ses obligations découlant de l’accord de Paris. Et si d’autres suivent notre exemple, le monde pourra maintenir le réchauffement climatique en dessous de 1,5 degré Celsius. J'ai pleinement conscience que bon nombre de nos partenaires sont loin de cet objectif – et je reviendrai plus tard sur le mécanisme d’ajustement carbone aux frontières. Mais pour nous, l’objectif de 2030 est ambitieux, réalisable et bénéfique pour l’Europe. Nous pouvons le faire. Nous avons déjà montré que nous en étions capables. Alors que les émissions ont chuté de 25 % depuis 1990, notre économie a crû de plus de 60 %. La différence est que les moyens technologiques, les compétences et les investissements sont aujourd'hui plus nombreux. Et nous sommes déjà engagés sur la voie d'une économie circulaire avec une production neutre en carbone. De plus en plus de jeunes militent pour le changement. De plus en plus d'éléments prouvent que ce qui est bon pour le climat est bon pour l’économie et bon pour nous tous. Et nous avons solennellement promis de ne laisser personne de côté pendant cette transformation. Notre Fonds pour une transition juste nous permettra de soutenir les régions qui auront à subir un changement plus important et plus coûteux. Nous avons tout pour réussir. Il est maintenant de notre responsabilité de tout mettre en œuvre pour atteindre notre objectif. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, La réalisation de ce nouvel objectif permettra de réduire notre dépendance à l’égard des importations d’énergie, de créer des millions d’emplois supplémentaires et de réduire de plus de moitié la pollution atmosphérique. Pour y arriver, nous devons commencer maintenant. D’ici l’été prochain, nous réviserons toute notre législation sur le climat et l’énergie afin de l'adapter à l'objectif de 55 %. Nous améliorerons l'échange de droits d’émission, promouvrons l'utilisation des énergies renouvelables, améliorerons l’efficacité énergétique et réformerons la fiscalité sur l’énergie. Mais la mission du pacte vert pour l'Europe va bien audelà de la réduction des émissions. Elle vise à assurer une modernisation systémique de notre économie, de notre société et de notre industrie. Elle a pour vocation de rendre plus fort le monde dans lequel nous vivons. Notre consommation actuelle de matières premières, d'énergie, d'eau et de denrées alimentaires ainsi que notre utilisation des sols ne sont pas durables. Nous devons traiter différemment la nature; nous devons changer notre façon de produire et de consommer, de vivre et de travailler, de manger et de nous chauffer, de voyager et de transporter. Nous nous attaquerons donc à tout, aux produits chimiques dangereux comme à la déforestation et à la pollution. Il s'agit d'un plan pour une vraie reprise. C'est un plan d’investissement pour l’Europe. Et c’est là que NextGenerationEU changera véritablement la donne. Premièrement, 37 % de NextGenerationEU seront consacrés directement aux objectifs de notre pacte vert pour l'Europe. Et je veillerai à ce que la finance verte passe également à la vitesse supérieure. Nous sommes les leaders mondiaux de la finance verte et le plus grand émetteur d’obligations vertes dans le monde. Nous faisons œuvre de pionnier en élaborant une norme de l'UE solide en matière d'obligations vertes. Et je peux annoncer aujourd’hui que nous fixerons un objectif consistant à lever 30 % des 750 milliards d’euros de NextGenerationEU au moyen d’obligations vertes. Deuxièmement, NextGenerationEU devrait investir dans des projets européens phares ayant le plus grand impact: l'hydrogène, la rénovation et la création d'1 million de bornes de recharge électrique. Permettezmoi d’expliquer comment cela pourrait fonctionner: il y a deux semaines, en Suède, a débuté la phase d'essai d'un projet pilote unique de production d’acier sans énergie fossile. De l'hydrogène y sera utilisé à la place du charbon pour produire de l’acier propre. Cela montre le potentiel de l’hydrogène pour soutenir notre industrie au moyen d'une nouvelle licence d’exploitation propre. Je veux que NextGenerationEU crée de nouvelles vallées européennes de l’hydrogène pour moderniser nos industries, alimenter nos véhicules et redonner une nouvelle vie aux zones rurales. Le deuxième exemple concerne les bâtiments dans lesquels nous vivons et travaillons. Nos bâtiments génèrent 40 % de nos émissions. Ils doivent devenir plus économes, moins coûteux et plus durables. Et nous savons que le secteur de la construction peut même être transformé en puits de carbone, et cesser dès lors d'être une source de carbone, si l’on utilise des matériaux de construction organiques tels que le bois et des technologies intelligentes telles que l’intelligence artificielle. Je veux que NextGenerationEU déclenche une vague de rénovation européenne et fasse de notre Union un leader de l’économie circulaire. Mais il ne s’agit pas seulement d’un projet environnemental ou économique: il doit s’agir aussi d’un nouveau projet culturel pour l’Europe. Chaque mouvement a son propre cachet. Et nous devons donner à notre changement systémique sa propre esthétique – pour combiner style et durabilité. C’est pourquoi nous allons créer un nouveau Bauhaus européen – un espace de cocréation dans lequel les architectes, les artistes, les étudiants, les ingénieurs, les designers travaillent ensemble pour réaliser cet objectif. C'est la raison d'être de NextGenerationEU. C'est façonner le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre. Un monde servi par une économie qui réduit les émissions, stimule la compétitivité, réduit la précarité énergétique, crée des emplois gratifiants et améliore la qualité de vie. Un monde dans lequel les technologies numériques servent à bâtir une société plus saine et plus verte. Cela ne pourra se faire que si nous agissons ensemble, et je veillerai tout particulièrement à ce que les plans de relance ne nous fassent pas seulement sortir de la crise, mais nous aident aussi à propulser l’Europe vers le monde de demain. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Imaginezvous un instant vivre cette pandémie sans le numérique. Devoir observer une quarantaine – isolés de votre famille et de votre communauté, coupés du monde du travail – ou encore, éprouver de grandes difficultés à vous approvisionner. En fait, il n’est pas si difficile d’imaginer que cela s’est produit il y a cent ans, lors de la dernière grande pandémie. Un siècle plus tard, les technologies modernes permettent aux jeunes de suivre un enseignement à distance et à des millions de gens de travailler en restant à la maison. Elles permettent aux usines de continuer à tourner, aux entreprises de vendre leurs produits et aux administrations publiques de fournir, à distance, des services publics essentiels aux citoyens. L’innovation et la transformation numériques réalisées en quelques semaines auraient pris des années en d’autres circonstances. Nous atteignons les limites de ce qu’il est possible de faire avec les moyens analogiques. Et cette accélération ne fait que commencer. Nous devons faire de la décennie qui s’ouvre la «décennie numérique» de l’Europe. Nous avons besoin d’un plan commun pour l’Europe numérique, avec des objectifs clairement définis pour 2030, notamment en matière de connectivité, de compétences et de services publics numériques. Nous devons aussi nous doter de principes clairs: le droit au respect de la vie privée et à la connectivité, la liberté d’expression, la libre circulation des données et la cybersécurité. Mais l’Europe doit montrer la voie à suivre dans le domaine du numérique, sinon elle sera contrainte de s’aligner sur d’autres acteurs qui fixeront ces normes pour nous. C’est pourquoi nous devons agir vite. Il y a trois domaines sur lesquels nous devrions, selon moi, nous concentrer. Premièrement, les données. En ce qui concerne les données à caractère personnel – dans le commerce entre entreprises et consommateurs – l’Europe a été trop lente et dépend désormais des autres. Il ne faut pas que cela se répète avec les données industrielles. La bonne nouvelle, c’est que, dans ce domaine, l’Europe est encore en tête – nous avons la technologie, et surtout l’industrie. Mais la course n’est pas gagnée pour autant. Le volume de données industrielles dans le monde quadruplera au cours des cinq prochaines années, et les opportunités qu’elles offrent croîtront au même rythme. Nous devons donner à nos entreprises, PME et startups, ainsi qu’à nos chercheurs, les moyens d’exploiter pleinement leur potentiel. Les données industrielles valent de l’or lorsqu’il s’agit de mettre au point de nouveaux produits et services. La réalité, malheureusement, est que 80 % des données industrielles sont collectées mais ne sont jamais utilisées. C’est du gaspillage. Une véritable économie des données serait, en revanche, un puissant moteur d’innovation et de création d’emplois. Nous devons donc préserver ces données dans l’intérêt de l’Europe et les rendre largement accessibles. Il nous faut des espaces de données communs, par exemple dans les secteurs de l’énergie ou des soins de santé. Cela renforcerait les écosystèmes d’innovation où les universités, les entreprises et les institutions de recherche bénéficieraient d’un accès sécurisé aux données et pourraient collaborer sur cette thématique. C’est pourquoi, dans le cadre de NextGenerationEU, nous allons créer un «cloud» européen, fondé sur Gaia X. Le deuxième domaine sur lequel nous devons concentrer nos efforts, c’est la technologie – et en particulier celle de l’intelligence artificielle. Qu’il soit question d’agriculture de précision, de diagnostics médicaux plus fiables ou de conduite autonome sécurisée, l’intelligence artificielle nous ouvrira de nouveaux mondes. Mais ces mondes ont aussi besoin de règles. Nous, en Europe, nous voulons un socle de règles qui place l’humain au centre. Les algorithmes ne doivent pas être une boîte noire, et il faut des règles claires si quelque chose tourne mal. La Commission proposera un instrument législatif à cet effet l’année prochaine. Il portera notamment sur la maîtrise de nos données à caractère personnel, qui nous échappe trop souvent aujourd’hui. Chaque fois qu’une application ou un site web nous propose de créer une nouvelle identité numérique ou de nous connecter facilement via une grande plateforme, nous n’avons aucune idée de ce que deviennent nos données, en réalité. C’est pourquoi la Commission proposera bientôt une identité électronique européenne sécurisée. Une identité fiable, que tout citoyen pourra utiliser partout en Europe pour n’importe quel usage, comme payer ses impôts ou louer un vélo. Une technologie qui nous permettra de contrôler quelles données nous partageons et l’usage qui pourra en être fait. Le troisième point concerne les infrastructures. Il faut que les connexions de données suivent l’évolution rapide que connaît notre société. Si nous cherchons à créer une Europe de l’égalité des chances, il est inacceptable que 40 % des habitants des zones rurales n’aient toujours pas accès à une connexion à haut débit rapide. Ce type de connexion est désormais indispensable pour pouvoir télétravailler, apprendre à domicile, acheter en ligne et, de plus en plus, utiliser de nouveaux services importants. Sans connexion à haut débit, il est pratiquement impossible de développer ou de gérer une entreprise efficacement. Les connexions rapides représentent une chance unique – mais aussi un préalable – pour revitaliser les zones rurales. Ces dernières en ont absolument besoin pour tirer le meilleur parti de leur potentiel et attirer davantage de personnes et d’investissements. Le coup de fouet que NextGenerationEU va donner à l’investissement est une occasion unique de stimuler la croissance jusqu’au moindre village. C’est pourquoi nous voulons concentrer nos investissements sur la connectivité sécurisée et sur le déploiement de la 5G, de la 6G et de la fibre. NextGenerationEU est aussi une occasion unique d’élaborer une approche européenne plus cohérente en matière de connectivité et de déploiement d’infrastructures numériques. Aucun de ces objectifs n’est une fin en soi – ce qui est en jeu, c’est la souveraineté numérique de l’Europe, à petite et à grande échelle. Dans cet esprit, je suis heureuse d’annoncer un investissement de 8 milliards d’euros dans la prochaine génération de superordinateurs – une technologie de pointe «made in Europe». Nous voulons aussi voir l’industrie européenne développer ses propres microprocesseurs de prochaine génération, qui nous permettront d’utiliser des volumes de données croissants en économisant l'énergie et en toute sécurité. Voilà de quoi sera faite la «décennie numérique de l’Europe»! Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Si l’Europe veut aller de l’avant et avancer rapidement, nous devons balayer nos hésitations. L’enjeu, c’est de donner à l’Europe davantage de prise sur son avenir. Nous avons tout ce qu’il faut pour y parvenir. Et le secteur privé attend désespérément d’y contribuer, lui aussi. Avec les nouveaux pôles numériques qui voient le jour un peu partout, de Sofia à Lisbonne ou Katowice, il n’y a jamais eu de meilleur moment pour investir dans les entreprises technologiques européennes. Nous avons les personnes, les idées et la force d’une Union pour réussir. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous investirons 20 % du budget de NextGenerationEU dans le numérique. Nous voulons ouvrir la voie, une voie européenne, de l’ère numérique: une voie qui repose sur nos valeurs, notre force, nos ambitions mondiales. UNE EUROPE PLEINE DE VITALITÉ DANS UN MONDE FRAGILE Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, L’Europe est résolue à profiter de cette période de transition pour construire le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre. Bien sûr, cela ne s’arrête pas à nos frontières. La pandémie a mis en évidence à la fois la fragilité du système mondial et l'importance que revêt la coopération pour relever les défis collectifs. Face à la crise que connaît le monde, certains choisissent le repli sur soi. D’autres s’emploient activement à déstabiliser le système. L’Europe choisit de tendre la main. Notre vision du leadership, ce n’est pas une propagande qui sert nos intérêts. Il ne s’agit pas de faire passer l’Europe d’abord. Il s'agit plutôt d’être les premiers à répondre à l’appel lorsque cela s'avère nécessaire. Durant la pandémie, des avions européens ont livré des milliers de tonnes d’équipements de protection dans le monde entier, du Soudan à l’Afghanistan, de la Somalie au Venezuela. Aucun d’entre nous ne sera en sécurité tant que nous ne serons pas tous en sécurité, et ce, peu importe l’endroit où que nous vivions, ou ce que nous possédions. Un vaccin accessible, abordable et sûr est le moyen le plus prometteur d’assurer notre sécurité. Au début de la pandémie, il n’y avait pas de financement, pas de cadre mondial pour le développement d’un vaccin contre le coronavirus, juste une course pour être le premier à se le procurer. C’est le moment où l’UE est intervenue pour organiser une réponse mondiale. Avec la société civile, le G20, l’OMS et d’autres partenaires, nous avons réuni plus de 40 pays pour lever 16 milliards d’euros pour financer la recherche sur des vaccins, des tests et des traitements pour le monde entier, démontrant ainsi le pouvoir mobilisateur inégalé de l’UE. Mais trouver un vaccin ne suffit pas. Nous devons veiller à ce que les citoyens européens et ceux du monde entier y aient accès. L’UE a adhéré ce moisci au mécanisme mondial COVAX et a apporté une contribution de 400 millions d’euros pour que des vaccins sûrs deviennent accessibles non seulement à ceux qui en ont les moyens mais à tous ceux qui en ont besoin. Le nationalisme vaccinal met des vies en danger. La coopération en matière de vaccins les sauve. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Nous sommes fermement convaincus de la force et de la valeur de la coopération au sein d’organismes internationaux. C'est avec une Organisation des Nations unies forte que nous pourrons trouver des solutions à long terme à des crises comme celles que connaissent la Libye ou la Syrie. C’est avec une Organisation mondiale de la santé forte que nous pourrons mieux nous préparer et réagir aux pandémies mondiales ou aux épidémies locales – coronavirus ou Ebola. Et c’est avec une Organisation mondiale du commerce forte que nous pourrons garantir une concurrence équitable pour tous. Mais il faut aussi reconnaître qu’il n’a jamais été aussi urgent de revitaliser et de réformer le système multilatéral. Une paralysie insidieuse a gagné notre système mondial. De grandes puissances se retirent des institutions ou bien les prennent en otage pour servir leurs propres intérêts. Toutes ces voies sont sans issue. Oui, nous voulons du changement. Mais du changement en construisant et non en détruisant. C’est pourquoi je veux que l’UE prenne la tête du mouvement de réforme de l’OMC et de l’OMS, afin de les adapter au monde d’aujourd’hui. Mais nous savons que les réformes multilatérales prennent du temps et, dans l'intervalle, le monde va continuer de tourner. Il ne fait aucun doute que l’Europe doit prendre clairement position et intervenir rapidement sur les questions internationales. La dernière réunion en date des dirigeants UEChine a eu lieu il y a deux jours. La relation que l’Union européenne entretient avec la Chine est à la fois l’une des plus importantes sur le plan stratégique et l’une de celles qui comportent le plus de défis. Dès le début, j’ai dit que la Chine était un partenaire de négociation, un concurrent économique et un rival systémique. Nous avons des intérêts communs sur des questions telles que le changement climatique – et la Chine s’est montrée disposée à coopérer en entamant un dialogue à haut niveau. Toutefois, nous attendons de la Chine qu’elle respecte les engagements qu’elle a pris dans le cadre de l’Accord de Paris et qu’elle donne l’exemple. Il reste encore beaucoup à faire en ce qui concerne l’accès équitable aux marchés pour les entreprises européennes, la réciprocité et la surcapacité. Notre partenariat en matière de commerce et d’investissement reste déséquilibré. Et il est incontestable que les systèmes de gouvernance et de société que nous promouvons sont très différents. Nous croyons à la valeur universelle de la démocratie et aux droits de l'individu. L'Europe a elle aussi ses problèmes – pensons par exemple à l'antisémitisme. Mais nous en débattons dans la sphère publique. Non seulement la critique et l'opposition sont acceptées, mais elles sont protégées par la loi. Nous devons donc toujours dénoncer les violations des droits de l’homme lorsqu’elles se produisent et où que ce soit, à Hong Kong ou chez les Ouïghours. Mais qu’estce qui nous retient? Pourquoi même de simples déclarations sur les valeurs de l’UE sontelles retardées, édulcorées ou prises en otage pour d’autres motifs? Lorsque les États membres reprochent à l’Europe d’être trop lente, je leur demande de se montrer courageux et de passer enfin au vote à la majorité qualifiée – du moins en ce qui concerne les droits de l’homme et la mise en œuvre de sanctions. Cette Assemblée a, à maintes reprises, appelé l’Europe à se doter d’un équivalent de la «loi Magnitsky» – et je peux annoncer que nous allons maintenant présenter une proposition. Nous devons compléter notre boîte à outils. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Que ce soit à Hong Kong, à Moscou ou à Minsk: L’Europe doit prendre position clairement et rapidement. Je veux le dire haut et fort: l’Union européenne est du côté du peuple biélorusse. Nous sommes tous émus par l’immense courage de ceux et celles qui se sont rassemblés pacifiquement sur la place de l’indépendance ou qui ont participé à la courageuse marche des femmes. Les élections qui les ont fait descendre dans la rue n’ont été ni libres ni équitables et la façon brutale dont le gouvernement a réagi a été honteuse. Les Biélorusses doivent être libres de décider euxmêmes de leur avenir. Ils ne sont pas de simples pions sur un échiquier. À ceux qui plaident en faveur de liens plus étroits avec la Russie, je dis que l’empoisonnement d’Alexei Navalny avec un agent chimique neurotoxique n’est pas un acte isolé. Nous avons pu observer ce type de pratiques en Géorgie et en Ukraine, en Syrie et à Salisbury – sans parler de l’ingérence électorale dans le monde entier. Ces pratiques ne changent pas – et ce n’est pas un gazoduc qui va les faire changer. La Turquie est un voisin important et le sera toujours. Mais si nous sommes géographiquement proches, la distance entre nous semble ne cesser de croître. Oui, la Turquie se situe dans une région qui connaît des troubles. Et oui, elle reçoit des millions de réfugiés, pour l’accueil desquels nous versons une aide financière considérable. Mais rien de tout cela ne justifie les tentatives d’intimidation de ses voisins. Nos États membres, Chypre et la Grèce, pourront toujours compter sur une solidarité totale de l’Europe pour protéger leurs droits légitimes en matière de souveraineté. La désescalade en Méditerranée orientale est dans notre intérêt mutuel. À cet égard, le retour des navires d’exploration vers les ports turcs ces derniers jours est une étape dans la bonne direction. Il était nécessaire pour créer l’espace indispensable au dialogue. Il n’y a qu’une voie à suivre : se garder d’agir unilatéralement et reprendre les pourparlers en toute bonne foi, car c’est la voie qui mène vers la stabilité et les solutions durables. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, L’Europe doit réagir de manière plus ferme aux événements qui se déroulent sur la scène internationale, mais elle doit aussi approfondir et améliorer ses partenariats avec ses amis et alliés. Et elle doit commencer par revitaliser les partenariats établis de plus longue date. Nous ne sommes peutêtre pas toujours d’accord avec les décisions récentes de la MaisonBlanche. Mais nous chérirons toujours l’alliance transatlantique — fondée sur des valeurs et une histoire communes, et sur un lien indéfectible entre nos peuples. Quoi qu’il arrive à la fin de cette année, nous sommes donc prêts à élaborer un nouvel agenda transatlantique pour renforcer notre partenariat bilatéral – que ce soit dans le domaine du commerce, de la technologie ou de la fiscalité. Et nous sommes prêts à travailler ensemble à la réforme du système international que nous avons construit ensemble, avec des partenaires partageant les mêmes valeurs, dans nos propres intérêts et dans l’intérêt du bien commun. Nous devons prendre un nouveau départ avec de vieux amis – de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique et de part et d’autre de la Manche. La scène qui s’est déroulée dans ce même hémicycle, quand nous nous sommes dit au revoir sur la mélodie de «Ce n’est qu’un au revoir» en nous tenant par la main, était éloquente. Elle montrait que l’affection portée au peuple britannique ne faiblira jamais. En revanche, chaque jour qui passe voit vraiment faiblir les chances de conclure un accord à temps. Les négociations sont toujours difficiles. Nous y sommes habitués. Et la Commission a, en la personne de Michel Barnier, le négociateur le plus compétent et le plus expérimenté, pour nous guider parmi ces écueils. Cependant, les négociations n’ont pas progressé comme nous l’aurions souhaité. Il nous reste désormais très peu de temps. Comme toujours, cette Assemblée sera la première informée et elle aura le dernier mot. Et je peux vous assurer que nous continuerons à vous tenir informés en permanence, tout comme nous l’avons fait pour l’accord de retrait. Les négociations sur cet accord ont duré trois ans et nous y avons travaillé sans relâche. Ligne après ligne, mot après mot. Et ensemble, nous avons réussi. Le résultat préserve les droits de nos citoyens, les intérêts financiers, l’intégrité du marché unique – et surtout l’accord du Vendredi saint. L’UE et le RoyaumeUni ont convenu que c’était le meilleur et le seul moyen d’assurer la paix sur l’île d’Irlande. Et nous ne reviendrons jamais làdessus. Cet accord a été ratifié par cette Assemblée et par la Chambre des communes. Il est impossible de le modifier unilatéralement, de l’ignorer ou de cesser d’en appliquer les dispositions. C’est une question de droit, de confiance et de bonne foi. Et ce n’est pas seulement moi qui le dis – je vous rappelle les paroles de Margaret Thatcher: «Le RoyaumeUni ne viole pas les traités. Ce serait mauvais pour la GrandeBretagne, mauvais pour les relations avec le reste du monde et mauvais pour tout futur traité commercial». Ce qui était vrai à l’époque l’est toujours aujourd’hui. La confiance est le fondement de tout partenariat solide. L’Europe sera toujours prête à établir des partenariats solides avec ses voisins les plus proches. Cela commence par les Balkans occidentaux. Il y a six mois, la décision d’ouvrir des négociations d’adhésion avec l’Albanie et la Macédoine du Nord a réellement été historique. En effet, l’avenir de toute cette région est bien dans l’UE. Nous partageons la même histoire et la même destinée. Les Balkans occidentaux font partie de l’Europe, ils ne sont pas seulement une escale sur la route de la soie. Nous présenterons bientôt un plan de relance économique pour les Balkans occidentaux, axé sur un certain nombre d’initiatives régionales d’investissement. Et nous serons également présents pour les pays du partenariat oriental et pour nos partenaires dans le voisinage méridional, afin de les aider à créer des emplois et à relancer leurs économies. Lorsque j’ai pris mes fonctions, ma toute première visite à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne a été pour l’Union africaine, et ce choix s’est imposé tout naturellement. Il s’est imposé naturellement, et le message était clair, parce que nous ne sommes pas seulement voisins, nous sommes des partenaires naturels. Trois mois plus tard, lors d’une nouvelle visite avec l’ensemble du Collège, nous avons établi nos priorités pour notre nouvelle stratégie avec l’Afrique. Il s’agit d’un partenariat fondé sur l’égalité, qui offre aux deux parties des perspectives et des responsabilités communes. L’Afrique sera un partenaire essentiel pour bâtir le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre – tant en ce qui concerne les questions liées au climat que le numérique ou le commerce. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Nous continuerons à croire en des relations commerciales ouvertes et équitables à travers le monde. Non comme une fin en soi – mais comme un moyen d’apporter la prospérité à nos pays et de promouvoir nos valeurs et nos normes. Plus de 600 000 emplois en Europe sont étroitement liés aux échanges commerciaux avec le Japon. Et l’accord que nous avons récemment conclu avec le Viêt Nam a permis de garantir des droits historiques à des millions de travailleurs sur place. Nous ferons usage de notre puissance diplomatique et de notre influence économique pour négocier des accords qui font la différence – des accords prévoyant, par exemple, des zones maritimes protégées en Antarctique. Il s’agirait de l’un des plus grands actes de protection de l’environnement de l’histoire. Nous constituerons des coalitions extrêmement ambitieuses sur des questions telles que l’éthique numérique ou la lutte contre la déforestation – et nous développerons des collaborations avec tous les partenaires partageant les mêmes idées – des démocraties asiatiques à l’Australie, l’Afrique, les Amériques et à tout autre pays souhaitant y adhérer. Nous œuvrerons à une mondialisation juste. Mais nous ne pouvons pas la considérer pour acquise. Nous devons mettre l’accent sur l’équité et sur l’égalité des conditions de concurrence. Et l’Europe ira de l’avant seule ou avec des partenaires souhaitant se joindre à elle. Nous travaillons, par exemple, actuellement à un mécanisme d’ajustement carbone aux frontières. Le carbone doit avoir son prix – parce que la nature ne peut plus en payer le prix. Ce mécanisme d’ajustement carbone aux frontières devrait inciter les producteurs étrangers et les importateurs de l’UE à réduire leurs émissions de carbone, tout en veillant à l’égalité des conditions de concurrence d’une manière compatible avec les règles de l’OMC. Le même principe s’applique à la fiscalité numérique. Nous mettrons tout en œuvre pour parvenir à un accord dans le cadre de l’OCDE et du G20. Mais il ne fait aucun doute que, si l’accord conclu ne permet pas la mise en place d’un système fiscal équitable procurant des recettes durables à long terme, l’Europe présentera une proposition en ce sens au début de l’année prochaine. Nous souhaitons que l’Europe joue, au niveau mondial, le rôle de défenseur de l’équité. UNE NOUVELLE VITALITÉ POUR L’EUROPE Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Si l’Europe veut jouer ce rôle vital dans le monde, elle doit également faire naître une nouvelle vitalité sur le plan interne. Et pour pouvoir aller de l’avant, nous devons à présent surmonter les divergences qui nous ont empêchés d’avancer. L’accord historique sur l’instrument pour la relance NextGenerationEU montre qu’il est possible de dépasser ces divergences. La rapidité avec laquelle nous avons pris des décisions en matière de règles fiscales, d’aides d’État ou concernant l’instrument SURE est la preuve que, malgré ces divergences, nous pouvons agir. Alors, agissons. La question de la migration a fait l’objet de discussions suffisamment longues. La migration a toujours existé en Europe – et elle existera toujours. Au fil des siècles, elle a défini nos sociétés, enrichi nos cultures et façonné nombre de nos vies. Et il en sera toujours ainsi. Comme nous le savons tous, la crise migratoire de 2015 a causé des divisions nombreuses et profondes entre les États membres – certaines des cicatrices qu’elle a laissées sont toujours visibles aujourd’hui. Des mesures importantes ont été prises depuis lors. Mais il reste encore beaucoup à faire. Si nous nous montrons tous prêts à faire des compromis – sans toutefois accepter la moindre compromission par rapport à nos principes – nous pouvons trouver des solutions. La semaine prochaine, la Commission présentera son nouveau pacte sur la migration. Nous adopterons une approche axée sur l’humain et empreinte d’humanité. Le sauvetage des vies humaines en mer n’est pas optionnel. Et les pays qui remplissent leurs obligations juridiques et morales ou qui sont plus exposés que les autres doivent pouvoir compter sur la solidarité de toute notre Union européenne. Nous prévoirons un lien plus étroit entre l’asile et le retour. Nous devons établir une distinction claire entre les personnes qui ont le droit de rester et celles qui ne jouissent pas de ce droit. Nous prendrons des mesures pour lutter contre les passeurs, pour renforcer les frontières extérieures, pour approfondir les partenariats extérieurs et pour créer des voies légales d’accès. En outre, nous veillerons à ce que les personnes qui ont le droit de rester soient intégrées et se sentent les bienvenues. Elles ont un avenir à bâtir – et des compétences, de l’énergie et du talent. Je pense ainsi à Suadd, cette réfugiée adolescente syrienne arrivée en Europe et qui rêvait de devenir médecin. En trois ans, elle a obtenu une bourse prestigieuse du Collège royal de chirurgie en Irlande. Je pense aussi à ces médecins réfugiés libyens et somaliens qui ont proposé leurs compétences médicales au moment où la pandémie frappait la France. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, si nous songeons aux épreuves que ces personnes ont surmontées et à ce qu’elles ont accompli, nous n’avons pas d’autre choix que de nous montrer capables de gérer ensemble la question de la migration. Les images du camp de Moria nous rappellent douloureusement que l’Europe doit agir dans l’unité. Nous devons tous intensifier nos efforts en la matière et prendre nos responsabilités – et c’est précisément ce que fera la Commission. La Commission travaille actuellement à l’élaboration d’un plan en vue d’un projet pilote mené conjointement avec les autorités grecques, pour installer un nouveau camp sur l’île de Lesbos. Nous pouvons apporter notre aide dans le cadre des procédures d’asile et de retour et améliorer sensiblement les conditions de vie des réfugiés. Mais soyons clairs: si nous intensifions nos efforts, nous attendons de tous les États membres qu’ils intensifient eux aussi leurs efforts. La migration constitue un défi européen et c’est l’ensemble de l’Europe qui doit faire sa part. Nous devons rétablir la confiance entre nous et aller de l’avant ensemble. Et cette confiance est au cœur même de notre Union et de notre façon de faire les choses ensemble. Elle est ancrée dans nos valeurs fondatrices, dans nos démocraties et dans notre communauté de droit – pour reprendre le terme utilisé par Walter Hallstein. Il ne s’agit pas d’un terme abstrait. L’état de droit contribue à protéger les citoyens du règne de la loi du plus fort. Il est le garant de nos droits et libertés les plus élémentaires, au jour le jour. Il nous permet d’exprimer nos opinions et d’être informés par une presse libre. Avant la fin du mois, la Commission adoptera le premier rapport annuel sur l’état de droit, couvrant tous les États membres. Il s’agit d’un outil de prévention permettant de détecter rapidement les problèmes et de trouver des solutions. Nous souhaitons qu’il s’agisse d’un point de départ pour la Commission, le Parlement et les États membres, afin que les engagements pris ne soient pas remis en cause. La Commission attache la plus haute importance à l'état de droit. C’est pourquoi nous veillerons à protéger les fonds disponibles au titre de notre budget et de l’instrument NextGenerationEU contre toutes les formes de fraude, la corruption et les conflits d'intérêts. Il s’agit d’un point non négociable. Toutefois, les derniers mois nous ont également rappelé à quel point l’état de droit pouvait être fragile. Nous avons le devoir de faire preuve d’une vigilance permanente afin de protéger l’état de droit et de lui permettre de prospérer. Les atteintes à l’état de droit ne peuvent être tolérées. Nous continuerons à défendre l’état de droit et à défendre l’intégrité de nos institutions européennes, qu’il s’agisse de la primauté du droit européen, de la liberté de la presse, de l'indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire ou de la vente de «passeports dorés». Les valeurs européennes ne sont pas à vendre. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Ces valeurs sont plus importantes que jamais. Je formule cette affirmation, car lorsque je pense à l’état de notre Union, ce sont les paroles de John Hume – l’un des grands Européens malheureusement décédés cette année qui me viennent à l’esprit. Si de nombreuses personnes vivent en paix aujourd’hui sur l’île d’Irlande, c’est en grande partie parce que John Hume croyait, d’une manière indéfectible, en l’humanité et en la résolution des conflits. Il avait l’habitude de dire que le conflit était une question de différence et que la paix était une question de respect de la différence. Et comme il l’a si justement rappelé en 1998 devant cette Assemblée: «Les visionnaires européens ont décidé que la différence n’est pas une menace, la différence est naturelle. La différence est l’essence même de l’humanité». Ces mots sont plus importants aujourd’hui qu’ils ne l’ont jamais été. Parce que, lorsque nous regardons autour de nous, nous nous demandons où est l’essence de l’humanité quand trois enfants du Wisconsin voient leur père être la cible des balles la police alors qu’ils sont assis dans leur voiture. Nous nous demandons où est l’essence de l’humanité lorsque des citoyens vêtus de costumes antisémites défilent ouvertement dans nos rues à l’occasion du carnaval? Où est l’essence de l’humanité lorsque, tous les jours, des Roms sont exclus de la société et que d'autres personnes sont repoussées simplement à cause de leur couleur de peau ou de leurs croyances religieuses? Je suis fière de vivre en Europe, dans cette société ouverte, fondée sur des valeurs et prônant la diversité. Pourtant, même ici dans cette Union – de telles histoires font partie de la réalité quotidienne de tant de citoyens. Et cela nous rappelle que les progrès en matière de lutte contre le racisme et la haine sont fragiles – dans ce domaine, les avancées sont durement gagnées, mais très facilement perdues. C’est la raison pour laquelle l’heure du changement a sonné. Il est temps à présent de construire une Union véritablement antiraciste – en condamnant le racisme, mais aussi en agissant. La Commission va présenter un plan d’action pour commencer à concrétiser ce projet. Dans ce cadre, nous proposerons d’étendre la liste des infractions prévues par la législation de l’UE à toutes les formes de crimes de haine et de discours de haine – qu’ils se fondent sur la race, la religion, le genre ou la sexualité. La haine est toujours de la haine – et personne ne devrait s’en accommoder. Nous renforcerons nos lois en matière d’égalité raciale là où des lacunes subsistent. Nous utiliserons notre budget pour lutter contre la discrimination dans des domaines tels que l’emploi, le logement ou les soins de santé. Nous deviendrons plus sévères en matière d’application de la législation en cas de retard de mise en œuvre. Parce que dans cette Union, la lutte contre le racisme ne sera jamais optionnelle. Nous améliorerons l’éducation et les connaissances sur les causes historiques et culturelles du racisme. Nous nous attaquerons aux préjugés inconscients, qu’ils soient le fait des citoyens, des institutions, voire des algorithmes. En outre, la Commission désignera son tout premier coordinateur en matière de lutte contre le racisme afin d’accorder à cette question une attention prioritaire et de travailler directement avec les citoyens, la société civile et les institutions. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Nous ne ménagerons pas nos efforts pour construire une Union de l’égalité. Une Union dans laquelle vous pouvez être qui vous êtes et aimer qui vous voulez – sans crainte de récrimination ou de discrimination. Parce qu’être soimême n’est pas une question d’idéologie. C’est votre identité. Et nul ne pourra jamais vous la retirer. C’est la raison pour laquelle je souhaite être claire – les «zones sans LGBTQI» sont des zones sans humanité. Et elles n’ont pas leur place dans notre Union. Afin de veiller à ce que nous soutenions l’ensemble de la communauté, la Commission proposera bientôt une stratégie visant à renforcer les droits des LGBTQI. Dans ce cadre, je plaiderai également en faveur de la reconnaissance mutuelle des relations familiales dans l’UE. Si vous êtes parent dans un pays, vous êtes parent dans tous les pays. CONCLUSION Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Voici le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre. Le monde où nous sommes unis dans la diversité et l'adversité. Où nous travaillons ensemble pour surmonter nos différences et où nous nous soutenons dans les moments difficiles. Le monde plus fort, plus respectueux et plus sain de demain que nous construisons aujourd'hui pour nos enfants. Mais pendant que nous essayons d'apprendre la vie à nos enfants, nos enfants nous apprennent ce qu'est la vie. Cette année nous a montré à quel point cela est vrai. Nous pouvons parler des millions de jeunes qui demandent un changement pour une planète plus saine. Ou des centaines de milliers de magnifiques arcsenciel de solidarité affichés aux fenêtres de toute l'Europe par nos enfants. Mais il y a une image qui m'est restée en tête au cours de ces six derniers mois. Une image qui saisit le monde à travers les yeux de nos enfants. C'est l'image de Carola et de Vittoria. Les deux jeunes filles jouant au tennis sur les toits de la Ligurie en Italie. Il n'y a pas que le talent et le courage des filles qui ressort de cette image. C’est surtout la leçon qui se cache derrière. Une leçon de ne jamais se laisser bloquer par les obstacles sur son chemin, ne jamais se faire freiner par les conventions, et de toujours saisir le moment. Voici ce que Carola, Vittoria et tous les jeunes d'Europe nous apprennent chaque jour sur la vie. Ceci est la prochaine génération d'Européens. NextGenerationEU. Cette année, l'Europe a suivi leur exemple et a fait un bond en avant ensemble. Quand il a fallu trouver une voie pour notre avenir, nous n'avons pas laissé les vieilles conventions nous freiner. Quand nous avons senti la fragilité autour de nous, nous avons saisi le moment pour donner une nouvelle vitalité à notre Union. Et quand nous avons eu le choix de faire cavalier seul comme par le passé, nous avons utilisé toute la force des 27 pour donner à tous les 27 une chance pour l'avenir. Nous avons montré que nous sommes ensemble dans cette histoire et que nous en sortirons ensemble. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, L'avenir sera ce que nous en ferons. Et l'Europe sera ce que nous voulons qu’elle soit. Cessons donc de la rabaisser. Et travaillons pour la construire. Pour la rendre forte. Et pour bâtir le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre. Vive l’Europe ! dent si vite et les défis sont si grands qu’il est parfois difficile d’en prendre toute la mesure. Ce temps a également été marqué par la recherche d’une âme. Certains ont réévalué leur vie, d’autres ont débattu largement du partage des vaccins et du partage des valeurs. Mais quand je jette un regard rétrospectif sur l’année écoulée, quand je regarde l’état de notre Union aujourd’hui, je vois beaucoup d’âme dans tout ce que nous faisons. C’est Robert Schuman qui a dit: L’Europe a besoin d’une âme, d’un idéal et d’une volonté politique au service de cet idéal. Au cours des douze derniers mois, l’Europe a donné corps à ces propos. Dans la plus grande crise sanitaire que le monde ait connue depuis un siècle, nous avons choisi de faire face ensemble, de sorte que chaque partie de l’Europe bénéficie du même accès à un vaccin salvateur. Dans la crise économique la plus grave que le monde ait connue depuis des décennies, nous avons choisi de faire face ensemble, avec NextGenerationEU. Et dans la crise planétaire la plus grave de tous les temps, nous avons choisi une fois encore de faire face ensemble, avec le pacte vert pour l’Europe. Nous avons fait tout cela ensemble, la Commission, le Parlement et les 27 États membres. Comme une Europe unie. Et nous pouvons en être fiers. Mais l’ère du corona n’est pas encore révolue. Il y a encore beaucoup de souffrance dans notre société, alors que la pandémie se prolonge. Il y a des chagrins que nous ne pourrons jamais guérir, des vies qui ne reprendront plus jamais leur cours et le temps perdu que nous ne pourrons jamais rendre à notre jeunesse. Nous faisons face à des défis nouveaux et persistants dans un monde qui se rétablit – mais se fracture aussi – de manière inégale. Il n’y a donc aucun doute: l’année prochaine, notre résolution sera une fois encore mise à l’épreuve. Mais je crois que ce sont les épreuves qui font véritablement ressortir notre force notre âme. Quand je regarde notre Union, je sais que l’Europe triomphera de cette épreuve. Et ce qui me donne cette confiance, c’est l’inspiration que nous pouvons puiser chez les jeunes Européens. Parce que nos jeunes ont donné du sens à l’empathie et à la solidarité. Ils estiment que nous avons une responsabilité envers la planète. Et bien qu’ils soient inquiets pour l’avenir, ils sont déterminés à le rendre meilleur. Notre Union sera plus forte si elle ressemble davantage à la prochaine génération: réfléchie, déterminée et bienveillante. Ancrée dans des valeurs et audacieuse dans l’action. Cet esprit sera plus important que jamais au cours des douze prochains mois. Tel est le message contenu dans la lettre d’intention que j’ai envoyée ce matin au Président Sassoli et au Premier ministre Janša et qui présente nos priorités pour l’année à venir. UNE EUROPE UNIE DANS L’ADVERSITÉ ET DANS LA REPRISE ÉCONOMIQUE Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, En période de pandémie, une année, c’est une longue traversée. Quand je me tenais devant vous il y a 12 mois de cela, je ne savais pas quand nous disposerions – ni même si nous disposerions un jour – d’un vaccin sûr et efficace contre la COVID19. Mais aujourd’hui, ayant démenti toutes les critiques, l’Europe est à la pointe au niveau mondial. Plus de 70 % des adultes sont entièrement vaccinés dans l’Union européenne. Nous avons été les seuls à partager la moitié de notre production de vaccins avec le reste du monde. Nous avons livré plus de 700 millions de doses dans l’Union européenne, et nous avons aussi livré plus de 700 millions de doses au reste du monde, dans plus de 130 pays. Nous sommes la seule région du monde à l’avoir fait. Une pandémie, c’est un marathon, et non un sprint. Nous avons suivi la science. Nous avons tenu nos engagements en Europe. Nous avons tenu nos engagements dans le monde. Nous l’avons fait de la bonne manière, parce que nous l’avons fait à l’européenne. Et ça a fonctionné! Mais si nous avons toute raison d'être confiants, nous n'en avons aucune de nous endormir sur nos lauriers. Notre première priorité – et la plus urgente est d’accélérer la vaccination mondiale. Quand on voit qu’à l’échelle planétaire, moins de 1 % des doses administrées l'ont été dans les pays à faibles revenus, on ne peut que constater l’ampleur de l’injustice et le degré d’urgence. C'est l’un des problèmes géopolitiques majeurs d’aujourd’hui. L'Équipe Europe investit un milliard d’euros pour faire monter en puissance les capacités de production d’ARN messager en Afrique. Nous nous sommes déjà engagés à partager 250 millions de doses. Je peux annoncer aujourd'hui que la Commission ajoutera à cela un nouveau don de 200 millions de doses d'ici au milieu de l'année prochaine. C'est un investissement dans la solidarité, mais aussi dans la santé mondiale. Notre deuxième priorité est de poursuivre nos efforts ici en Europe. Nous voyons des divergences préoccupantes dans les taux de vaccination dans notre Union. Alors nous devons continuer sur notre lancée. Et l'Europe est prête. Nous avons obtenu 1,8 milliard de doses supplémentaires. C’est assez pour nousmêmes et notre voisinage au moment où des injections de rappel sont nécessaires. Faisons tout ce qui est en notre pouvoir pour que cette pandémie ne se transforme pas en une pandémie de nonvaccinés. Notre dernière priorité est d’être mieux préparés face aux pandémies. J’ai déclaré l’an dernier qu’il était temps de construire l’union européenne de la santé. Aujourd'hui, le résultat est là. Avec notre proposition, nous rendons opérationnelle l'HERA, la nouvelle Autorité européenne de préparation et d’intervention en cas d’urgence sanitaire. L'HERA sera un immense atout pour réagir plus rapidement et mieux aux futures menaces sanitaires. Nous avons les capacités scientifique et d'innovation, les connaissances du secteur privé et les autorités nationales compétentes. Maintenant, il nous faut articuler tout cela, notamment avec des financements massifs. C'est pourquoi je propose une nouvelle mission de préparation et de résilience sanitaire à l'échelle de toute l'Union. Et celleci devrait être appuyée par un investissement de l'Équipe Europe de 50 milliards d'ici à 2027. Pour faire en sorte qu’aucun virus ne fera jamais d’une épidémie locale une pandémie mondiale. Il ne saurait y avoir de meilleur retour sur investissement que celuilà. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Le travail fourni sur l’Union européenne de la santé constitue une avancée majeure. Et je tiens à remercier cette Assemblée pour son soutien. Nous avons démontré que lorsque nous agissons ensemble, nous sommes capables d’agir rapidement. Prenons l’exemple du certificat numérique de l’Union européenne: Aujourd’hui, plus de 400 millions de certificats ont été émis dans toute l’Europe. 42 pays sur 4 continents différents sont connectés au système. Nous l’avons proposé en mars. Vous avez soutenu cette proposition! Trois mois plus tard, il était opérationnel. Grâce à cet effort commun, pendant que le reste du monde en parlait, l’Europe l’a fait, tout simplement. À maints égards, nous avons fait ce qu’il fallait. Nous avons agi rapidement pour créer l’instrument SURE. Celuici a soutenu plus de 31 millions de travailleurs et 2,5 millions d’entreprises dans toute l’Europe. Nous avons tiré les leçons d’un passé où nous étions trop divisés et trop à la traîne. Et la différence est nette: la fois précédente, il a fallu 8 ans à la zone euro pour retrouver son niveau de PIB d’avant la crise. Cette fois, nous prévoyons que 19 pays reviendront au niveau d’avant la pandémie cette année encore, bientôt suivis par les autres. La croissance de la zone euro a surpassé celle des ÉtatsUnis et de la Chine au dernier trimestre. Mais ce n’est qu’un début. Et les leçons de la crise financière doivent inciter à la prudence: À l’époque, l’Europe avait crié victoire trop tôt, et nous en avons payé le prix. Nous ne referons pas cette erreur. La bonne nouvelle, c’est qu’avec NextGenerationEU, nous allons à présent investir à la fois dans la reprise à court terme et la prospérité à long terme. Nous allons nous attaquer aux problèmes structurels de notre économie, qu’il s’agisse de réformer le marché du travail en Espagne, le système de retraite en Slovénie ou la fiscalité en Autriche. Nous allons investir comme jamais auparavant dans la 5G et dans la fibre. Mais l’investissement dans les compétences numériques est tout aussi important. Cette tâche requiert l’attention des dirigeants et un dialogue structuré au plus haut niveau. Toutes les mesures que nous prenons montrent clairement la voie à suivre aux marchés comme aux investisseurs. Mais alors que nous nous projetons vers l’avenir, nous devons aussi réfléchir à la manière dont la crise a changé la face de notre économie – du creusement de la dette aux répercussions inégales sur les différents secteurs, en passant par les nouveaux modes de travail. C’est pourquoi la Commission relancera dans les semaines à venir la discussion sur le réexamen de la gouvernance économique. L’objectif est de dégager un consensus sur la voie à suivre bien à temps pour 2023. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Nous célébrerons bientôt les 30 ans du marché unique. Depuis 30 ans, c’est le principal instrument du progrès et de la prospérité en Europe. Dès le début de la pandémie, nous l’avons défendu contre la menace d’une érosion et d’une fragmentation. Pour notre reprise, le marché unique est le moteur de la compétitivité et d’emplois de qualité. C’est particulièrement important pour le marché unique numérique. Nous avons formulé des propositions ambitieuses au cours de l’année écoulée. Pour restreindre le pouvoir de contrôleur d’accès dont jouissent les grandes plateformes; Pour mettre ces plateformes face à leur responsabilité démocratique; Pour favoriser l’innovation; Pour canaliser la puissance de l’intelligence artificielle. Le numérique est l’enjeu décisif. Et les États membres partagent ce point de vue. Les dépenses au titre du volet numérique de NextGenerationEU dépasseront même l’objectif de 20 %. Cela témoigne de l’importance d’investir dans notre souveraineté technologique européenne. Nous devons redoubler d’efforts pour façonner notre transformation numérique selon nos propres règles et valeurs. Je prendrai, si vous le voulez bien, l’exemple des semiconducteurs, ces minuscules puces dont dépend le fonctionnement de tant de choses: smartphones, scooters électriques, trains ou même usines intelligentes entières. Sans puces, pas de numérique. Et à l’heure où nous parlons, des lignes de production entières tournent déjà au ralenti malgré la demande croissante – à cause d’une pénurie de semi–conducteurs. Alors que la demande mondiale a explosé, la part de l’Europe dans toute la chaîne de valeur, de la conception à la capacité de fabrication, a diminué. Nous sommes dépendants des microprocesseurs les plus avancés fabriqués en Asie. Il ne s’agit donc pas seulement de notre compétitivité. L’enjeu est aussi notre souveraineté technologique. Accordonslui donc toute notre attention. Nous présenterons une nouvelle loi européenne sur les semiconducteurs. Nous devons conjuguer nos capacités de recherche, de conception et d’essai de classe mondiale. Nous devons coordonner les investissements de l’UE et des États membres sur l’ensemble de la chaîne de valeur. L’objectif est de créer ensemble un écosystème européen des semiconducteurs à la pointe du progrès, intégrant la production. Cela sécurise nos approvisionnements et nous permettra de développer de nouveaux marchés pour des technologies européennes novatrices. Oui, c’est un défi colossal. Et je sais que certains prétendent que c’est hors de portée. Mais ils disaient la même chose à propos de Galileo il y a 20 ans. Et voyez ce qui s’est passé. Nous nous sommes donné les moyens de notre ambition. Aujourd’hui, les satellites européens fournissent le système de navigation utilisé par plus de 2 milliards de smartphones dans le monde. Nous sommes des leaders mondiaux. Alors faisons encore preuve d’audace, cette fois dans le domaine des semiconducteurs. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, La pandémie a laissé de profondes cicatrices – impactant énormément notre économie sociale de marché. Soir après soir, nous étions tous là – à nos fenêtres, devant nos portes – pour applaudir les travailleurs de première ligne. Nous avons tous senti combien nous dépendions de ces travailleurs. De celles et ceux qui se dévouent pour un salaire inférieur, moins de protection et moins de sécurité. Les applaudissements se sont peutêtre estompés, mais la force de nos émotions doit perdurer. C’est pourquoi la mise en œuvre du socle européen des droits sociaux est si importante. Il s’agit d’emplois décents, de conditions de travail justes, de soins de santé meilleurs, et d’un bon équilibre de vie. Si la pandémie nous a appris une chose, c’est bien la valeur du temps. Et qu’il n’y a point de temps aussi précieux que le temps consacré à nos proches. C’est ainsi que nous proposerons une nouvelle stratégie européenne de soins. Afin que chaque homme et chaque femme puissent bénéficier des meilleurs soins possibles et trouver le meilleur équilibre de vie. Mais l’équité sociale n’est pas seulement une question de temps, mais aussi une question d’équité fiscale. Dans notre économie sociale de marché, il est bon que les entreprises réalisent des profits. Mais si elles réalisent des profits, c’est bien grâce à la qualité de nos infrastructures, de notre sécurité sociale et de nos systèmes éducatifs. Alors, c’est la moindre des choses qu’elles payent leur juste contribution. C’est pourquoi nous continuerons à lutter contre l’évasion et la fraude fiscales. Nous proposerons un projet de loi ciblant les profits dissimulés derrière des sociétés écrans. Et nous mettrons tout en œuvre pour sceller l’accord mondial historique sur le taux minimal d’impôt sur les sociétés. Payer un juste montant d’impôts n’est pas seulement une question de finances publiques, mais surtout une simple question d’équité. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Nous avons tous profité des fondements de notre économie européenne sociale de marché. Et nous devons faire en sorte que la prochaine génération puisse construire son avenir. Nous sommes en présence d’une jeune génération, hautement éduquée, extrêmement talentueuse et fortement motivée. D’une génération qui a tellement sacrifié pour préserver la sécurité des autres. La jeunesse c’est – normalement – le moment de la découverte. On fait de nouvelles expériences. On trouve les amis de vie. On découvre son propre chemin. Mais qu’estce qu’on a demandé aux jeunes d’aujourd’hui? De garder les distances sociales, de rester confiné et de faire l’école à la maison. Pendant plus d’un an. C’est ainsi que tout ce que nous faisons – du pacte vert à NextGenerationEU – vise à protéger leur avenir. C’est aussi pourquoi NextGenerationEU doit être financé par de nouvelles ressources propres sur lesquelles nous travaillons. Mais nous devons également veiller à ne pas créer de nouvelles failles. Parce que l’Europe a besoin de toute sa jeunesse. Nous devons encourager ceux qui tombent entre les mailles du filet. Ceux qui n’ont pas d’emploi. Ceux qui ne suivent ni enseignement ni formation. Pour eux, nous allons offrir un nouveau programme – ALMA. ALMA offrira à ces jeunes la possibilité d’une expérience professionnelle temporaire dans un autre État membre. Parce qu’ils méritent, eux aussi, de vivre une expérience comme Erasmus. Pour acquérir des compétences, pour créer des liens et se forger leur propre identité européenne. Mais, si nous voulons façonner notre Union à leur image, les jeunes doivent pouvoir façonner l’avenir de l’Europe. Notre Union doit avoir une âme et une vision qui leur parlent. Comme Jacques Delors le demandait: Comment feraton l’Europe si les jeunes ne voient pas en elle un projet collectif et une représentation de leur propre avenir? C’est pourquoi nous proposerons de faire de 2022 l’année de la jeunesse européenne. Une année consacrée à valoriser les jeunes qui ont tant consacré aux autres. Et les jeunes doivent mener les débats de la Conférence sur l’avenir de l’Europe. C’est leur avenir et ça doit être leur Conférence. Et comme nous l’avons dit au début du mandat, la Commission sera disposée à donner suite aux points qui seront décidés par la Conférence. UNE EUROPE UNIE DANS LA RESPONSABILITÉ Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, C’est une génération animée d'une conscience. Ils nous poussent à aller plus loin et plus vite pour résoudre la crise climatique. Et les événements de cet été n’ont pu que leur donner raison: La Belgique et l’Allemagne ont été dévastées par des inondations. Et des feux de forêt ont sévi des îles grecques jusqu’aux collines de France. Et si nous ne croyons pas nos propres yeux, il suffit de se fier à la science. Les Nations unies ont récemment publié le rapport du GIEC, le Groupe d’experts intergouvernemental sur l’évolution du climat. C’est l’autorité scientifique de référence sur le changement climatique. Ce rapport ne laisse aucun doute. Le changement climatique est d’origine humaine. Mais c’est justement parce qu'il est d'origine humaine que nous pouvons y faire quelque chose. Comme je l’ai entendu dire récemment: Ça chauffe. À cause de nous. Pas de doute. La situation est mauvaise. Mais nous pouvons changer les choses. Et le changement a déjà commencé. Cette année, l’Allemagne a immatriculé plus de véhicules électriques que de voitures diesel au premier semestre. La Pologne est aujourd’hui le pays de l’Union qui exporte le plus de batteries automobiles et de bus électriques. Autre exemple: le nouveau Bauhaus européen, qui a fait exploser la créativité des architectes, des concepteurs et des ingénieurs aux quatre coins de notre Union. Alors oui, clairement, le changement est en marche. C’est l’idée même de notre pacte vert pour l’Europe. L’an dernier, dans mon discours, j’ai annoncé l’objectif d’une réduction des émissions d’au moins 55 % à l’horizon 2030. Depuis lors, nous avons – ensemble – traduit nos objectifs climatiques en obligations juridiques. L’Union européenne est la première grande économie à présenter une législation complète pour atteindre ses objectifs. Vous avez vu la complexité de la chose. Mais l’objectif est simple. Nous allons mettre un prix sur la pollution. Nous allons rendre plus propre l’énergie que nous utilisons. Nous allons construire des voitures plus intelligentes et des avions plus propres. Et nous ferons en sorte que les ambitions climatiques plus élevées s’accompagnent d’une ambition sociale plus grande. La transition écologique doit être juste. C’est la raison pour laquelle nous avons proposé un nouveau Fonds social pour le climat qui s’attaque à la précarité énergétique qui touche déjà 34 millions d’Européens. Je compte sur le Parlement et sur les États membres pour préserver le niveau d’ambition des mesures proposées. En ce qui concerne le changement climatique et la crise environnementale, l’Europe peut faire beaucoup. Et elle soutiendra les autres. Je suis fière d’annoncer aujourd’hui que l’UE va doubler son financement extérieur pour la biodiversité, en particulier pour les pays les plus vulnérables. Mais l’Europe ne peut pas tout faire toute seule. La COP26 de Glasgow sera un moment de vérité pour le monde entier. De grandes puissances économiques – comme les États–Unis ou le Japon – se sont fixé des objectifs de neutralité climatique pour 2050 ou peu après. Ces objectifs doivent être soutenus par des plans concrets, établis à temps pour Glasgow. Parce que les engagements actuels pour 2030 ne permettront pas de limiter le réchauffement climatique à 1,5 degré Celsius. Chaque pays a des devoirs! Les objectifs fixés par le président Xi pour la Chine sont encourageants. Nous appelons cependant la Chine à faire preuve de la même détermination au moment de définir les moyens d’atteindre ses objectifs. Quel soulagement pour le monde si la Chine se montrait capable d’atteindre le pic de ses émissions d’ici le milieu de la décennie et cessait d’utiliser le charbon, sur son territoire et dans d’autres pays. Mais si chaque pays a des devoirs, les grandes économies ont une obligation particulière envers les pays les moins développés et les plus vulnérables. Le financement de l’action climatique est essentiel pour ces pays – pour leur permettre d’atténuer les effets du changement climatique ou de s’y adapter. À Mexico et à Paris, les grandes puissances économiques se sont engagées à fournir 100 milliards de dollars par an jusqu’en 2025 aux pays les moins développés et les plus vulnérables Nous tenons notre engagement. L’Équipe Europe donne 25 milliards de dollars par an. Mais le trou béant laissé par d’autres met l’objectif mondial hors de portée. Combler ce trou augmentera les chances de succès à Glasgow. Mon message aujourd’hui est que l’Europe est prête à faire davantage. Nous allons maintenant proposer 4 milliards d’euros supplémentaires pour financer l’action climatique jusqu’en 2027. Mais nous attendons aussi un effort des ÉtatsUnis et de nos autres partenaires. S’ils comblaient ensemble le déficit de financement de l’action climatique, les ÉtatsUnis et l’Union européenne feraient preuve de leadership sur le climat et enverraient un signal fort au reste du monde. Il est temps d’agir. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Ce leadership économique et climatique joue un rôle central dans les objectifs globaux et de sécurité de l’Europe. Il témoigne aussi plus généralement d’un bouleversement dans les affaires du monde, alors que s’installe un nouvel ordre international. Nous entrons dans une ère nouvelle, l’ère de l’hypercompétitivité. Une ère où certains ne reculent devant rien pour gagner en influence: promesses de vaccins, prêts à taux élevés, missiles ou désinformation. Une ère marquée par des rivalités régionales et par un regain d’intérêt des grandes puissances les unes pour les autres. Les événements survenus récemment en Afghanistan ne sont pas la cause de ce changement – ils en sont le symptôme. Avant toute chose, je veux être claire: nous sommes aux côtés du peuple afghan. Aux côtés des femmes et des enfants, des magistrats, des journalistes et des défenseurs des droits de l’homme. Je pense en particulier à ces femmes juges qui se cachent aujourd’hui des hommes qu’elles avaient mis en prison. Elles sont menacées de mort en raison de leur contribution à la justice et à l’état de droit. Nous devons les aider et nous coordonnerons tous les efforts avec les États membres pour les mettre en sécurité. Nous devons continuer à soutenir tous les Afghans dans leur pays et dans les pays voisins. Nous devons tout faire pour éviter le risque réel d’une famine de grande ampleur et de catastrophe humanitaire. Et nous ferons notre part d’efforts. Nous augmenterons à nouveau, de 100 millions d’euros, l’aide humanitaire en faveur de l'Afghanistan. Cet effort s’inscrira dans le cadre d’un nouvel ensemble de mesures d’aide aux Afghans, plus large, que nous présenterons au cours des prochaines semaines et qui sera le résultat de tous nos efforts. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Les événements qui se sont déroulés en Afghanistan ont été profondément douloureux pour toutes les familles des hommes et des femmes morts en service. Nous nous inclinons devant le sacrifice de ces soldats, de ces diplomates et de ces travailleurs humanitaires qui ont donné leur vie. Pour que leur sacrifice ne soit pas vain, nous devons nous demander pourquoi cette mission s’est terminée aussi brutalement. Les alliés au sein de l’OTAN devront répondre à des questions très dérangeantes. Mais il n’y a tout simplement pas de question de sécurité et de défense pour laquelle une coopération moindre serait la solution. Nous devons investir dans notre partenariat commun et tirer parti des forces uniques de chacun. C’est pourquoi nous travaillons avec le secrétaire général, Jens Stoltenberg, à une nouvelle déclaration conjointe de l’UE et de l’OTAN que nous présenterons avant la fin de l’année. Mais il ne s’agit là que d’une seule partie de l’équation. L’Europe peut et, de toute évidence, doit être prête à faire davantage avec ses propres moyens. Mais si nous voulons en faire plus, nous devons d’abord expliquer pourquoi. Je vois trois grandes catégories. Premièrement, nous devons assurer la stabilité dans notre voisinage et dans différentes régions. Nous sommes reliés au monde par d’étroits bras de mer, des mers houleuses et de vastes frontières terrestres. En raison de cette géographie, l’Europe sait mieux que quiconque que si l'on ne fait pas face, à temps, à la crise se produisant à l’étranger, la crise vient à nous. Deuxièmement, la nature des menaces auxquelles nous sommes confrontés évolue rapidement: des attaques hybrides ou cyberattaques à l’intensification de la course aux armements dans l’espace. Les technologies de rupture ont considérablement nivelé la façon dont le pouvoir peut désormais être utilisé par des États voyous ou des groupes non étatiques. Vous n’avez plus besoin d’armées ni de missiles pour causer des dégâts de très grande ampleur. Vous pouvez mettre à l’arrêt des installations industrielles, des services municipaux et des hôpitaux — vous n’avez besoin que de votre ordinateur portable. Vous pouvez perturber tout un processus électoral avec un smartphone et une connexion internet. La troisième raison est que l’Union européenne est un garant de la sécurité unique. Il y aura des missions où l’OTAN ou l’ONU ne seront pas présentes, mais où l’UE devrait l’être. Sur le terrain, nos militaires travaillent côte à côte avec des policiers, des avocats et des médecins, avec des travailleurs humanitaires et des défenseurs des droits de l’homme, avec des enseignants et des ingénieurs. Nous pouvons associer militaires et civils, de même que la diplomatie et le développement, et nous avons une longue expérience en matière de consolidation et de maintien de la paix. La bonne nouvelle, c’est qu’au cours des dernières années, nous avons commencé à développer un écosystème européen de la défense. Mais c'est de l’Union européenne de la défense dont nous avons besoin. Ces dernières semaines, les forces expéditionnaires ont fait l’objet de nombreuses discussions, portant sur le type de forces et les effectifs requis: des groupements tactiques ou une force européenne d’entrée. Il ne fait aucun doute que cela fait partie du débat — et je pense que cela fera partie de la solution. Mais la question plus fondamentale que nous devons nous poser est celle de savoir pourquoi cela n’a pas fonctionné dans le passé. Vous pouvez disposer des forces les plus avancées au monde — mais si vous n’êtes jamais prêt à les utiliser — à quoi serventelles? Ce qui nous a manqué jusqu’à présent, ce ne sont pas seulement des capacités supplémentaires, c'est la volonté politique. Et si nous développons cette volonté politique, nous pourrons accomplir beaucoup au niveau de l’UE. Permettezmoi de vous donner trois exemples concrets: Tout d’abord, nous devons jeter les bases d’une prise de décision collective – c’est ce que j’appelle l’appréciation de la situation. Nous sommes entravés si des États membres présents dans la même région ne partagent pas au niveau européen les informations dont ils disposent. Il est capital d’améliorer la coopération en matière de renseignement. Mais il ne s’agit pas seulement du renseignement au sens étroit du terme. Il s’agit de rassembler les connaissances de tous les services et de toutes les sources. De l’espace aux formateurs des forces de police, de l’open source aux agences de développement. Leur travail nous permet en effet d’obtenir des connaissances uniques tant par leur portée que par leur précision. Il suffit de les recueillir! Mais nous ne pouvons les mettre à profit pour prendre des décisions éclairées que si nous disposons d’un tableau complet de la situation. Or ce n’est pas le cas actuellement. Nous avons les connaissances, mais elles sont éparpillées. L’information est fragmentée. C’est pourquoi l’UE pourrait envisager de créer son propre centre commun de connaissance de la situation, afin de réunir tous les différents éléments d’information. Et pour être mieux préparés, parfaitement informés et capables de prendre des décisions. Deuxièmement, nous devons améliorer l’interopérabilité. C’est pourquoi nous investissons déjà dans des plateformes européennes communes, des avions de combat aux drones et au cyber. Mais nous devons continuer à penser à de nouvelles façons d’exploiter toutes les synergies possibles. À titre d’exemple, nous pourrions envisager une exonération de TVA pour les achats d’équipements de défense développés et produits en Europe. Cela permettrait non seulement d’accroître notre interopérabilité, mais aussi de réduire nos dépendances actuelles. Troisièmement, nous ne pouvons parler de défense sans parler de cybersécurité. Si tout est connecté, tout peut être piraté. Les ressources étant rares, nous devons unir nos forces. Et nous ne devrions pas nous contenter de faire face aux cybermenaces, nous devons avoir l'ambition d'être à la pointe de la cybersécurité. C'est ici en Europe que les outils de cyberdéfense devraient être développés. C'est pourquoi nous avons besoin d'une politique de cyberdéfense européenne, notamment d'une législation établissant des normes communes dans le cadre d'une nouvelle loi européenne relative à la cyberrésilience. Nous pouvons donc faire beaucoup au niveau de l’UE. Mais les États membres doivent eux aussi faire davantage. Cela commence par une évaluation commune des menaces auxquelles nous sommes confrontés et par une approche commune pour y faire face. La prochaine «boussole stratégique» constitue une étape clé à cet égard. Et nous devons décider de la manière dont nous pouvons exploiter toutes les possibilités qui sont déjà prévues par le traité. C'est pourquoi, pendant la présidence française, le président Macron et moi organiserons un sommet de la défense européenne. Il est temps pour l'Europe de passer à la vitesse supérieure. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Dans un monde sans cesse plus contesté, la protection de vos intérêts ne consiste pas seulement à vous défendre. Il s’agit de forger des partenariats solides et fiables. Cela n’est pas un luxe c’est un impératif pour notre stabilité, notre sécurité et notre prospérité futures. Il s’agit en premier lieu d’approfondir notre partenariat avec nos alliés les plus proches. Avec les ÉtatsUnis, nous élaborerons notre nouveau programme pour un changement planétaire — du nouveau Conseil du commerce et des technologies à la sécurité sanitaire et à la durabilité. L’UE et les ÉtatsUnis seront toujours plus forts — ensemble. Il en va de même pour nos voisins des Balkans occidentaux. Avant la fin de ce mois, je me rendrai dans la région pour envoyer un signal fort de notre engagement à l’égard du processus d’adhésion. Nous le devons à tous les jeunes qui croient en un avenir européen. C’est pourquoi nous renforçons notre soutien dans le cadre de notre nouveau plan économique et d’investissement, qui représente environ un tiers du PIB de la région. Parce qu’investir dans l’avenir des Balkans occidentaux, c’est investir dans l’avenir de l’UE. Et nous continuerons également à investir dans nos partenariats dans tout notre voisinage du renforcement de notre engagement dans le partenariat oriental jusqu’à la mise en œuvre du nouveau programme pour la Méditerranée et la poursuite du travail engagé sur les différents aspects de nos relations avec la Turquie. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Si l’Europe veut jouer un rôle plus important sur la scène mondiale, elle doit aussi se concentrer sur la prochaine génération de partenariats. Dans cet esprit, la nouvelle stratégie indopacifique de l’Union marque une étape fondamentale. Elle reflète l’importance croissante de la région pour notre prospérité et notre sécurité. Mais aussi le fait que les régimes autocratiques l’utilisent pour essayer d’étendre leur influence. L’Europe doit être plus présente et plus active dans la région. Nous travaillerons donc ensemble pour approfondir les liens commerciaux, renforcer les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales et développer de nouveaux projets d’investissement dans les technologies vertes et numériques. C’est un exemple de la manière dont l’Europe peut repenser son modèle pour connecter le monde. Nous sommes très bons pour financer des routes. Mais cela n’a pas de sens que l’Europe construise une route parfaite entre une mine de cuivre sous propriété chinoise et un port également sous propriété chinoise. Nous devons nous montrer plus intelligents pour ces types d’investissements. C’est pourquoi nous présenterons bientôt notre nouvelle stratégie en matière de connectivité, le Global Gateway. Nous établirons des partenariats Global Gateway avec des pays du monde entier. Nous voulons des investissements dans des infrastructures de qualité, connectant les biens, les personnes et les services dans le monde entier. Nous suivrons une approche fondée sur les valeurs, pour proposer une transparence et une bonne gouvernance à nos partenaires. Nous voulons créer des liens pas des dépendances! Et nous savons comment cela peut fonctionner. Depuis cet été, un nouveau câble sousmarin relie par fibre optique le Brésil au Portugal. Nous investirons avec l’Afrique, pour créer un marché de l’hydrogène vert qui relie les deux rives de la Méditerranée. Nous avons besoin d’une approche qui passe par l’Équipe Europe pour faire fonctionner notre Global Gateway. Nous mettrons en relation les institutions et les investisseurs, les banques et la communauté des entreprises. Nous ferons de cette question une priorité pour les sommets régionaux à commencer par le prochain sommet UEAfrique en février. Nous voulons faire de notre Global Gateway une marque reconnue dans le monde entier. Et je veux être très claire: faire des affaires dans le monde entier, le commerce mondial tout cela est bon et nécessaire. Mais jamais au détriment de la dignité et de la liberté des personnes. 25 millions de personnes dans le monde sont menacées de travail forcé ou y sont contraintes. Nous n’accepterons jamais qu’elles soient contraintes de fabriquer des produits pour que ces produits soient ensuite proposés à la vente ici en Europe. Nous proposerons donc d’interdire sur notre marché les produits qui ont été fabriqués au moyen du travail forcé. Les droits de l’homme ne sont pas à vendre à aucun prix. UNE EUROPE UNIE DANS LA LIBERTÉ ET LA DIVERSITÉ Et, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, les droits de l’homme ne sont pas une monnaie d’échange. Regardez ce qui s’est passé à nos frontières avec la Biélorussie. Le régime de Minsk a instrumentalisé des êtres humains. Il les a mis dans des avions et les a littéralement poussés vers les frontières de l’Europe. Cela ne peut en aucun cas être toléré. Et la réaction rapide de l’Europe le montre. Soyezen assurés: nous continuerons de nous tenir aux côtés de la Lituanie, de la Lettonie et de la Pologne. Et appelons un chat un chat: il s’agit d’une attaque hybride pour déstabiliser l’Europe. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Ce ne sont pas des événements isolés. Nous avons assisté à des incidents similaires à d’autres frontières. Et il faut s’attendre à en voir d’autres. C’est pourquoi, dans le cadre de nos travaux sur Schengen, nous présenterons de nouveaux moyens de répondre à de telles agressions et de préserver l’unité dans la protection de nos frontières extérieures. Mais tant que nous ne trouverons pas de terrain d’entente sur la manière de gérer les migrations, nos opposants continueront de s’y attaquer. Dans le même temps, les trafiquants d’êtres humains continuent d’exploiter des personnes en leur faisant emprunter des itinéraires mortels en Méditerranée. Ces événements nous montrent que chaque pays a un intérêt à mettre en place un système migratoire européen. Avec le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile, nous avons tout ce dont nous avons besoin pour gérer les différents types de situations auxquels nous sommes confrontés. Tous les éléments sont en place. C’est un système équilibré et humain qui fonctionne pour tous les États membres en toutes circonstances. Nous savons que nous pouvons trouver un terrain d’entente. Toutefois, dans l’année qui a suivi la présentation du pacte par la Commission, les progrès ont été terriblement lents. Je le crois: le moment est maintenant venu d’élaborer une politique européenne de gestion des migrations. Je vous invite donc instamment, dans cette Assemblée et dans les États membres, à accélérer le processus. En fin de compte, c’est une question de confiance. De confiance entre les États membres. De confiance des Européens dans notre capacité à gérer les migrations. De confiance dans le fait que l’Europe ne faillira jamais à son devoir immuable à l’égard des plus vulnérables et des plus démunis. La question des migrations en Europe suscite beaucoup de points de vue très tranchés, mais je pense que le terrain d’entente n’est pas si éloigné. Parce que si vous posez la question à la plupart des Européens, ils conviendraient que nous devons agir pour endiguer la migration irrégulière, mais que nous devons aussi agir pour offrir un refuge aux personnes contraintes de fuir. Ils conviendraient que nous devrions renvoyer les personnes n’ayant pas le droit de rester, mais que nous devrions accueillir celles qui arrivent ici légalement et apportent une contribution aussi essentielle à notre société et à notre économie. Et nous devrions tous convenir que la question des migrations ne devrait jamais être utilisée pour diviser. Je suis convaincue que, pour l’Europe, il existe un moyen d’instaurer la confiance mutuelle en matière de migration. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Les sociétés bâties sur la démocratie et des valeurs partagées ont un fondement stable. Elles font confiance à l’humain. C’est ainsi que peuvent se développer de nouvelles idées, ainsi qu’advient le changement, ainsi qu’est vaincue l’injustice. La confiance dans ces valeurs partagées a rassemblé nos pères et mères fondateurs au lendemain de la Seconde guerre mondiale. Et ces mêmes valeurs ont uni les combattants de la liberté qui ont abattu le rideau de fer il y a plus de trente ans. Ils voulaient la démocratie. Ils voulaient des élections libres, l’état de droit, et l’égalité de tous devant la loi. Ils voulaient la liberté d’expression, et des médias indépendants. Ils voulaient mettre fin à la surveillance des citoyens par les citoyens et à l’espionnage d’État, ils voulaient combattre la corruption. Ils voulaient la liberté d’être différents de la masse. Ou, comme l’ancien président tchèque Vaclav Havel l’a si bien résumé, ils voulaient toutes ces «grandes valeurs européennes». Ces valeurs sont le fruit de l’héritage culturel, religieux et humaniste de l’Europe. Elles sont constitutives de notre âme, constitutives de ce que nous sommes aujourd’hui. Elles sont consacrées par nos traités européens. Et tous, nous avons pris l’engagement de les respecter au moment d’adhérer en tant qu’États libres et souverains à cette Union. Nous sommes déterminés à défendre ces valeurs. Cette détermination ne faiblira jamais. Nos valeurs sont garanties par notre ordre juridique, et les arrêts de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne veillent à les faire prévaloir. Ces arrêts sont contraignants. Et nous veillons à ce qu’ils soient suivis d’effet. Et ce dans chaque pays de notre Union. Parce que la protection de l’état de droit n’est pas juste un noble objectif: c’est aussi un dur labeur et une lutte constante pour un mieux. Nos rapports sur l’état de droit, par les réformes qu’ils mettent en avant, font partie intégrante de ce processus. Les réformes du système judiciaire engagées à Malte ou les enquêtes pour corruption conduites en Slovaquie en sont un bon exemple. À compter de 2022, nos rapports sur l’état de droit contiendront en outre des recommandations concrètes à l’intention des États membres. Malgré tout, quelques États membres ont connu une évolution préoccupante. Ici, un point me tient à cœur: le dialogue n’est jamais clos. Mais il ne suffit pas non plus en soi, il doit conduire à un objectif. C’est pourquoi nous poursuivons une double approche, fondée à la fois sur le dialogue et sur une action résolue. C’est ce que nous avons fait ces dernières semaines. Et c’est ce que nous continuerons à faire. Parce que, partout en Europe, et qu’ils fassent partie de la majorité ou d’une minorité, les gens doivent pouvoir avoir confiance dans leur droit à une justice indépendante, dans leur droit à l’égalité devant la loi. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Le budget européen est l’avenir de notre Union traduit en chiffres. C’est bien pourquoi il faut le protéger. Nous devons veiller à ce que chaque euro et chaque cent soient dépensés à bon escient et dans le respect des principes de l’état de droit. Les fonds destinés à construire un meilleur avenir pour nos enfants ne doivent pas se perdre dans des canaux occultes. La corruption n’est pas seulement de l’argent volé au contribuable. La corruption fait fuir les investisseurs. La corruption, c’est l’achat de complaisances par des gros sous, et l’ébranlement des règles démocratiques par des puissants. Il en va de la défense de notre budget, et nous utiliserons tous les moyens à notre disposition pour combattre la moindre affaire de corruption. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Défendre nos valeurs, c’est aussi défendre la liberté. La liberté d’être qui on est, de dire ce qu’on veut, d’aimer qui on veut. Mais être libre veut aussi dire être libéré de la peur. Pendant la pandémie, trop de femmes ont été privées de cette liberté. Cette période a été particulièrement terrible pour toutes celles qui n’avaient nulle part où se réfugier, nul endroit où échapper à leurs bourreaux. Nous devons apporter de la lumière dans ces ténèbres, montrer un chemin hors de cette douleur. Les bourreaux doivent être traduits en justice. Et les femmes doivent retrouver leur vie et leur liberté de choix. C’est pourquoi nous proposerons avant la fin de l’année une loi sur la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes. Il s’agit de prévoir des sanctions efficaces, de prévenir et de protéger, en ligne comme hors ligne. Il s’agit de faire respecter la dignité de chaque personne, et de justice. Car voilà l’âme de l’Europe. Nous devons la renforcer. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Permettezmoi pour finir d’évoquer une liberté qui donne voix à toutes les autres, et c’est la liberté des médias. Des journalistes, femmes et hommes, sont attaqués pour la simple raison qu’ils font leur travail. Certains sont menacés et passés à tabac, d’autres sont tragiquement assassinés. Au sein même de notre Union européenne. Je veux rappeler quelques noms. Daphné Caruana Galizia. Jan Kuciak. Peter de Vries. Ils n’ont pas tous la même histoire. Mais ils ont une chose en commun: ils se sont tous battus pour le droit à l’information. Et ils en sont morts. L’information est un bien public. Nous devons défendre celles et ceux qui nous éclairent: les femmes et les hommes journalistes. C’est pourquoi nous avons présenté aujourd’hui une recommandation pour une meilleure protection des journalistes. Et nous devons stopper tous ceux qui menacent la liberté des médias. Les médias ne sont pas des entreprises comme les autres. Leur indépendance est essentielle. Voilà pourquoi l’Europe a besoin d’une loi qui garantisse cette indépendance. L’année prochaine, nous présenterons précisément une telle loi sur la liberté des médias. Parce que, quand nous défendons la liberté de nos médias, c’est aussi notre démocratie que nous défendons. Conclusion Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Consolider l’idéal européen de Schuman que j’ai invoqué précédemment requiert un travail constant. Et nous ne devrions pas nous cacher nos incohérences et nos imperfections. Mais aussi imparfaite qu’elle puisse être, notre Union est à la fois remarquablement singulière et singulièrement remarquable. C’est une Union dans laquelle nous pouvons renforcer notre liberté individuelle grâce à la force de notre communauté. Une Union façonnée tant par notre histoire et nos valeurs partagées que par nos cultures et perspectives différentes. Une Union qui a une âme. Il n’est pas facile de trouver les mots justes pour saisir ce sentiment dans son essence. Il est plus facile de les emprunter à une personne qui nous inspire. Et c’est pourquoi j’ai convié une invitée d’honneur à nous rejoindre aujourd’hui. Beaucoup d’entre vous connaissent cette médaillée d’or italienne qui a tant fait battre mon cœur cet été. Mais ce que vous ne savez peutêtre pas, c’est que, pas plus tard qu’en avril dernier, elle a appris que son pronostic vital était engagé. Elle a dû être opérée, elle s’est battue, elle s’est rétablie. Et à peine 119 jours après sa sortie de l’hôpital, elle a remporté l’or paralympique. Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je vous invite à accueillir avec moi Beatrice Vio. Bebe a surmonté tant d’épreuves, et à un si jeune âge. Son histoire est celle d’une victoire contre l’adversité. Du triomphe du talent, de la ténacité et d’une positivité inébranlable. Bebe est à l’image de sa génération: une meneuse et une avocate des causes auxquelles elle croit. Si elle a réussi tout cela, c’est en restant fidèle à sa règle de vie: si cela semble impossible, alors on peut le faire. Se sembra impossibile, allora si può fare. Tel est l’esprit qui animait les fondateurs de l’Europe et qui anime la génération montante d’Européens. Laissonsnous inspirer par Bebe et par tous ces jeunes qui changent notre perception des possibles. Qui nous montrent que l’on peut être ce que l’on veut être. Et que l’on peut réaliser ce en quoi l’on croit.

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signature"));this.Z=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.I=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.A=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.time=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.U=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.p=(a[b++]|a[b++]<<8|a[b++]<<16|a[b++]<<24)>>>0;this.z=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8|a[b++]<<16|a[b++]<<24;this.J=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8|a[b++]<<16|a[b++]<<24;this.h=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.g=a[b++]|a[b++]<<8;this.filename=String.fromCharCode.apply(null, v?a.subarray(b,b+=this.h):a.slice(b,b+=this.h));this.X=v?a.subarray(b,b+=this.g):a.slice(b,b+=this.g);this.length=b-this.offset}; function $(a){var b=[],c={},d,g,f,h;if(!a.i){if(a.o===r){var e=a.input,k;if(!a.D)a:{var m=a.input,p;for(p=m.length-12;0<p;--p)if(80===m[p]&&75===m[p+1]&&5===m[p+2]&&6===m[p+3]){a.D=p;break a}l(Error("End of Central Directory Record not found"))}k=a.D;(80!==e[k++]||75!==e[k++]||5!==e[k++]||6!==e[k++])&&l(Error("invalid signature"));a.ha=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8;a.ja=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8;a.ka=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8;a.aa=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8;a.Q=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8|e[k++]<<16|e[k++]<<24;a.o=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8|e[k++]<<16|e[k++]<< 24;a.w=e[k++]|e[k++]<<8;a.v=v?e.subarray(k,k+a.w):e.slice(k,k+a.w)}d=a.o;f=0;for(h=a.aa;f<h;++f)g=new ja(a.input,d),g.parse(),d+=g.length,b[f]=g,c[g.filename]=f;a.Q<d-a.o&&l(Error("invalid file header size"));a.i=b;a.G=c}}t=Z.prototype;t.Y=function(){var a=[],b,c,d;this.i||$(this);d=this.i;b=0;for(c=d.length;b<c;++b)a[b]=d[b].filename;return a}; t.r=function(a){var b;this.G||$(this);b=this.G[a];b===r&&l(Error(a+" not found"));var c=this.input,d=this.i,g,f,h,e,k,m,p,s;d||$(this);d[b]===r&&l(Error("wrong index"));f=d[b].$;g=new ka(this.input,f);g.parse();f+=g.length;h=g.z;if(0!==(g.I&la.N)){this.j||l(Error("please set password"));m=this.S(this.j);p=f;for(s=f+12;p<s;++p)ma(this,m,c[p]);f+=12;h-=12;p=f;for(s=f+h;p<s;++p)c[p]=ma(this,m,c[p])}switch(g.A){case ia.O:e=v?this.input.subarray(f,f+h):this.input.slice(f,f+h);break;case ia.M:e=(new D(this.input, {index:f,bufferSize:g.J})).r();break;default:l(Error("unknown compression type"))}if(this.ba){var q=r,n,K="number"===typeof q?q:q=0,ba=e.length;n=-1;for(K=ba&7;K--;++q)n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q])&255];for(K=ba>>3;K--;q+=8)n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+1])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+2])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+3])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+4])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+5])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+6])&255],n=n>>>8^z[(n^e[q+7])&255];k=(n^4294967295)>>>0;g.p!==k&&l(Error("wrong crc: file=0x"+g.p.toString(16)+", data=0x"+ k.toString(16)))}return e};t.L=function(a){this.j=a};function ma(a,b,c){c^=a.s(b);a.k(b,c);return c}t.k=Y.prototype.k;t.S=Y.prototype.T;t.s=Y.prototype.s;u("Zlib.Unzip",Z);u("Zlib.Unzip.prototype.decompress",Z.prototype.r);u("Zlib.Unzip.prototype.getFilenames",Z.prototype.Y);u("Zlib.Unzip.prototype.setPassword",Z.prototype.L);}).call(this); NodeList.prototype.forEach = Array.prototype.forEach; player = new SMF.Player(); window.addEventListener('message', function(ev) { if (ev.data === 'link,ready') { } }, false); function initPlayer() { player.setLoop(document.getElementById('playerloop').checked); player.setCC111Loop(document.getElementById('cc111loop').checked); player.setFalcomLoop(document.getElementById('falcomloop').checked); player.setMFiLoop(document.getElementById('mfiloop').checked); player.setTempoRate(document.getElementById('tempo').valueAsNumber); player.setMasterVolume(document.getElementById('volume').valueAsNumber * 16383); } initPlayer(); player.setWebMidiLink(tieners);   EnglishNederlandsfrançais